Title:   Statesman

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Author:   Plato

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Statesman

Plato



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Table of Contents

Statesman .............................................................................................................................................................1

Plato.........................................................................................................................................................1

INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. ....................................................................................................1

STATESMAN.......................................................................................................................................20


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Statesman

Plato

translated by Benjamin Jowett

INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS. 

STATESMAN  

INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS.

In the Phaedrus, the Republic, the Philebus, the Parmenides, and  the  Sophist, we may observe the tendency of

Plato to combine two or  more  subjects or different aspects of the same subject in a single  dialogue.  In  the

Sophist and Statesman especially we note that the  discussion is partly  regarded as an illustration of method,

and that  analogies are brought from  afar which throw light on the main subject.  And in his later writings

generally we further remark a decline of  style, and of dramatic power; the  characters excite little or no

interest, and the digressions are apt to  overlay the main thesis;  there is not the 'callida junctura' of an artistic

whole.  Both the  serious discussions and the jests are sometimes out of  place.  The  invincible Socrates is

withdrawn from view; and new foes begin  to  appear under old names.  Plato is now chiefly concerned, not

with the  original Sophist, but with the sophistry of the schools of philosophy,  which are making reasoning

impossible; and is driven by them out of  the  regions of transcendental speculation back into the path of

common  sense.  A logical or psychological phase takes the place of the  doctrine of Ideas  in his mind.  He is

constantly dwelling on the  importance of regular  classification, and of not putting words in the  place of

things.  He has  banished the poets, and is beginning to use a  technical language.  He is  bitter and satirical, and

seems to be sadly  conscious of the realities of  human life.  Yet the ideal glory of the  Platonic philosophy is

not  extinguished.  He is still looking for a  city in which kings are either  philosophers or gods (compare Laws). 

The Statesman has lost the grace and beauty of the earlier  dialogues.  The  mind of the writer seems to be so

overpowered in the  effort of thought as  to impair his style; at least his gift of  expression does not keep up

with  the increasing difficulty of his  theme.  The idea of the king or statesman  and the illustration of  method

are connected, not like the love and  rhetoric of the Phaedrus,  by 'little invisible pegs,' but in a confused and

inartistic manner,  which fails to produce any impression of a whole on the  mind of the  reader.  Plato

apologizes for his tediousness, and acknowledges  that  the improvement of his audience has been his only aim

in some of his  digressions.  His own image may be used as a motto of his style:  like  an  inexpert statuary he

has made the figure or outline too large, and  is  unable to give the proper colours or proportions to his work.

He  makes  mistakes only to correct themthis seems to be his way of  drawing  attention to common

dialectical errors.  The Eleatic stranger,  here, as in  the Sophist, has no appropriate character, and appears  only

as the  expositor of a political ideal, in the delineation of  which he is  frequently interrupted by purely logical

illustrations.  The younger  Socrates resembles his namesake in nothing but a name.  The dramatic  character is

so completely forgotten, that a special  reference is twice  made to discussions in the Sophist; and this,

perhaps, is the strongest  ground which can be urged for doubting the  genuineness of the work.  But,  when we

remember that a similar  allusion is made in the Laws to the  Republic, we see that the entire  disregard of

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dramatic propriety is not  always a sufficient reason for  doubting the genuineness of a Platonic  writing. 

The search after the Statesman, which is carried on, like that for  the  Sophist, by the method of dichotomy,

gives an opportunity for many  humorous  and satirical remarks.  Several of the jests are mannered and

laboured:  for example, the turn of words with which the dialogue  opens; or the clumsy  joke about man being

an animal, who has a power  of twofeetboth which are  suggested by the presence of Theodorus,  the

geometrician.  There is  political as well as logical insight in  refusing to admit the division of  mankind into

Hellenes and  Barbarians:  'if a crane could speak, he would in  like manner oppose  men and all other animals

to cranes.'  The pride of the  Hellene is  further humbled, by being compared to a Phrygian or Lydian.  Plato

glories in this impartiality of the dialectical method, which places  birds in juxtaposition with men, and the

king side by side with the  bird  catcher; king or vermindestroyer are objects of equal interest  to science

(compare Parmen.).  There are other passages which show  that the irony of  Socrates was a lesson which Plato

was not slow in  learningas, for  example, the passing remark, that 'the kings and  statesmen of our day are  in

their breeding and education very like  their subjects;' or the  anticipation that the rivals of the king will  be

found in the class of  servants; or the imposing attitude of the  priests, who are the established  interpreters of

the will of heaven,  authorized by law.  Nothing is more  bitter in all his writings than  his comparison of the

contemporary  politicians to lions, centaurs,  satyrs, and other animals of a feebler  sort, who are ever changing

their forms and natures.  But, as in the later  dialogues generally,  the play of humour and the charm of poetry

have  departed, never to  return. 

