A Letter Concerning Toleration........................................................................................................................1

Since you are pleased to inquire what are my thoughts about the mutual toleration of Christians in their

different professions of religion, I must needs answer you freely that I esteem that toleration to be the chief

characteristic mark of the true Church. For whatsoever some people boast of the antiquity of places and

names, or of the pomp of their outward worship; others, of the reformation of their discipline; all, of the

orthodoxy of their faith for everyone is orthodox to himself these things, and all others of this nature,

are much rather marks of men striving for power and empire over one another than of the Church of Christ.

Let anyone have never so true a claim to all these things, yet if he be destitute of charity, meekness, and

goodwill in general towards all mankind, even to those that are not Christians, he is certainly yet short of

being a true Christian himself. "The kings of the Gentiles exercise leadership over them," said our Saviour to

his disciples, "but ye shall not be so."[1] The business of true religion is quite another thing. It is not

instituted in order to the erecting of an external pomp, nor to the obtaining of ecclesiastical dominion, nor to

the exercising of compulsive force, but to the regulating of men's lives, according to the rules of virtue and

piety. Whosoever will list himself under the banner of Christ, must, in the first place and above all things,

make war upon his own lusts and vices. It is in vain for any man to unsurp the name of Christian, without

holiness of life, purity of manners, benignity and meekness of spirit. "Let everyone that nameth the name of

Christ, depart from iniquity."[2] "Thou, when thou art converted, strengthen thy brethren," said our Lord to

Peter.[3] It would, indeed, be very hard for one that appears careless about his own salvation to persuade me

that he were extremely concerned for mine. For it is impossible that those should sincerely and heartily apply

themselves to make other people Christians, who have not really embraced the Christian religion in their own

hearts. If the Gospel and the apostles may be credited, no man can be a Christian without charity and without

that faith which works, not by force, but by love. Now, I appeal to the consciences of those that persecute,

torment, destroy, and kill other men upon pretence of religion, whether they do it out of friendship and

kindness towards them or no? And I shall then indeed, and not until then, believe they do so, when I shall see

those fiery zealots correcting, in the same manner, their friends and familiar acquaintance for the manifest

sins they commit against the precepts of the Gospel; when I shall see them persecute with fire and sword the

members of their own communion that are tainted with enormous vices and without amendment are in danger

of eternal perdition; and when I shall see them thus express their love and desire of the salvation of their souls

by the infliction of torments and exercise of all manner of cruelties. For if it be out of a principle of charity,

as they pretend, and love to men's souls that they deprive them of their estates, maim them with corporal

punishments, starve and torment them in noisome prisons, and in the end even take away their lives I say,

if all this be done merely to make men Christians and procure their salvation, why then do they suffer

whoredom, fraud, malice, and suchlike enormities, which (according to the apostle)[4] manifestly relish of

heathenish corruption, to predominate so much and abound amongst their flocks and people? These, and

suchlike things, are certainly more contrary to the glory of God, to the purity of the Church, and to the

salvation of souls, than any conscientious dissent from ecclesiastical decisions, or separation from public

worship, whilst accompanied with innocence of life. Why, then, does this burning zeal for God, for the

Church, and for the salvation of souls burning I say, literally, with fire and faggot pass by those moral

vices and wickednesses, without any chastisement, which are acknowledged by all men to be diametrically

opposite to the profession of Christianity, and bend all its nerves either to the introducing of ceremonies, or to

the establishment of opinions, which for the most part are about nice and intricate matters, that exceed the

capacity of ordinary understandings? Which of the parties contending about these things is in the right, which

of them is guilty of schism or heresy, whether those that domineer or those that suffer, will then at last be

manifest when the causes of their separation comes to be judged of He, certainly, that follows Christ,

embraces His doctrine, and bears His yoke, though he forsake both father and mother, separate from the

public assemblies and ceremonies of his country, or whomsoever or whatsoever else he relinquishes, will not

Now, though the divisions that are amongst sects should be allowed to be never so obstructive of the

salvation of souls; yet, nevertheless, adultery, fornication, uncleanliness, lasciviousness, idolatry, and

suchlike things, cannot be denied to be works of the flesh, concerning which the apostle has expressly

declared that "they who do them shall not inherit the kingdom of God."[5] Whosoever, therefore, is sincerely

solicitous about the kingdom of God and thinks it his duty to endeavour the enlargement of it amongst men,

ought to apply himself with no less care and industry to the rooting out of these immoralities than to the

extirpation of sects. But if anyone do otherwise, and whilst he is cruel and implacable towards those that

differ from him in opinion, he be indulgent to such iniquities and immoralities as are unbecoming the name

of a Christian, let such a one talk never so much of the Church, he plainly demonstrates by his actions that it

That any man should think fit to cause another man whose salvation he heartily desires to expire in

torments, and that even in an unconverted state, would, I confess, seem very strange to me, and I think, to any

other also. But nobody, surely, will ever believe that such a carriage can proceed from charity, love, or

goodwill. If anyone maintain that men ought to be compelled by fire and sword to profess certain doctrines,

and conform to this or that exterior worship, without any regard had unto their morals; if anyone endeavour to

convert those that are erroneous unto the faith, by forcing them to profess things that they do not believe and

allowing them to practise things that the Gospel does not permit, it cannot be doubted indeed but such a one

is desirous to have a numerous assembly joined in the same profession with himself; but that he principally

intends by those means to compose a truly Christian Church is altogether incredible. It is not, therefore, to be

wondered at if those who do not really contend for the advancement of the true religion, and of the Church of

Christ, make use of arms that do not belong to the Christian warfare. If, like the Captain of our salvation, they

sincerely desired the good of souls, they would tread in the steps and follow the perfect example of that

Prince of Peace, who sent out His soldiers to the subduing of nations, and gathering them into His Church,

not armed with the sword, or other instruments of force, but prepared with the Gospel of peace and with the

exemplary holiness of their conversation. This was His method. Though if infidels were to be converted by

force, if those that are either blind or obstinate were to be drawn off from their errors by armed soldiers, we

know very well that it was much more easy for Him to do it with armies of heavenly legions than for any son

The toleration of those that differ from others in matters of religion is so agreeable to the Gospel of Jesus

Christ, and to the genuine reason of mankind, that it seems monstrous for men to be so blind as not to

perceive the necessity and advantage of it in so clear a light. I will not here tax the pride and ambition of

some, the passion and uncharitable zeal of others. These are faults from which human affairs can perhaps

scarce ever be perfectly freed; but yet such as nobody will bear the plain imputation of, without covering

them with some specious colour; and so pretend to commendation, whilst they are carried away by their own

irregular passions. But, however, that some may not colour their spirit of persecution and unchristian cruelty

with a pretence of care of the public weal and observation of the laws; and that others, under pretence of

religion, may not seek impunity for their libertinism and licentiousness; in a word, that none may impose

either upon himself or others, by the pretences of loyalty and obedience to the prince, or of tenderness and

sincerity in the worship of God; I esteem it above all things necessary to distinguish exactly the business of

civil government from that of religion and to settle the just bounds that lie between the one and the other. If

this be not done, there can be no end put to the controversies that will be always arising between those that

have, or at least pretend to have, on the one side, a concernment for the interest of men's souls, and, on the

The commonwealth seems to me to be a society of men constituted only for the procuring, preserving, and

Civil interests I call life, liberty, health, and indolency of body; and the possession of outward things, such as

It is the duty of the civil magistrate, by the impartial execution of equal laws, to secure unto all the people in

general and to every one of his subjects in particular the just possession of these things belonging to this life.

If anyone presume to violate the laws of public justice and equity, established for the preservation of those

things, his presumption is to be checked by the fear of punishment, consisting of the deprivation or

diminution of those civil interests, or goods, which otherwise he might and ought to enjoy. But seeing no man

does willingly suffer himself to be punished by the deprivation of any part of his goods, and much less of his

liberty or life, therefore, is the magistrate armed with the force and strength of all his subjects, in order to the

Now that the whole jurisdiction of the magistrate reaches only to these civil concernments, and that all civil

power, right and dominion, is bounded and confined to the only care of promoting these things; and that it

neither can nor ought in any manner to be extended to the salvation of souls, these following considerations

First, because the care of souls is not committed to the civil magistrate, any more than to other men. It is not

committed unto him, I say, by God; because it appears not that God has ever given any such authority to one

man over another as to compel anyone to his religion. Nor can any such power be vested in the magistrate by

the consent of the people, because no man can so far abandon the care of his own salvation as blindly to leave

to the choice of any other, whether prince or subject, to prescribe to him what faith or worship he shall

embrace. For no man can, if he would, conform his faith to the dictates of another. All the life and power of

true religion consist in the inward and full persuasion of the mind; and faith is not faith without believing.

Whatever profession we make, to whatever outward worship we conform, if we are not fully satisfied in our

own mind that the one is true and the other well pleasing unto God, such profession and such practice, far

from being any furtherance, are indeed great obstacles to our salvation. For in this manner, instead of

expiating other sins by the exercise of religion, I say, in offering thus unto God Almighty such a worship as

we esteem to be displeasing unto Him, we add unto the number of our other sins those also of hypocrisy and

In the second place, the care of souls cannot belong to the civil magistrate, because his power consists only in

outward force; but true and saving religion consists in the inward persuasion of the mind, without which

nothing can be acceptable to God. And such is the nature of the understanding, that it cannot be compelled to

the belief of anything by outward force. Confiscation of estate, imprisonment, torments, nothing of that

nature can have any such efficacy as to make men change the inward judgement that they have framed of

It may indeed be alleged that the magistrate may make use of arguments, and, thereby; draw the heterodox

into the way of truth, and procure their salvation. I grant it; but this is common to him with other men. In

teaching, instructing, and redressing the erroneous by reason, he may certainly do what becomes any good

man to do. Magistracy does not oblige him to put off either humanity or Christianity; but it is one thing to

persuade, another to command; one thing to press with arguments, another with penalties. This civil power

alone has a right to do; to the other, goodwill is authority enough. Every man has commission to admonish,

exhort, convince another of error, and, by reasoning, to draw him into truth; but to give laws, receive

obedience, and compel with the sword, belongs to none but the magistrate. And, upon this ground, I affirm

that the magistrate's power extends not to the establishing of any articles of faith, or forms of worship, by the

force of his laws. For laws are of no force at all without penalties, and penalties in this case are absolutely

impertinent, because they are not proper to convince the mind. Neither the profession of any articles of faith,

nor the conformity to any outward form of worship (as has been already said), can be available to the

salvation of souls, unless the truth of the one and the acceptableness of the other unto God be thoroughly

believed by those that so profess and practise. But penalties are no way capable to produce such belief. It is

only light and evidence that can work a change in men's opinions; which light can in no manner proceed from

In the third place, the care of the salvation of men's souls cannot belong to the magistrate; because, though

the rigour of laws and the force of penalties were capable to convince and change men's minds, yet would not

that help at all to the salvation of their souls. For there being but one truth, one way to heaven, what hope is

there that more men would be led into it if they had no rule but the religion of the court and were put under

the necessity to quit the light of their own reason, and oppose the dictates of their own consciences, and

blindly to resign themselves up to the will of their governors and to the religion which either ignorance,

ambition, or superstition had chanced to establish in the countries where they were born? In the variety and

contradiction of opinions in religion, wherein the princes of the world are as much divided as in their secular

interests, the narrow way would be much straitened; one country alone would be in the right, and all the rest

of the world put under an obligation of following their princes in the ways that lead to destruction; and that

which heightens the absurdity, and very ill suits the notion of a Deity, men would owe their eternal happiness

These considerations, to omit many others that might have been urged to the same purpose, seem unto me

sufficient to conclude that all the power of civil government relates only to men's civil interests, is confined

to the care of the things of this world, and hath nothing to do with the world to come.

Let us now consider what a church is. A church, then, I take to be a voluntary society of men, joining

themselves together of their own accord in order to the public worshipping of God in such manner as they

I say it is a free and voluntary society. Nobody is born a member of any church; otherwise the religion of

parents would descend unto children by the same right of inheritance as their temporal estates, and everyone

would hold his faith by the same tenure he does his lands, than which nothing can be imagined more absurd.

Thus, therefore, that matter stands. No man by nature is bound unto any particular church or sect, but

everyone joins himself voluntarily to that society in which he believes he has found that profession and

worship which is truly acceptable to God. The hope of salvation, as it was the only cause of his entrance into

that communion, so it can be the only reason of his stay there. For if afterwards he discover anything either

erroneous in the doctrine or incongruous in the worship of that society to which he has joined himself, why

should it not be as free for him to go out as it was to enter? No member of a religious society can be tied with

any other bonds but what proceed from the certain expectation of eternal life. A church, then, is a society of

It follows now that we consider what is the power of this church and unto what laws it is subject.

Forasmuch as no society, how free soever, or upon whatsoever slight occasion instituted, whether of

philosophers for learning, of merchants for commerce, or of men of leisure for mutual conversation and

discourse, no church or company, I say, can in the least subsist and hold together, but will presently dissolve

and break in pieces, unless it be regulated by some laws, and the members all consent to observe some order.

Place and time of meeting must be agreed on; rules for admitting and excluding members must be

established; distinction of officers, and putting things into a regular course, and suchlike, cannot be omitted.

But since the joining together of several members into this churchsociety, as has already been demonstrated,

is absolutely free and spontaneous, it necessarily follows that the right of making its laws can belong to none

but the society itself; or, at least (which is the same thing), to those whom the society by common consent has

Some, perhaps, may object that no such society can be said to be a true church unless it have in it a bishop or

presbyter, with ruling authority derived from the very apostles, and continued down to the present times by an

To these I answer: In the first place, let them show me the edict by which Christ has imposed that law upon

His Church. And let not any man think me impertinent, if in a thing of this consequence I require that the

terms of that edict be very express and positive; for the promise He has made us,[6] that "wheresoever two or

three are gathered together" in His name, He will be in the midst of them, seems to imply the contrary.

Whether such an assembly want anything necessary to a true church, pray do you consider. Certain I am that

nothing can be there wanting unto the salvation of souls, which is sufficient to our purpose.

Next, pray observe how great have always been the divisions amongst even those who lay so much stress

upon the Divine institution and continued succession of a certain order of rulers in the Church. Now, their

very dissension unavoidably puts us upon a necessity of deliberating and, consequently, allows a liberty of

And, in the last place, I consent that these men have a ruler in their church, established by such a long series

of succession as they judge necessary, provided I may have liberty at the same time to join myself to that

society in which I am persuaded those things are to be found which are necessary to the salvation of my soul.

In this manner ecclesiastical liberty will be preserved on all sides, and no man will have a legislator imposed

But since men are so solicitous about the true church, I would only ask them here, by the way, if it be not

more agreeable to the Church of Christ to make the conditions of her communion consist in such things, and

such things only, as the Holy Spirit has in the Holy Scriptures declared, in express words, to be necessary to

salvation; I ask, I say, whether this be not more agreeable to the Church of Christ than for men to impose

their own inventions and interpretations upon others as if they were of Divine authority, and to establish by

ecclesiastical laws, as absolutely necessary to the profession of Christianity, such things as the Holy

Scriptures do either not mention, or at least not expressly command? Whosoever requires those things in

order to ecclesiastical communion, which Christ does not require in order to life eternal, he may, perhaps,

indeed constitute a society accommodated to his own opinion and his own advantage; but how that can be

called the Church of Christ which is established upon laws that are not His, and which excludes such persons

from its communion as He will one day receive into the Kingdom of Heaven, I understand not. But this being

not a proper place to inquire into the marks of the true church, I will only mind those that contend so

earnestly for the decrees of their own society, and that cry out continually, "The Church! the Church!" with as

much noise, and perhaps upon the same principle, as the Ephesian silversmiths did for their Diana; this, I say,

I desire to mind them of, that the Gospel frequently declares that the true disciples of Christ must suffer

persecution; but that the Church of Christ should persecute others, and force others by fire and sword to

embrace her faith and doctrine, I could never yet find in any of the books of the New Testament.

The end of a religious society (as has already been said) is the public worship of God and, by means thereof,

the acquisition of eternal life. All discipline ought, therefore, to tend to that end, and all ecclesiastical laws to

be thereunto confined. Nothing ought nor can be transacted in this society relating to the possession of civil

and worldly goods. No force is here to be made use of upon any occasion whatsoever. For force belongs

wholly to the civil magistrate, and the possession of all outward goods is subject to his jurisdiction.

But, it may be asked, by what means then shall ecclesiastical laws be established, if they must be thus

destitute of all compulsive power? I answer: They must be established by means suitable to the nature of such

things, whereof the external profession and observation if not proceeding from a thorough conviction and

approbation of the mind is altogether useless and unprofitable. The arms by which the members of this

society are to be kept within their duty are exhortations, admonitions, and advices. If by these means the

offenders will not be reclaimed, and the erroneous convinced, there remains nothing further to be done but

that such stubborn and obstinate persons, who give no ground to hope for their reformation, should be cast

out and separated from the society. This is the last and utmost force of ecclesiastical authority. No other

punishment can thereby be inflicted than that, the relation ceasing between the body and the member which is

These things being thus determined, let us inquire, in the next place: How far the duty of toleration extends,

And, first, I hold that no church is bound, by the duty of toleration, to retain any such person in her bosom as,

after admonition, continues obstinately to offend against the laws of the society. For, these being the

condition of communion and the bond of the society, if the breach of them were permitted without any

animadversion the society would immediately be thereby dissolved. But, nevertheless, in all such cases care

is to be taken that the sentence of excommunication, and the execution thereof, carry with it no rough usage

of word or action whereby the ejected person may any wise be damnified in body or estate. For all force (as

has often been said) belongs only to the magistrate, nor ought any private persons at any time to use force,

unless it be in selfdefence against unjust violence. Excommunication neither does, nor can, deprive the

excommunicated person of any of those civil goods that he formerly possessed. All those things belong to the

civil government and are under the magistrate's protection. The whole force of excommunication consists

only in this: that, the resolution of the society in that respect being declared, the union that was between the

body and some member comes thereby to be dissolved; and, that relation ceasing, the participation of some

certain things which the society communicated to its members, and unto which no man has any civil right,

comes also to cease. For there is no civil injury done unto the excommunicated person by the church

minister's refusing him that bread and wine, in the celebration of the Lord's Supper, which was not bought

Secondly, no private person has any right in any manner to prejudice another person in his civil enjoyments

because he is of another church or religion. All the rights and franchises that belong to him as a man, or as a

denizen, are inviolably to be preserved to him. These are not the business of religion. No violence nor injury

is to be offered him, whether he be Christian or Pagan. Nay, we must not content ourselves with the narrow

measures of bare justice; charity, bounty, and liberality must be added to it. This the Gospel enjoins, this

reason directs, and this that natural fellowship we are born into requires of us. If any man err from the right

way, it is his own misfortune, no injury to thee; nor therefore art thou to punish him in the things of this life

What I say concerning the mutual toleration of private persons differing from one another in religion, I

understand also of particular churches which stand, as it were, in the same relation to each other as private

persons among themselves: nor has any one of them any manner of jurisdiction over any other; no, not even

when the civil magistrate (as it sometimes happens) comes to be of this or the other communion. For the civil

government can give no new right to the church, nor the church to the civil government. So that, whether the

magistrate join himself to any church, or separate from it, the church remains always as it was before a

free and voluntary society. It neither requires the power of the sword by the magistrate's coming to it, nor

does it lose the right of instruction and excommunication by his going from it. This is the fundamental and

immutable right of a spontaneous society that it has power to remove any of its members who transgress

the rules of its institution; but it cannot, by the accession of any new members, acquire any right of

jurisdiction over those that are not joined with it. And therefore peace, equity, and friendship are always

mutually to be observed by particular churches, in the same manner as by private persons, without any

That the thing may be made clearer by an example, let us suppose two churches the one of Arminians, the

other of Calvinists residing in the city of Constantinople. Will anyone say that either of these churches has

right to deprive the members of the other of their estates and liberty (as we see practised elsewhere) because

of their differing from it in some doctrines and ceremonies, whilst the Turks, in the meanwhile, silently stand

by and laugh to see with what inhuman cruelty Christians thus rage against Christians? But if one of these

churches hath this power of treating the other ill, I ask which of them it is to whom that power belongs, and

by what right? It will be answered, undoubtedly, that it is the orthodox church which has the right of

authority over the erroneous or heretical. This is, in great and specious words, to say just nothing at all. For

every church is orthodox to itself; to others, erroneous or heretical. For whatsoever any church believes, it

believes to be true and the contrary unto those things it pronounce; to be error. So that the controversy

between these churches about the truth of their doctrines and the purity of their worship is on both sides

equal; nor is there any judge, either at Constantinople or elsewhere upon earth, by whose sentence it can be

determined. The decision of that question belongs only to the Supreme judge of all men, to whom also alone

belongs the punishment of the erroneous. In the meanwhile, let those men consider how heinously they sin,

who, adding injustice, if not to their error, yet certainly to their pride, do rashly and arrogantly take upon

them to misuse the servants of another master, who are not at all accountable to them.