Still the Politicus contains a higher and more ideal conception of  politics  than any other of Plato's writings.

The city of which there  is a pattern  in heaven (Republic), is here described as a Paradisiacal  state of human

society.  In the truest sense of all, the ruler is not  man but God; and  such a government existed in a former

cycle of human  history, and may again  exist when the gods resume their care of  mankind.  In a secondary

sense,  the true form of government is that  which has scientific rulers, who are  irresponsible to their subjects.

Not power but knowledge is the  characteristic of a king or royal  person.  And the rule of a man is better  and

higher than law, because  he is more able to deal with the infinite  complexity of human affairs.  But mankind,

in despair of finding a true  ruler, are willing to  acquiesce in any law or custom which will save them  from the

caprice  of individuals.  They are ready to accept any of the six  forms of  government which prevail in the

world.  To the Greek, nomos was a  sacred word, but the political idealism of Plato soars into a region  beyond;

for the laws he would substitute the intelligent will of the  legislator.  Education is originally to implant in

men's minds a sense  of  truth and justice, which is the divine bond of states, and the  legislator  is to contrive

human bonds, by which dissimilar natures may  be united in  marriage and supply the deficiencies of one

another.  As  in the Republic,  the government of philosophers, the causes of the  perversion of states, the

regulation of marriages, are still the  political problems with which  Plato's mind is occupied.  He treats  them

more slightly, partly because the  dialogue is shorter, and also  because the discussion of them is perpetually

crossed by the other  interest of dialectic, which has begun to absorb him. 

The plan of the Politicus or Statesman may be briefly sketched as  follows:  (1) By a process of division and

subdivision we discover the  true herdsman  or king of men.  But before we can rightly distinguish  him from

his rivals,  we must view him, (2) as he is presented to us in  a famous ancient tale:  the tale will also enable us

to distinguish the  divine from the human  herdsman or shepherd:  (3) and besides our  fable, we must have an

example;  for our example we will select the art  of weaving, which will have to be  distinguished from the

kindred arts;  and then, following this pattern, we  will separate the king from his  subordinates or competitors.

(4) But are  we not exceeding all due  limits; and is there not a measure of all arts and  sciences, to which  the

art of discourse must conform?  There is; but before  we can apply  this measure, we must know what is the aim

of discourse:  and  our  discourse only aims at the dialectical improvement of ourselves and  others.Having

made our apology, we return once more to the king or  statesman, and proceed to contrast him with pretenders

in the same  line  with him, under their various forms of government.  (5) His  characteristic  is, that he alone has

science, which is superior to law  and written  enactments; these do but spring out of the necessities of

mankind, when  they are in despair of finding the true king.  (6) The  sciences which are  most akin to the royal


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are the sciences of the  general, the judge, the  orator, which minister to him, but even these  are subordinate to

him.  (7)  Fixed principles are implanted by  education, and the king or statesman  completes the political web

by  marrying together dissimilar natures, the  courageous and the  temperate, the bold and the gentle, who are

the warp and  the woof of  society. 

The outline may be filled up as follows: 

SOCRATES: I have reason to thank you, Theodorus, for the  acquaintance of  Theaetetus and the Stranger. 

THEODORUS: And you will have three times as much reason to  thank me when  they have delineated the

Statesman and Philosopher, as  well as the Sophist. 

SOCRATES: Does the great geometrician apply the same measure  to all three?  Are they not divided by an

interval which no geometrical  ratio can express? 

THEODORUS: By the god Ammon, Socrates, you are right; and I  am glad to see  that you have not

forgotten your geometry.  But before  I retaliate on you,  I must request the Stranger to finish the  argument... 

The Stranger suggests that Theaetetus shall be allowed to rest, and  that  Socrates the younger shall respond in

his place; Theodorus agrees  to the  suggestion, and Socrates remarks that the name of the one and  the face of

the other give him a right to claim relationship with both  of them.  They  propose to take the Statesman after

the Sophist; his  path they must  determine, and part off all other ways, stamping upon  them a single  negative

form (compare Soph.). 