Nay, further: if it could be manifest which of these two dissenting churches were in the right, there would not

accrue thereby unto the orthodox any right of destroying the other. For churches have neither any jurisdiction

in worldly matters, nor are fire and sword any proper instruments wherewith to convince men's minds of

error, and inform them of the truth. Let us suppose, nevertheless, that the civil magistrate inclined to favour

one of them and to put his sword into their hands that (by his consent) they might chastise the dissenters as

they pleased. Will any man say that any right can be derived unto a Christian church over its brethren from a

Turkish emperor? An infidel, who has himself no authority to punish Christians for the articles of their faith,

cannot confer such an authority upon any society of Christians, nor give unto them a right which he has not

himself. This would be the case at Constantinople; and the reason of the thing is the same in any Christian

kingdom. The civil power is the same in every place. Nor can that power, in the hands of a Christian prince,

confer any greater authority upon the Church than in the hands of a heathen; which is to say, just none at all.

Nevertheless, it is worthy to be observed and lamented that the most violent of these defenders of the truth,

the opposers of errors, the exclaimers against schism do hardly ever let loose this their zeal for God, with

which they are so warmed and inflamed, unless where they have the civil magistrate on their side. But so

soon as ever court favour has given them the better end of the staff, and they begin to feel themselves the

stronger, then presently peace and charity are to be laid aside. Otherwise they are religiously to be observed.

Where they have not the power to carry on persecution and to become masters, there they desire to live upon

fair terms and preach up toleration. When they are not strengthened with the civil power, then they can bear

most patiently and unmovedly the contagion of idolatry, superstition, and heresy in their neighbourhood; of

which on other occasions the interest of religion makes them to be extremely apprehensive. They do not

forwardly attack those errors which are in fashion at court or are countenanced by the government. Here they

can be content to spare their arguments; which yet (with their leave) is the only right method of propagating

truth, which has no such way of prevailing as when strong arguments and good reason are joined with the

Nobody, therefore, in fine, neither single persons nor churches, nay, nor even commonwealths, have any just

title to invade the civil rights and worldly goods of each other upon pretence of religion. Those that are of

another opinion would do well to consider with themselves how pernicious a seed of discord and war, how

powerful a provocation to endless hatreds, rapines, and slaughters they thereby furnish unto mankind. No

peace and security, no, not so much as common friendship, can ever be established or preserved amongst men

so long as this opinion prevails, that dominion is founded in grace and that religion is to be propagated by

In the third place, let us see what the duty of toleration requires from those who are distinguished from the

rest of mankind (from the laity, as they please to call us) by some ecclesiastical character and office; whether

they be bishops, priests, presbyters, ministers, or however else dignified or distinguished. It is not my

business to inquire here into the original of the power or dignity of the clergy. This only I say, that,

whencesoever their authority be sprung, since it is ecclesiastical, it ought to be confined within the bounds of

the Church, nor can it in any manner be extended to civil affairs, because the Church itself is a thing

absolutely separate and distinct from the commonwealth. The boundaries on both sides are fixed and

immovable. He jumbles heaven and earth together, the things most remote and opposite, who mixes these

two societies, which are in their original, end, business, and in everything perfectly distinct and infinitely

different from each other. No man, therefore, with whatsoever ecclesiastical office he be dignified, can

deprive another man that is not of his church and faith either of liberty or of any part of his worldly goods

upon the account of that difference between them in religion. For whatsoever is not lawful to the whole

But this is not all. It is not enough that ecclesiastical men abstain from violence and rapine and all manner of

persecution. He that pretends to be a successor of the apostles, and takes upon him the office of teaching, is

obliged also to admonish his hearers of the duties of peace and goodwill towards all men, as well towards the

erroneous as the orthodox; towards those that differ from them in faith and worship as well as towards those

that agree with them therein. And he ought industriously to exhort all men, whether private persons or

magistrates (if any such there be in his church), to charity, meekness, and toleration, and diligently endeavour

to ally and temper all that heat and unreasonable averseness of mind which either any man's fiery zeal for his

own sect or the craft of others has kindled against dissenters. I will not undertake to represent how happy and

how great would be the fruit, both in Church and State, if the pulpits everywhere sounded with this doctrine

of peace and toleration, lest I should seem to reflect too severely upon those men whose dignity I desire not to

detract from, nor would have it diminished either by others or themselves. But this I say, that thus it ought to

be. And if anyone that professes himself to be a minister of the Word of God, a preacher of the gospel of

peace, teach otherwise, he either understands not or neglects the business of his calling and shall one day give

account thereof unto the Prince of Peace. If Christians are to be admonished that they abstain from all manner

of revenge, even after repeated provocations and multiplied injuries, how much more ought they who suffer

nothing, who have had no harm done them, forbear violence and abstain from all manner of illusage

towards those from whom they have received none! This caution and temper they ought certainly to use

towards those. who mind only their own business and are solicitous for nothing but that (whatever men think

of them) they may worship God in that manner which they are persuaded is acceptable to Him and in which

they have the strongest hopes of eternal salvation. In private domestic affairs, in the management of estates,

in the conservation of bodily health, every man may consider what suits his own convenience and follow

what course he likes best. No man complains of the illmanagement of his neighbour's affairs. No man is

angry with another for an error committed in sowing his land or in marrying his daughter. Nobody corrects a

spendthrift for consuming his substance in taverns. Let any man pull down, or build, or make whatsoever

expenses he pleases, nobody murmurs, nobody controls him; he has his liberty. But if any man do not

frequent the church, if he do not there conform his behaviour exactly to the accustomed ceremonies, or if he

brings not his children to be initiated in the sacred mysteries of this or the other congregation, this

immediately causes an uproar. The neighbourhood is filled with noise and clamour. Everyone is ready to be

the avenger of so great a crime, and the zealots hardly have the patience to refrain from violence and rapine

so long till the cause be heard and the poor man be, according to form, condemned to the loss of liberty,

goods, or life. Oh, that our ecclesiastical orators of every sect would apply themselves with all the strength of

arguments that they are able to the confounding of men's errors! But let them spare their persons. Let them

not supply their want of reasons with the instruments of force, which belong to another jurisdiction and do ill

become a Churchman's hands. Let them not call in the magistrate's authority to the aid of their eloquence or

learning, lest perhaps, whilst they pretend only love for the truth, this their intemperate zeal, breathing

nothing but fire and sword, betray their ambition and show that what they desire is temporal dominion. For it

will be very difficult to persuade men of sense that he who with dry eyes and satisfaction of mind can deliver

his brother to the executioner to be burnt alive, does sincerely and heartily concern himself to save that

In the last place, let us now consider what is the magistrate's duty in the business of toleration, which

We have already proved that the care of souls does not belong to the magistrate. Not a magisterial care, I

mean (if I may so call it), which consists in prescribing by laws and compelling by punishments. But a

charitable care, which consists in teaching, admonishing, and persuading, cannot be denied unto any man.

The care, therefore, of every man's soul belongs unto himself and is to be left unto himself. But what if he

neglect the care of his soul? I answer: What if he neglect the care of his health or of his estate, which things

are nearlier related to the government of the magistrate than the other? Will the magistrate provide by an

express law that such a one shall not become poor or sick? Laws provide, as much as is possible, that the

goods and health of subjects be not injured by the fraud and violence of others; they do not guard them from

the negligence or illhusbandry of the possessors themselves. No man can be forced to be rich or healthful

whether he will or no. Nay, God Himself will not save men against their wills. Let us suppose, however, that

some prince were desirous to force his subjects to accumulate riches, or to preserve the health and strength of

their bodies. Shall it be provided by law that they must consult none but Roman physicians, and shall

everyone be bound to live according to their prescriptions? What, shall no potion, no broth, be taken, but

what is prepared either in the Vatican, suppose, or in a Geneva shop? Or, to make these subjects rich, shall

they all be obliged by law to become merchants or musicians? Or, shall everyone turn victualler, or smith,

because there are some that maintain their families plentifully and grow rich in those professions? But, it may

be said, there are a thousand ways to wealth, but one only way to heaven. It is well said, indeed, especially by

those that plead for compelling men into this or the other way. For if there were several ways that led thither,

there would not be so much as a pretence left for compulsion. But now, if I be marching on with my utmost

vigour in that way which, according to the sacred geography, leads straight to Jerusalem, why am I beaten

and illused by others because, perhaps, I wear not buskins; because my hair is not of the right cut; because,

perhaps, I have not been dipped in the right fashion; because I eat flesh upon the road, or some other food

which agrees with my stomach; because I avoid certain byways, which seem unto me to lead into briars or

precipices; because, amongst the several paths that are in the same road, I choose that to walk in which seems

to be the straightest and cleanest; because I avoid to keep company with some travellers that are less grave

and others that are more sour than they ought to be; or, in fine, because I follow a guide that either is, or is

not, clothed in white, or crowned with a mitre? Certainly, if we consider right, we shall find that, for the most

part, they are such frivolous things as these that (without any prejudice to religion or the salvation of souls, if

not accompanied with superstition or hypocrisy) might either be observed or omitted. I say they are suchlike

things as these which breed implacable enmities amongst Christian brethren, who are all agreed in the

But let us grant unto these zealots, who condemn all things that are not of their mode, that from these

circumstances are different ends. What shall we conclude from thence? There is only one of these which is

the true way to eternal happiness: but in this great variety of ways that men follow, it is still doubted which is

the right one. Now, neither the care of the commonwealth, nor the right enacting of laws, does discover this

way that leads to heaven more certainly to the magistrate than every private man's search and study discovers

it unto himself. I have a weak body, sunk under a languishing disease, for which (I suppose) there is one only

remedy, but that unknown. Does it therefore belong unto the magistrate to prescribe me a remedy, because

there is but one, and because it is unknown? Because there is but one way for me to escape death, will it

therefore be safe for me to do whatsoever the magistrate ordains? Those things that every man ought

sincerely to inquire into himself, and by meditation, study, search, and his own endeavours, attain the

knowledge of, cannot be looked upon as the peculiar possession of any sort of men. Princes, indeed, are born

superior unto other men in power, but in nature equal. Neither the right nor the art of ruling does necessarily

carry along with it the certain knowledge of other things, and least of all of true religion. For if it were so,

how could it come to pass that the lords of the earth should differ so vastly as they do in religious matters?

But let us grant that it is probable the way to eternal life may be better known by a prince than by his

subjects, or at least that in this incertitude of things the safest and most commodious way for private persons

is to follow his dictates. You will say: "What then?" If he should bid you follow merchandise for your

livelihood, would you decline that course for fear it should not succeed? I answer: I would turn merchant

upon the prince's command, because, in case I should have illsuccess in trade, he is abundantly able to make

up my loss some other way. If it be true, as he pretends, that he desires I should thrive and grow rich, he can

set me up again when unsuccessful voyages have broken me. But this is not the case in the things that regard

the life to come; if there I take a wrong course, if in that respect I am once undone, it is not in the magistrate's

power to repair my loss, to ease my suffering, nor to restore me in any measure, much less entirely, to a good

Perhaps some will say that they do not suppose this infallible judgement, that all men are bound to follow in

the affairs of religion, to be in the civil magistrate, but in the Church. What the Church has determined, that

the civil magistrate orders to be observed; and he provides by his authority that nobody shall either act or

believe in the business of religion otherwise than the Church teaches. So that the judgement of those things is

in the Church; the magistrate himself yields obedience thereunto and requires the like obedience from others.

I answer: Who sees not how frequently the name of the Church, which was venerable in time of the apostles,

has been made use of to throw dust in the people's eyes in the following ages? But, however, in the present

case it helps us not. The one only narrow way which leads to heaven is not better known to the magistrate

than to private persons, and therefore I cannot safely take him for my guide, who may probably be as ignorant

of the way as myself, and who certainly is less concerned for my salvation than I myself am. Amongst so

many kings of the Jews, how many of them were there whom any Israelite, thus blindly following, had not

fallen into idolatry and thereby into destruction? Yet, nevertheless, you bid me be of good courage and tell

me that all is now safe and secure, because the magistrate does not now enjoin the observance of his own

decrees in matters of religion, but only the decrees of the Church. Of what Church, I beseech you? of that,

certainly, which likes him best. As if he that compels me by laws and penalties to enter into this or the other

Church, did not interpose his own judgement in the matter. What difference is there whether he lead me

himself, or deliver me over to be led by others? I depend both ways upon his will, and it is he that determines

both ways of my eternal state. Would an Israelite that had worshipped Baal upon the command of his king

have been in any better condition because somebody had told him that the king ordered nothing in religion

upon his own head, nor commanded anything to be done by his subjects in divine worship but what was

approved by the counsel of priests, and declared to be of divine right by the doctors of their Church? If the

religion of any Church become, therefore, true and saving, because the head of that sect, the prelates and

priests, and those of that tribe, do all of them, with all their might, extol and praise it, what religion can ever

be accounted erroneous, false, and destructive? I am doubtful concerning the doctrine of the Socinians, I am

suspicious of the way of worship practised by the Papists, or Lutherans; will it be ever a jot safer for me to

join either unto the one or the other of those Churches, upon the magistrate's command, because he

commands nothing in religion but by the authority and counsel of the doctors of that Church?

But, to speak the truth, we must acknowledge that the Church (if a convention of clergymen, making canons,

must be called by that name) is for the most part more apt to be influenced by the Court than the Court by the

Church. How the Church was under the vicissitude of orthodox and Arian emperors is very well known. Or if

those things be too remote, our modern English history affords us fresh examples in the reigns of Henry VIII,

Edward VI, Mary, and Elizabeth, how easily and smoothly the clergy changed their decrees, their articles of

faith, their form of worship, everything according to the inclination of those kings and queens. Yet were those

kings and queens of such different minds in point of religion, and enjoined thereupon such different things,

that no man in his wits (I had almost said none but an atheist) will presume to say that any sincere and upright

worshipper of God could, with a safe conscience, obey their several decrees. To conclude, it is the same thing

whether a king that prescribes laws to another man's religion pretend to do it by his own judgement, or by the

ecclesiastical authority and advice of others. The decisions of churchmen, whose differences and disputes are

sufficiently known, cannot be any sounder or safer than his; nor can all their suffrages joined together add a

new strength to the civil power. Though this also must be taken notice of that princes seldom have any

regard to the suffrages of ecclesiastics that are not favourers of their own faith and way of worship.

But, after all, the principal consideration, and which absolutely determines this controversy, is this: Although

the magistrate's opinion in religion be sound, and the way that he appoints be truly Evangelical, yet, if I be

not thoroughly persuaded thereof in my own mind, there will be no safety for me in following it. No way

whatsoever that I shall walk in against the dictates of my conscience will ever bring me to the mansions of

the blessed. I may grow rich by an art that I take not delight in; I may be cured of some disease by remedies

that I have not faith in; but I cannot be saved by a religion that I distrust and by a worship that I abhor. It is in

vain for an unbeliever to take up the outward show of another man's profession. Faith only and inward

sincerity are the things that procure acceptance with God. The most likely and most approved remedy can

have no effect upon the patient, if his stomach reject it as soon as taken; and you will in vain cram a medicine

down a sick man's throat, which his particular constitution will be sure to turn into poison. In a word,

whatsoever may be doubtful in religion, yet this at least is certain, that no religion which I believe not to be

true can be either true or profitable unto me. In vain, therefore, do princes compel their subjects to come into

their Church communion, under pretence of saving their souls. If they believe, they will come of their own

accord, if they believe not, their coming will nothing avail them. How great soever, in fine, may be the

pretence of goodwill and charity, and concern for the salvation of men's souls, men cannot be forced to be

saved whether they will or no. And therefore, when all is done, they must be left to their own consciences.

Having thus at length freed men from all dominion over one another in matters of religion, let us now

consider what they are to do. All men know and acknowledge that God ought to be publicly worshipped; why

otherwise do they compel one another unto the public assemblies? Men, therefore, constituted in this liberty

are to enter into some religious society, that they meet together, not only for mutual edification, but to own to

the world that they worship God and offer unto His Divine Majesty such service as they themselves are not

ashamed of and such as they think not unworthy of Him, nor unacceptable to Him; and, finally, that by the

purity of doctrine, holiness of life, and decent form of worship, they may draw others unto the love of the true

religion, and perform such other things in religion as cannot be done by each private man apart.

These religious societies I call Churches; and these, I say, the magistrate ought to tolerate, for the business of

these assemblies of the people is nothing but what is lawful for every man in particular to take care of I

mean the salvation of their souls; nor in this case is there any difference between the National Church and

But as in every Church there are two things especially to be considered the outward form and rites of

worship, and the doctrines and articles of things must be handled each distinctly that so the whole matter of

Concerning outward worship, I say, in the first place, that the magistrate has no power to enforce by law,

either in his own Church, or much less in another, the use of any rites or ceremonies whatsoever in the

worship of God. And this, not only because these Churches are free societies, but because whatsoever is

practised in the worship of God is only so far justifiable as it is believed by those that practise it to be

acceptable unto Him. Whatsoever is not done with that assurance of faith is neither well in itself, nor can it be

acceptable to God. To impose such things, therefore, upon any people, contrary to their own judgment, is in

effect to command them to offend God, which, considering that the end of all religion is to please Him, and

that liberty is essentially necessary to that end, appears to be absurd beyond expression.

But perhaps it may be concluded from hence that I deny unto the magistrate all manner of power about

indifferent things, which, if it be not granted, the whole subjectmatter of lawmaking is taken away. No, I

readily grant that indifferent things, and perhaps none but such, are subjected to the legislative power. But it

does not therefore follow that the magistrate may ordain whatsoever he pleases concerning anything that is

indifferent. The public good is the rule and measure of all lawmaking. If a thing be not useful to the

commonwealth, though it be never so indifferent, it may not presently be established by law.

And further, things never so indifferent in their own nature, when they are brought into the Church and

worship of God, are removed out of the reach of the magistrate's jurisdiction, because in that use they have no

connection at all with civil affairs. The only business of the Church is the salvation of souls, and it no way

concerns the commonwealth, or any member of it, that this or the other ceremony be there made use of.

Neither the use nor the omission of any ceremonies in those religious assemblies does either advantage or

prejudice the life, liberty, or estate of any man. For example, let it be granted that the washing of an infant

with water is in itself an indifferent thing, let it be granted also that the magistrate understand such washing to

be profitable to the curing or preventing of any disease the children are subject unto, and esteem the matter

weighty enough to be taken care of by a law. In that case he may order it to be done. But will any one

therefore say that a magistrate has the same right to ordain by law that all children shall be baptised by priests

in the sacred font in order to the purification of their souls? The extreme difference of these two cases is

visible to every one at first sight. Or let us apply the last case to the child of a Jew, and the thing speaks itself.

For what hinders but a Christian magistrate may have subjects that are Jews? Now, if we acknowledge that

such an injury may not be done unto a Jew as to compel him, against his own opinion, to practise in his

religion a thing that is in its nature indifferent, how can we maintain that anything of this kind may be done to

Again, things in their own nature indifferent cannot, by any human authority, be made any part of the worship

of God for this very reason: because they are indifferent. For, since indifferent things are not capable, by

any virtue of their own, to propitiate the Deity, no human power or authority can confer on them so much

dignity and excellency as to enable them to do it. In the common affairs of life that use of indifferent things

which God has not forbidden is free and lawful, and therefore in those things human authority has place. But

it is not so in matters of religion. Things indifferent are not otherwise lawful in the worship of God than as

they are instituted by God Himself and as He, by some positive command, has ordained them to be made a

part of that worship which He will vouchsafe to accept at the hands of poor sinful men. Nor, when an

incensed Deity shall ask us, "Who has required these, or suchlike things at your hands?" will it be enough to

answer Him that the magistrate commanded them. If civil jurisdiction extend thus far, what might not

lawfully be introduced into religion? What hodgepodge of ceremonies, what superstitious inventions, built

upon the magistrate's authority, might not (against conscience) be imposed upon the worshippers of God? For

the greatest part of these ceremonies and superstitions consists in the religious use of such things as are in

their own nature indifferent; nor are they sinful upon any other account than because God is not the author of

them. The sprinkling of water and the use of bread and wine are both in their own nature and in the ordinary

occasions of life altogether indifferent. Will any man, therefore, say that these things could have been

introduced into religion and made a part of divine worship if not by divine institution? If any human authority

or civil power could have done this, why might it not also enjoin the eating of fish and drinking of ale in the

holy banquet as a part of divine worship? Why not the sprinkling of the blood of beasts in churches, and

expiations by water or fire, and abundance more of this kind? But these things, how indifferent soever they be

in common uses, when they come to be annexed unto divine worship, without divine authority, they are as

abominable to God as the sacrifice of a dog. And why is a dog so abominable? What difference is there

between a dog and a goat, in respect of the divine nature, equally and infinitely distant from all affinity with

matter, unless it be that God required the use of one in His worship and not of the other? We see, therefore,

that indifferent things, how much soever they be under the power of the civil magistrate, yet cannot, upon that

pretence, be introduced into religion and imposed upon religious assemblies, because, in the worship of God,

they wholly cease to be indifferent. He that worships God does it with design to please Him and procure His

favour. But that cannot be done by him who, upon the command of another, offers unto God that which he

knows will be displeasing to Him, because not commanded by Himself. This is not to please God, or appease

his wrath, but willingly and knowingly to provoke Him by a manifest contempt, which is a thing absolutely

But it will be here asked: "If nothing belonging to divine worship be left to human discretion, how is it then

that Churches themselves have the power of ordering anything about the time and place of worship and the

like?" To this I answer that in religious worship we must distinguish between what is part of the worship

itself and what is but a circumstance. That is a part of the worship which is believed to be appointed by God

and to be wellpleasing to Him, and therefore that is necessary. Circumstances are such things which, though

in general they cannot be separated from worship, yet the particular instances or modifications of them are

not determined, and therefore they are indifferent. Of this sort are the time and place of worship, habit and

posture of him that worships. These are circumstances, and perfectly indifferent, where God has not given

any express command about them. For example: amongst the Jews the time and place of their worship and

the habits of those that officiated in it were not mere circumstances, but a part of the worship itself, in which,

if anything were defective, or different from the institution, they could not hope that it would be accepted by

God. But these, to Christians under the liberty of the Gospel, are mere circumstances of worship, which the

prudence of every Church may bring into such use as shall be judged most subservient to the end of order,

decency, and edification. But, even under the Gospel, those who believe the first or the seventh day to be set

apart by God, and consecrated still to His worship, to them that portion of time is not a simple circumstance,

In the next place: As the magistrate has no power to impose by his laws the use of any rites and ceremonies in

any Church, so neither has he any power to forbid the use of such rites and ceremonies as are already

received, approved, and practised by any Church; because, if he did so, he would destroy the Church itself:

the end of whose institution is only to worship God with freedom after its own manner.

You will say, by this rule, if some congregations should have a mind to sacrifice infants, or (as the primitive

Christians were falsely accused) lustfully pollute themselves in promiscuous uncleanness, or practise any

other such heinous enormities, is the magistrate obliged to tolerate them, because they are committed in a

religious assembly? I answer: No. These things are not lawful in the ordinary course of life, nor in any private

house; and therefore neither are they so in the worship of God, or in any religious meeting. But, indeed, if any

people congregated upon account of religion should be desirous to sacrifice a calf, I deny that that ought to be

prohibited by a law. Meliboeus, whose calf it is, may lawfully kill his calf at home, and burn any part of it

that he thinks fit. For no injury is thereby done to any one, no prejudice to another man's goods. And for the

same reason he may kill his calf also in a religious meeting. Whether the doing so be wellpleasing to God or

no, it is their part to consider that do it. The part of the magistrate is only to take care that the commonwealth

receive no prejudice, and that there be no injury done to any man, either in life or estate. And thus what may

be spent on a feast may be spent on a sacrifice. But if peradventure such were the state of things that the

interest of the commonwealth required all slaughter of beasts should be forborne for some while, in order to

the increasing of the stock of cattle that had been destroyed by some extraordinary murrain, who sees not that

the magistrate, in such a case, may forbid all his subjects to kill any calves for any use whatsoever? Only it is

to be observed that, in this case, the law is not made about a religious, but a political matter; nor is the

By this we see what difference there is between the Church and the Commonwealth. Whatsoever is lawful in

the Commonwealth cannot be prohibited by the magistrate in the Church. Whatsoever is permitted unto any

of his subjects for their ordinary use, neither can nor ought to be forbidden by him to any sect of people for

their religious uses. If any man may lawfully take bread or wine, either sitting or kneeling in his own house,

the law ought not to abridge him of the same liberty in his religious worship; though in the Church the use of

bread and wine be very different and be there applied to the mysteries of faith and rites of Divine worship.

But those things that are prejudicial to the commonweal of a people in their ordinary use and are, therefore,

forbidden by laws, those things ought not to be permitted to Churches in their sacred rites. Only the

magistrate ought always to be very careful that he do not misuse his authority to the oppression of any

It may be said: "What if a Church be idolatrous, is that also to be tolerated by the magistrate?" I answer:

What power can be given to the magistrate for the suppression of an idolatrous Church, which may not in

time and place be made use of to the ruin of an orthodox one? For it must be remembered that the civil power

is the same everywhere, and the religion of every prince is orthodox to himself. If, therefore, such a power be

granted unto the civil magistrate in spirituals as that at Geneva, for example, he may extirpate, by violence

and blood, the religion which is there reputed idolatrous, by the same rule another magistrate, in some

neighbouring country, may oppress the reformed religion and, in India, the Christian. The civil power can

either change everything in religion, according to the prince's pleasure, or it can change nothing. If it be once

permitted to introduce anything into religion by the means of laws and penalties, there can be no bounds put

to it; but it will in the same manner be lawful to alter everything, according to that rule of truth which the

magistrate has framed unto himself. No man whatsoever ought, therefore, to be deprived of his terrestrial

enjoyments upon account of his religion. Not even Americans, subjected unto a Christian prince, are to be

punished either in body or goods for not embracing our faith and worship. If they are persuaded that they

please God in observing the rites of their own country and that they shall obtain happiness by that means,

they are to be left unto God and themselves. Let us trace this matter to the bottom. Thus it is: An

inconsiderable and weak number of Christians, destitute of everything, arrive in a Pagan country; these

foreigners beseech the inhabitants, by the bowels of humanity, that they would succour them with the

necessaries of life; those necessaries are given them, habitations are granted, and they all join together, and

grow up into one body of people. The Christian religion by this means takes root in that country and spreads

itself, but does not suddenly grow the strongest. While things are in this condition peace, friendship, faith,

and equal justice are preserved amongst them. At length the magistrate becomes a Christian, and by that

means their party becomes the most powerful. Then immediately all compacts are to be broken, all civil

rights to be violated, that idolatry may be extirpated; and unless these innocent Pagans, strict observers of the

rules of equity and the law of Nature and no ways offending against the laws of the society, I say, unless they

will forsake their ancient religion and embrace a new and strange one, they are to be turned out of the lands

and possessions of their forefathers and perhaps deprived of life itself. Then, at last, it appears what zeal for

the Church, joined with the desire of dominion, is capable to produce, and how easily the pretence of religion,

and of the care of souls, serves for a cloak to covetousness, rapine, and ambition.

Now whosoever maintains that idolatry is to be rooted out of any place by laws, punishments, fire, and

sword, may apply this story to himself. For the reason of the thing is equal, both in America and Europe. And

neither Pagans there, nor any dissenting Christians here, can, with any right, be deprived of their worldly

goods by the predominating faction of a courtchurch; nor are any civil rights to be either changed or

But idolatry, say some, is a sin and therefore not to be tolerated. If they said it were therefore to be avoided,

the inference were good. But it does not follow that because it is a sin it ought therefore to be punished by the

magistrate. For it does not belong unto the magistrate to make use of his sword in punishing everything,

indifferently, that he takes to be a sin against God. Covetousness, uncharitableness, idleness, and many other

things are sins by the consent of men, which yet no man ever said were to be punished by the magistrate. The

reason is because they are not prejudicial to other men's rights, nor do they break the public peace of

societies. Nay, even the sins of lying and perjury are nowhere punishable by laws; unless, in certain cases, in

which the real turpitude of the thing and the offence against God are not considered, but only the injury done

unto men's neighbours and to the commonwealth. And what if in another country, to a Mahometan or a Pagan

prince, the Christian religion seem false and offensive to God; may not the Christians for the same reason,

But it may be urged farther that, by the law of Moses, idolaters were to be rooted out. True, indeed, by the

law of Moses; but that is not obligatory to us Christians. Nobody pretends that everything generally enjoined

by the law of Moses ought to be practised by Christians; but there is nothing more frivolous than that

common distinction of moral, judicial, and ceremonial law, which men ordinarily make use of. For no

positive law whatsoever can oblige any people but those to whom it is given. "Hear, O Israel," sufficiently

restrains the obligations of the law of Moses only to that people. And this consideration alone is answer

enough unto those that urge the authority of the law of Moses for the inflicting of capital punishment upon

idolaters. But, however, I will examine this argument a little more particularly.

The case of idolaters, in respect of the Jewish commonwealth, falls under a double consideration. The first is

of those who, being initiated in the Mosaical rites, and made citizens of that commonwealth, did afterwards

apostatise from the worship of the God of Israel. These were proceeded against as traitors and rebels, guilty

of no less than high treason. For the commonwealth of the Jews, different in that from all others, was an

absolute theocracy; nor was there, or could there be, any difference between that commonwealth and the

Church. The laws established there concerning the worship of One Invisible Deity were the civil laws of that

people and a part of their political government, in which God Himself was the legislator. Now, if any one can

shew me where there is a commonwealth at this time, constituted upon that foundation, I will acknowledge

that the ecclesiastical laws do there unavoidably become a part of the civil, and that the subjects of that

government both may and ought to be kept in strict conformity with that Church by the civil power. But there

is absolutely no such thing under the Gospel as a Christian commonwealth. There are, indeed, many cities

and kingdoms that have embraced the faith of Christ, but they have retained their ancient form of

government, with which the law of Christ hath not at all meddled. He, indeed, hath taught men how, by faith

and good works, they may obtain eternal life; but He instituted no commonwealth. He prescribed unto His

followers no new and peculiar form of government, nor put He the sword into any magistrate's hand, with

commission to make use of it in forcing men to forsake their former religion and receive His.

Secondly, foreigners and such as were strangers to the commonwealth of Israel were not compelled by force

to observe the rites of the Mosaical law; but, on the contrary, in the very same place where it is ordered that

an Israelite that was an idolater should be put to death,[7] there it is provided that strangers should not be

vexed nor oppressed. I confess that the seven nations that possessed the land which was promised to the

Israelites were utterly to be cut off; but this was not singly because they were idolaters. For if that had been

the reason, why were the Moabites and other nations to be spared? No: the reason is this. God being in a

peculiar manner the King of the Jews, He could not suffer the adoration of any other deity (which was

properly an act of high treason against Himself) in the land of Canaan, which was His kingdom. For such a

manifest revolt could no ways consist with His dominion, which was perfectly political in that country. All

idolatry was, therefore, to be rooted out of the bounds of His kingdom because it was an acknowledgment of

another god, that is say, another king, against the laws of Empire. The inhabitants were also to be driven out,

that the entire possession of the land might be given to the Israelites. And for the like reason the Emims and

the Horims were driven out of their countries by the children of Esau and Lot; and their lands, upon the same

grounds, given by God to the invaders.[8] But, though all idolatry was thus rooted out of the land of Canaan,

yet every idolater was not brought to execution. The whole family of Rahab, the whole nation of the

Gibeonites, articled with Joshua, and were allowed by treaty; and there were many captives amongst the Jews

who were idolaters. David and Solomon subdued many countries without the confines of the Land of Promise

and carried their conquests as far as Euphrates. Amongst so many captives taken, so many nations reduced

under their obedience, we find not one man forced into the Jewish religion and the worship of the true God

and punished for idolatry, though all of them were certainly guilty of it. If any one, indeed, becoming a

proselyte, desired to be made a denizen of their commonwealth, he was obliged to submit to their laws; that

is, to embrace their religion. But this he did willingly, on his own accord, not by constraint. He did not

unwillingly submit, to show his obedience, but he sought and solicited for it as a privilege. And, as soon as he

was admitted, he became subject to the laws of the commonwealth, by which all idolatry was forbidden

within the borders of the land of Canaan. But that law (as I have said) did not reach to any of those regions,

The articles of religion are some of them practical and some speculative. Now, though both sorts consist in

the knowledge of truth, yet these terminate simply in the understanding, those influence the will and manners.

Speculative opinions, therefore, and articles of faith (as they are called) which are required only to be

believed, cannot be imposed on any Church by the law of the land. For it is absurd that things should be

enjoined by laws which are not in men's power to perform. And to believe this or that to be true does not

depend upon our will. But of this enough has been said already. "But." will some say; "let men at least

profess that they believe." A sweet religion, indeed, that obliges men to dissemble and tell lies, both to God

and man, for the salvation of their souls! If the magistrate thinks to save men thus, he seems to understand

little of the way of salvation. And if he does it not in order to save them, why is he so solicitous about the

Further, the magistrate ought not to forbid the preaching or professing of any speculative opinions in any

Church because they have no manner of relation to the civil rights of the subjects. If a Roman Catholic

believe that to be really the body of Christ which another man calls bread, he does no injury thereby to his

neighbour. If a Jew do not believe the New Testament to be the Word of God, he does not thereby alter

anything in men's civil rights. If a heathen doubt of both Testaments, he is not therefore to be punished as a

pernicious citizen. The power of the magistrate and the estates of the people may be equally secure whether

any man believe these things or no. I readily grant that these opinions are false and absurd. But the business

of laws is not to provide for the truth of opinions, but for the safety and security of the commonwealth and of

every particular man's goods and person. And so it ought to be. For the truth certainly would do well enough

if she were once left to shift for herself. She seldom has received and, I fear, never will receive much

assistance from the power of great men, to whom she is but rarely known and more rarely welcome. She is

not taught by laws, nor has she any need of force to procure her entrance into the minds of men. Errors,

indeed, prevail by the assistance of foreign and borrowed succours. But if Truth makes not her way into the

understanding by her own light, she will be but the weaker for any borrowed force violence can add to her.

A good life, in which consist not the least part of religion and true piety, concerns also the civil government;

and in it lies the safety both of men's souls and of the commonwealth. Moral actions belong, therefore, to the

jurisdiction both of the outward and inward court; both of the civil and domestic governor; I mean both of the

magistrate and conscience. Here, therefore, is great danger, lest one of these jurisdictions intrench upon the

other, and discord arise between the keeper of the public peace and the overseers of souls. But if what has

been already said concerning the limits of both these governments be rightly considered, it will easily remove

Every man has an immortal soul, capable of eternal happiness or misery; whose happiness depending upon

his believing and doing those things in this life which are necessary to the obtaining of God's favour, and are

prescribed by God to that end. It follows from thence, first, that the observance of these things is the highest

obligation that lies upon mankind and that our utmost care, application, and diligence ought to be exercised in

the search and performance of them; because there is nothing in this world that is of any consideration in

comparison with eternity. Secondly, that seeing one man does not violate the right of another by his

erroneous opinions and undue manner of worship, nor is his perdition any prejudice to another man's affairs,

therefore, the care of each man's salvation belongs only to himself. But I would not have this understood as if

I meant hereby to condemn all charitable admonitions and affectionate endeavours to reduce men from errors,

which are indeed the greatest duty of a Christian. Any one may employ as many exhortations and arguments

as he pleases, towards the promoting of another man's salvation. But all force and compulsion are to be

forborne. Nothing is to be done imperiously. Nobody is obliged in that matter to yield obedience unto the

admonitions or injunctions of another, further than he himself is persuaded. Every man in that has the

supreme and absolute authority of judging for himself. And the reason is because nobody else is concerned in

But besides their souls, which are immortal, men have also their temporal lives here upon earth; the state

whereof being frail and fleeting, and the duration uncertain, they have need of several outward conveniences

to the support thereof, which are to be procured or preserved by pains and industry. For those things that are

necessary to the comfortable support of our lives are not the spontaneous products of nature, nor do offer

themselves fit and prepared for our use. This part, therefore, draws on another care and necessarily gives

another employment. But the pravity of mankind being such that they had rather injuriously prey upon the

fruits of other men's labours than take pains to provide for themselves, the necessity of preserving men in the

possession of what honest industry has already acquired and also of preserving their liberty and strength,

whereby they may acquire what they farther want, obliges men to enter into society with one another, that by

mutual assistance and joint force they may secure unto each other their properties, in the things that

contribute to the comfort and happiness of this life, leaving in the meanwhile to every man the care of his

own eternal happiness, the attainment whereof can neither be facilitated by another man's industry, nor can

the loss of it turn to another man's prejudice, nor the hope of it be forced from him by any external violence.

But, forasmuch as men thus entering into societies, grounded upon their mutual compacts of assistance for

the defence of their temporal goods, may, nevertheless, be deprived of them, either by the rapine and fraud of

their fellow citizens, or by the hostile violence of foreigners, the remedy of this evil consists in arms, riches,

and multitude of citizens; the remedy of the other in laws; and the care of all things relating both to one and

the other is committed by the society to the civil magistrate. This is the original, this is the use, and these are

the bounds of the legislative (which is the supreme) power in every commonwealth. I mean that provision

may be made for the security of each man's private possessions; for the peace, riches, and public commodities

of the whole people; and, as much as possible, for the increase of their inward strength against foreign

These things being thus explained, it is easy to understand to what end the legislative power ought to be

directed and by what measures regulated; and that is the temporal good and outward prosperity of the society;

which is the sole reason of men's entering into society, and the only thing they seek and aim at in it. And it is

also evident what liberty remains to men in reference to their eternal salvation, and that is that every one

should do what he in his conscience is persuaded to be acceptable to the Almighty, on whose good pleasure

and acceptance depends their eternal happiness. For obedience is due, in the first place, to God and,

But some may ask: "What if the magistrate should enjoin anything by his authority that appears unlawful to

the conscience of a private person?" I answer that, if government be faithfully administered and the counsels

of the magistrates be indeed directed to the public good, this will seldom happen. But if, perhaps, it do so fall

out, I say, that such a private person is to abstain from the action that he judges unlawful, and he is to undergo

the punishment which it is not unlawful for him to bear. For the private judgement of any person concerning

a law enacted in political matters, for the public good, does not take away the obligation of that law, nor

deserve a dispensation. But if the law, indeed, be concerning things that lie not within the verge of the

magistrate's authority (as, for example, that the people, or any party amongst them, should be compelled to

embrace a strange religion, and join in the worship and ceremonies of another Church), men are not in these

cases obliged by that law, against their consciences. For the political society is instituted for no other end, but

only to secure every man's possession of the things of this life. The care of each man's soul and of the things

of heaven, which neither does belong to the commonwealth nor can be subjected to it, is left entirely to every

man's self. Thus the safeguard of men's lives and of the things that belong unto this life is the business of the

commonwealth; and the preserving of those things unto their owners is the duty of the magistrate. And

therefore the magistrate cannot take away these worldly things from this man or party and give them to that;

nor change propriety amongst fellow subjects (no not even by a law), for a cause that has no relation to the

end of civil government, I mean for their religion, which whether it be true or false does no prejudice to the

worldly concerns of their fellow subjects, which are the things that only belong unto the care of the

But what if the magistrate believe such a law as this to be for the public good? I answer: As the private

judgement of any particular person, if erroneous, does not exempt him from the obligation of law, so the

private judgement (as I may call it) of the magistrate does not give him any new right of imposing laws upon

his subjects, which neither was in the constitution of the government granted him, nor ever was in the power

of the people to grant, much less if he make it his business to enrich and advance his followers and

fellowsectaries with the spoils of others. But what if the magistrate believe that he has a right to make such

laws and that they are for the public good, and his subjects believe the contrary? Who shall be judge between

them? I answer: God alone. For there is no judge upon earth between the supreme magistrate and the people.

God, I say, is the only judge in this case, who will retribute unto every one at the last day according to his

deserts; that is, according to his sincerity and uprightness in endeavouring to promote piety, and the public

weal, and peace of mankind. But What shall be done in the meanwhile? I answer: The principal and chief

care of every one ought to be of his own soul first, and, in the next place, of the public peace; though yet

There are two sorts of contests amongst men, the one managed by law, the other by force; and these are of

that nature that where the one ends, the other always begins. But it is not my business to inquire into the

power of the magistrate in the different constitutions of nations. I only know what usually happens where

controversies arise without a judge to determine them. You will say, then, the magistrate being the stronger

will have his will and carry his point. Without doubt; but the question is not here concerning the doubtfulness

But to come to particulars. I say, first, no opinions contrary to human society, or to those moral rules which

are necessary to the preservation of civil society, are to be tolerated by the magistrate. But of these, indeed,

examples in any Church are rare. For no sect can easily arrive to such a degree of madness as that it should

think fit to teach, for doctrines of religion, such things as manifestly undermine the foundations of society

and are, therefore, condemned by the judgement of all mankind; because their own interest, peace, reputation,

Another more secret evil, but more dangerous to the commonwealth, is when men arrogate to themselves, and

to those of their own sect, some peculiar prerogative covered over with a specious show of deceitful words,

but in effect opposite to the civil right of the community. For example: we cannot find any sect that teaches,

expressly and openly, that men are not obliged to keep their promise; that princes may be dethroned by those

that differ from them in religion; or that the dominion of all things belongs only to themselves. For these

things, proposed thus nakedly and plainly, would soon draw on them the eye and hand of the magistrate and

awaken all the care of the commonwealth to a watchfulness against the spreading of so dangerous an evil.

But, nevertheless, we find those that say the same things in other words. What else do they mean who teach

that faith is not to be kept with heretics? Their meaning, forsooth, is that the privilege of breaking faith

belongs unto themselves; for they declare all that are not of their communion to be heretics, or at least may

declare them so whensoever they think fit. What can be the meaning of their asserting that kings

excommunicated forfeit their crowns and kingdoms? It is evident that they thereby arrogate unto themselves

the power of deposing kings, because they challenge the power of excommunication, as the peculiar right of

their hierarchy. That dominion is founded in grace is also an assertion by which those that maintain it do

plainly lay claim to the possession of all things. For they are not so wanting to themselves as not to believe,

or at least as not to profess themselves to be the truly pious and faithful. These, therefore, and the like, who

attribute unto the faithful, religious, and orthodox, that is, in plain terms, unto themselves, any peculiar

privilege or power above other mortals, in civil concernments; or who upon pretence of religion do challenge

any manner of authority over such as are not associated with them in their ecclesiastical communion, I say

these have no right to be tolerated by the magistrate; as neither those that will not own and teach the duty of

tolerating all men in matters of mere religion. For what do all these and the like doctrines signify, but that

they may and are ready upon any occasion to seize the Government and possess themselves of the estates and

fortunes of their fellow subjects; and that they only ask leave to be tolerated by the magistrate so long until

Again: That Church can have no right to be tolerated by the magistrate which is constituted upon such a

bottom that all those who enter into it do thereby ipso facto deliver themselves up to the protection and

service of another prince. For by this means the magistrate would give way to the settling of a foreign

jurisdiction in his own country and suffer his own people to be listed, as it were, for soldiers against his own

Government. Nor does the frivolous and fallacious distinction between the Court and the Church afford any

remedy to this inconvenience; especially when both the one and the other are equally subject to the absolute

authority of the same person, who has not only power to persuade the members of his Church to whatsoever

he lists, either as purely religious, or in order thereunto, but can also enjoin it them on pain of eternal fire. It is

ridiculous for any one to profess himself to be a Mahometan only in his religion, but in everything else a

faithful subject to a Christian magistrate, whilst at the same time he acknowledges himself bound to yield

blind obedience to the Mufti of Constantinople, who himself is entirely obedient to the Ottoman Emperor and

frames the feigned oracles of that religion according to his pleasure. But this Mahometan living amongst

Christians would yet more apparently renounce their government if he acknowledged the same person to be

Lastly, those are not at all to be tolerated who deny the being of a God. Promises, covenants, and oaths,

which are the bonds of human society, can have no hold upon an atheist. The taking away of God, though but

even in thought, dissolves all; besides also, those that by their atheism undermine and destroy all religion, can

have no pretence of religion whereupon to challenge the privilege of a toleration. As for other practical

opinions, though not absolutely free from all error, if they do not tend to establish domination over others, or

civil impunity to the Church in which they are taught, there can be no reason why they should not be

It remains that I say something concerning those assemblies which, being vulgarly called and perhaps having

sometimes been conventicles and nurseries of factions and seditions, are thought to afford against this

doctrine of toleration. But this has not happened by anything peculiar unto the genius of such assemblies, but

by the unhappy circumstances of an oppressed or illsettled liberty. These accusations would soon cease if

the law of toleration were once so settled that all Churches were obliged to lay down toleration as the

foundation of their own liberty, and teach that liberty of conscience is every man's natural right, equally

belonging to dissenters as to themselves; and that nobody ought to be compelled in matters of religion either

by law or force. The establishment of this one thing would take away all ground of complaints and tumults

upon account of conscience; and these causes of discontents and animosities being once removed, there

would remain nothing in these assemblies that were not more peaceable and less apt to produce disturbance

of state than in any other meetings whatsoever. But let us examine particularly the heads of these accusations.

You will say that assemblies and meetings endanger the public peace and threaten the commonwealth. I

answer: If this be so, why are there daily such numerous meetings in markets and Courts of Judicature? Why

are crowds upon the Exchange and a concourse of people in cities suffered? You will reply: "Those are civil

assemblies, but these we object against are ecclesiastical." I answer: It is a likely thing, indeed, that such

assemblies as are altogether remote from civil affairs should be most apt to embroil them. Oh, but civil

assemblies are composed of men that differ from one another in matters of religion, but these ecclesiastical

meetings are of persons that are all of one opinion. As if an agreement in matters of religion were in effect a

conspiracy against the commonwealth; or as if men would not be so much the more warmly unanimous in

religion the less liberty they had of assembling. But it will be urged still that civil assemblies are open and

free for any one to enter into, whereas religious conventicles are more private and thereby give opportunity to

clandestine machinations. I answer that this is not strictly true, for many civil assemblies are not open to

everyone. And if some religious meetings be private, who are they (I beseech you) that are to be blamed for

it, those that desire, or those that forbid their being public! Again, you will say that religious communion

does exceedingly unite men's minds and affections to one another and is therefore the more dangerous. But if

this be so, why is not the magistrate afraid of his own Church; and why does he not forbid their assemblies as

things dangerous to his Government? You will say because he himself is a part and even the head of them. As

if he were not also a part of the commonwealth, and the head of the whole people!

Let us therefore deal plainly. The magistrate is afraid of other Churches, but not of his own, because he is

kind and favourable to the one, but severe and cruel to the other. These he treats like children, and indulges

them even to wantonness. Those he uses as slaves and, how blamelessly soever they demean themselves,

recompenses them no otherwise than by galleys, prisons, confiscations, and death. These he cherishes and

defends; those he continually scourges and oppresses. Let him turn the tables. Or let those dissenters enjoy

but the same privileges in civils as his other subjects, and he will quickly find that these religious meetings

will be no longer dangerous. For if men enter into seditious conspiracies, it is not religion inspires them to it

in their meetings, but their sufferings and oppressions that make them willing to ease themselves. Just and

moderate governments are everywhere quiet, everywhere safe; but oppression raises ferments and makes men

struggle to cast off an uneasy and tyrannical yoke. I know that seditions are very frequently raised upon

pretence of religion, but it is as true that for religion subjects are frequently ill treated and live miserably.

Believe me, the stirs that are made proceed not from any peculiar temper of this or that Church or religious

society, but from the common disposition of all mankind, who when they groan under any heavy burthen

endeavour naturally to shake off the yoke that galls their necks. Suppose this business of religion were let

alone, and that there were some other distinction made between men and men upon account of their different

complexions, shapes, and features, so that those who have black hair (for example) or grey eyes should not

enjoy the same privileges as other citizens; that they should not be permitted either to buy or sell, or live by

their callings; that parents should not have the government and education of their own children; that all

should either be excluded from the benefit of the laws, or meet with partial judges; can it be doubted but these

persons, thus distinguished from others by the colour of their hair and eyes, and united together by one

common persecution, would be as dangerous to the magistrate as any others that had associated themselves

merely upon the account of religion? Some enter into company for trade and profit, others for want of

business have their clubs for claret. Neighbourhood joins some and religion others. But there is only one

You will say "What, will you have people to meet at divine service against the magistrate's will?" I answer:

Why, I pray, against his will? Is it not both lawful and necessary that they should meet? Against his will, do

you say? That is what I complain of; that is the very root of all the mischief. Why are assemblies less

sufferable in a church than in a theatre or market? Those that meet there are not either more vicious or more

turbulent than those that meet elsewhere. The business in that is that they are ill used, and therefore they are

not to be suffered. Take away the partiality that is used towards them in matters of common right; change the

laws, take away the penalties unto which they are subjected, and all things will immediately become safe and

peaceable; nay, those that are averse to the religion of the magistrate will think themselves so much the more

bound to maintain the peace of the commonwealth as their condition is better in that place than elsewhere;

and all the several separate congregations, like so many guardians of the public peace, will watch one

another, that nothing may be innovated or changed in the form of the government, because they can hope for

nothing better than what they already enjoy that is, an equal condition with their fellowsubjects under a

just and moderate government. Now if that Church which agrees in religion with the prince be esteemed the

chief support of any civil government, and that for no other reason (as has already been shown) than because

the prince is kind and the laws are favourable to it, how much greater will be the security of government

where all good subjects, of whatsoever Church they be, without any distinction upon account of religion,

enjoying the same favour of the prince and the same benefit of the laws, shall become the common support

and guard of it, and where none will have any occasion to fear the severity of the laws but those that do

That we may draw towards a conclusion. The sum of all we drive at is that every man may enjoy the same

rights that are granted to others. Is it permitted to worship God in the Roman manner? Let it be permitted to

do it in the Geneva form also. Is it permitted to speak Latin in the marketplace? Let those that have a mind

to it be permitted to do it also in the Church. Is it lawful for any man in his own house to kneel, stand, sit, or

use any other posture; and to clothe himself in white or black, in short or in long garments? Let it not be

made unlawful to eat bread, drink wine, or wash with water in the church. In a word, whatsoever things are

left free by law in the common occasions of life, let them remain free unto every Church in divine worship.

Let no man's life, or body, or house, or estate, suffer any manner of prejudice upon these accounts. Can you

allow of the Presbyterian discipline? Why should not the Episcopal also have what they like? Ecclesiastical

authority, whether it be administered by the hands of a single person or many, is everywhere the same; and

neither has any jurisdiction in things civil, nor any manner of power of compulsion, nor anything at all to do

Ecclesiastical assemblies and sermons are justified by daily experience and public allowance. These are

allowed to people of some one persuasion; why not to all? If anything pass in a religious meeting seditiously

and contrary to the public peace, it is to be punished in the same manner and no otherwise than as if it had

happened in a fair or market. These meetings ought not to be sanctuaries for factious and flagitious fellows.

Nor ought it to be less lawful for men to meet in churches than in halls; nor are one part of the subjects to be

esteemed more blamable for their meeting together than others. Every one is to be accountable for his own

actions, and no man is to be laid under a suspicion or odium for the fault of another. Those that are seditious,

murderers, thieves, robbers, adulterers, slanderers, etc., of whatsoever Church, whether national or not, ought

to be punished and suppressed. But those whose doctrine is peaceable and whose manners are pure and

blameless ought to be upon equal terms with their fellowsubjects. Thus if solemn assemblies, observations

of festivals, public worship be permitted to any one sort of professors, all these things ought to be permitted

to the Presbyterians, Independents, Anabaptists, Arminians, Quakers, and others, with the same liberty. Nay,

if we may openly speak the truth, and as becomes one man to another, neither Pagan nor Mahometan, nor

Jew, ought to be excluded from the civil rights of the commonwealth because of his religion. The Gospel

commands no such thing. The Church which "judgeth not those that are without"[9] wants it not. And the

commonwealth, which embraces indifferently all men that are honest, peaceable, and industrious, requires it

not. Shall we suffer a Pagan to deal and trade with us, and shall we not suffer him to pray unto and worship

God? If we allow the Jews to have private houses and dwellings amongst us, why should we not allow them

to have synagogues? Is their doctrine more false, their worship more abominable, or is the civil peace more

endangered by their meeting in public than in their private houses? But if these things may be granted to Jews

and Pagans, surely the condition of any Christians ought not to be worse than theirs in a Christian

You will say, perhaps: "Yes, it ought to be; because they are more inclinable to factions, tumults, and civil

wars." I answer: Is this the fault of the Christian religion? If it be so, truly the Christian religion is the worst

of all religions and ought neither to be embraced by any particular person, nor tolerated by any

commonwealth. For if this be the genius, this the nature of the Christian religion, to be turbulent and

destructive to the civil peace, that Church itself which the magistrate indulges will not always be innocent.

But far be it from us to say any such thing of that religion which carries the greatest opposition to

covetousness, ambition, discord, contention, and all manner of inordinate desires, and is the most modest and

peaceable religion that ever was. We must, therefore, seek another cause of those evils that are charged upon

religion. And, if we consider right, we shall find it to consist wholly in the subject that I am treating of. It is

not the diversity of opinions (which cannot be avoided), but the refusal of toleration to those that are of

different opinions (which might have been granted), that has produced all the bustles and wars that have been

in the Christian world upon account of religion. The heads and leaders of the Church, moved by avarice and

insatiable desire of dominion, making use of the immoderate ambition of magistrates and the credulous

superstition of the giddy multitude, have incensed and animated them against those that dissent from

themselves, by preaching unto them, contrary to the laws of the Gospel and to the precepts of charity, that

schismatics and heretics are to be outed of their possessions and destroyed. And thus have they mixed

together and confounded two things that are in themselves most different, the Church and the commonwealth.

Now as it is very difficult for men patiently to suffer themselves to be stripped of the goods which they have

got by their honest industry, and, contrary to all the laws of equity, both human and divine, to be delivered up

for a prey to other men's violence and rapine; especially when they are otherwise altogether blameless; and

that the occasion for which they are thus treated does not at all belong to the jurisdiction of the magistrate, but

entirely to the conscience of every particular man for the conduct of which he is accountable to God only;

what else can be expected but that these men, growing weary of the evils under which they labour, should in

the end think it lawful for them to resist force with force, and to defend their natural rights (which are not

forfeitable upon account of religion) with arms as well as they can? That this has been hitherto the ordinary

course of things is abundantly evident in history, and that it will continue to be so hereafter is but too

apparent in reason. It cannot indeed, be otherwise so long as the principle of persecution for religion shall

prevail, as it has done hitherto, with magistrate and people, and so long as those that ought to be the preachers

of peace and concord shall continue with all their art and strength to excite men to arms and sound the

trumpet of war. But that magistrates should thus suffer these incendiaries and disturbers of the public peace

might justly be wondered at if it did not appear that they have been invited by them unto a participation of the

spoil, and have therefore thought fit to make use of their covetousness and pride as means whereby to

increase their own power. For who does not see that these good men are, indeed, more ministers of the

government than ministers of the Gospel and that, by flattering the ambition and favouring the dominion of

princes and men in authority, they endeavour with all their might to promote that tyranny in the

commonwealth which otherwise they should not be able to establish in the Church? This is the unhappy

agreement that we see between the Church and State. Whereas if each of them would contain itself within its

own bounds the one attending to the worldly welfare of the commonwealth, the other to the salvation of

souls it is impossible that any discord should ever have happened between them. Sed pudet hoec

opprobria. etc. God Almighty grant, I beseech Him, that the gospel of peace may at length be preached, and

that civil magistrates, growing more careful to conform their own consciences to the law of God and less

solicitous about the binding of other men's consciences by human laws, may, like fathers of their country,

direct all their counsels and endeavours to promote universally the civil welfare of all their children, except

only of such as are arrogant, ungovernable, and injurious to their brethren; and that all ecclesiastical men,

who boast themselves to be the successors of the Apostles, walking peaceably and modestly in the Apostles'

steps, without intermeddling with State Affairs, may apply themselves wholly to promote the salvation of

PERHAPS it may not be amiss to add a few things concerning heresy and schism. A Turk is not, nor can be,

either heretic or schismatic to a Christian; and if any man fall off from the Christian faith to Mahometism, he

does not thereby become a heretic or schismatic, but an apostate and an infidel. This nobody doubts of; and

by this it appears that men of different religions cannot be heretics or schismatics to one another.

We are to inquire, therefore, what men are of the same religion. Concerning which it is manifest that those

who have one and the same rule of faith and worship are of the same religion; and those who have not the

same rule of faith and worship are of different religions. For since all things that belong unto that religion are

contained in that rule, it follows necessarily that those who agree in one rule are of one and the same religion,

and vice versa. Thus Turks and Christians are of different religions, because these take the Holy Scriptures to

be the rule of their religion, and those the Alcoran. And for the same reason there may be different religions

also even amongst Christians. The Papists and Lutherans, though both of them profess faith in Christ and are

therefore called Christians, yet are not both of the same religion, because these acknowledge nothing but the

Holy Scriptures to be the rule and foundation of their religion, those take in also traditions and the decrees of

Popes and of these together make the rule of their religion; and thus the Christians of St. John (as they are

called) and the Christians of Geneva are of different religions, because these also take only the Scriptures,

This being settled, it follows, first, that heresy is a separation made in ecclesiastical communion between men

of the same religion for some opinions no way contained in the rule itself; and, secondly, that amongst those

who acknowledge nothing but the Holy Scriptures to be their rule of faith, heresy is a separation made in their

Christian communion for opinions not contained in the express words of Scripture. Now this separation may

1. When the greater part, or by the magistrate's patronage the stronger part, of the Church separates itself

from others by excluding them out of her communion because they will not profess their belief of certain

opinions which are not the express words of the Scripture. For it is not the paucity of those that are separated,

nor the authority of the magistrate, that can make any man guilty of heresy, but he only is a heretic who

divides the Church into parts, introduces names and marks of distinction, and voluntarily makes a separation

2. When any one separates himself from the communion of a Church because that Church does not publicly

Both these are heretics because they err in fundamentals, and they err obstinately against knowledge; for

when they have determined the Holy Scriptures to be the only foundation of faith, they nevertheless lay down

certain propositions as fundamental which are not in the Scripture, and because others will not acknowledge

these additional opinions of theirs, nor build upon them as if they were necessary and fundamental, they

therefore make a separation in the Church, either by withdrawing themselves from others, or expelling the

others from them. Nor does it signify anything for them to say that their confessions and symbols are

agreeable to Scripture and to the analogy of faith; for if they be conceived in the express words of Scripture,

there can be no question about them, because those things are acknowledged by all Christians to be of divine

inspiration and therefore fundamental. But if they say that the articles which they require to be professed are

consequences deduced from the Scripture, it is undoubtedly well done of them who believe and profess such

things as seem unto them so agreeable to the rule of faith. But it would be very ill done to obtrude those

things upon others unto whom they do not seem to be the indubitable doctrines of the Scripture; and to make

a separation for such things as these, which neither are nor can be fundamental, is to become heretics; for I do

not think there is any man arrived to that degree of madness as that he dare give out his consequences and

interpretations of Scripture as divine inspirations and compare the articles of faith that he has framed

according to his own fancy with the authority of Scripture. I know there are some propositions so evidently

agreeable to Scripture that nobody can deny them to be drawn from thence, but about those, therefore, there

can be no difference. This only I say that however clearly we may think this or the other doctrine to be

deduced from Scripture, we ought not therefore to impose it upon others as a necessary article of faith

because we believe it to be agreeable to the rule of faith, unless we would be content also that other doctrines

should be imposed upon us in the same manner, and that we should be compelled to receive and profess all

the different and contradictory opinions of Lutherans, Calvinists, Remonstrants, Anabaptists, and other sects

which the contrivers of symbols, systems, and confessions are accustomed to deliver to their followers as

genuine and necessary deductions from the Holy Scripture. I cannot but wonder at the extravagant arrogance

of those men who think that they themselves can explain things necessary to salvation more clearly than the

Thus much concerning heresy, which word in common use is applied only to the doctrinal part of religion.

Let us now consider schism, which is a crime near akin to it; for both these words seem unto me to signify an

illgrounded separation in ecclesiastical communion made about things not necessary. But since use, which

is the supreme law in matter of language, has determined that heresy relates to errors in faith, and schism to

Schism, then, for the same reasons that have already been alleged, is nothing else but a separation made in the

communion of the Church upon account of something in divine worship or ecclesiastical discipline that is not

any necessary part of it. Now, nothing in worship or discipline can be necessary to Christian communion but

what Christ our legislator, or the Apostles by inspiration of the Holy Spirit, have commanded in express

In a word, he that denies not anything that the Holy Scriptures teach in express words, nor makes a separation

upon occasion of anything that is not manifestly contained in the sacred text however he may be

nicknamed by any sect of Christians and declared by some or all of them to be utterly void of true

Christianity yet in deed and in truth this man cannot be either a heretic or schismatic.

These things might have been explained more largely and more advantageously, but it is enough to have