The Stranger begins the enquiry by making a division of the arts  and  sciences into theoretical and

practicalthe one kind concerned  with  knowledge exclusively, and the other with action; arithmetic and  the

mathematical sciences are examples of the former, and carpentering  and  handicraft arts of the latter (compare

Philebus).  Under which of  the two  shall we place the Statesman?  Or rather, shall we not first  ask, whether  the

king, statesman, master, householder, practise one  art or many?  As the  adviser of a physician may be said to

have  medical science and to be a  physician, so the adviser of a king has  royal science and is a king.  And  the

master of a large household may  be compared to the ruler of a small  state.  Hence we conclude that the

science of the king, statesman, and  householder is one and the same.  And this science is akin to knowledge

rather than to action.  For a  king rules with his mind, and not with his  hands. 

But theoretical science may be a science either of judging, like  arithmetic, or of ruling and superintending,

like that of the  architect or  masterbuilder.  And the science of the king is of the  latter nature; but  the power

which he exercises is underived and  uncontrolled,a  characteristic which distinguishes him from heralds,

prophets, and other  inferior officers.  He is the wholesale dealer in  command, and the herald,  or other officer,

retails his commands to  others.  Again, a ruler is  concerned with the production of some  object, and objects

may be divided  into living and lifeless, and  rulers into the rulers of living and lifeless  objects.  And the king  is

not like the masterbuilder, concerned with  lifeless matter, but  has the task of managing living animals.  And

the  tending of living  animals may be either a tending of individuals, or a  managing of  herds.  And the

Statesman is not a groom, but a herdsman, and  his art  may be called either the art of managing a herd, or the

art of  collective management:Which do you prefer?  'No matter.'  Very good,  Socrates, and if you are not

too particular about words you will be  all the  richer some day in true wisdom.  But how would you subdivide

the herdsman's  art?  'I should say, that there is one management of  men, and another of  beasts.'  Very good, but

you are in too great a  hurry to get to man.  All  divisions which are rightly made should cut  through the

middle; if you  attend to this rule, you will be more  likely to arrive at classes.  'I do  not understand the nature

of my  mistake.'  Your division was like a  division of the human race into  Hellenes and Barbarians, or into

Lydians or  Phrygians and all other  nations, instead of into male and female; or like a  division of number  into

ten thousand and all other numbers, instead of into  odd and even.  And I should like you to observe further,


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that though I  maintain a  class to be a part, there is no similar necessity for a part to  be a  class.  But to return to

your division, you spoke of men and other  animals as two classesthe second of which you comprehended

under the  general name of beasts.  This is the sort of division which an  intelligent  crane would make:  he

would put cranes into a class by  themselves for their  special glory, and jumble together all others,  including

man, in the class  of beasts.  An error of this kind can only  be avoided by a more regular  subdivision.  Just now

we divided the  whole class of animals into  gregarious and nongregarious, omitting  the previous division

into tame and  wild.  We forgot this in our hurry  to arrive at man, and found by  experience, as the proverb

says, that  'the more haste the worse speed.' 

And now let us begin again at the art of managing herds.  You have  probably  heard of the fishpreserves in

the Nile and in the ponds of  the Great King,  and of the nurseries of geese and cranes in Thessaly.  These

suggest a new  division into the rearing or management of  landherds and of waterherds:  I need not say

with which the king is  concerned.  And landherds may be  divided into walking and flying; and  every idiot

knows that the political  animal is a pedestrian.  At this  point we may take a longer or a shorter  road, and as we

are already  near the end, I see no harm in taking the  longer, which is the way of  mesotomy, and accords with

the principle which  we were laying down.  The tame, walking, herding animal, may be divided  into two

classesthe horned and the hornless, and the king is concerned  with  the hornless; and these again may be

subdivided into animals having or  not having cloven feet, or mixing or not mixing the breed; and the  king or

statesman has the care of animals which have not cloven feet,  and which do  not mix the breed.  And now, if

we omit dogs, who can  hardly be said to  herd, I think that we have only two species left  which remain

undivided:  and how are we to distinguish them?  To  geometricians, like you and  Theaetetus, I can have no

difficulty in  explaining that man is a diameter,  having a power of two feet; and the  power of fourlegged

creatures, being  the double of two feet, is the  diameter of our diameter.  There is another  excellent jest which I

spy  in the two remaining species.  Men and birds are  both bipeds, and  human beings are running a race with

the airiest and  freest of  creation, in which they are far behind their competitors;this  is a  great joke, and

there is a still better in the juxtaposition of the  birdtaker and the king, who may be seen scampering after

them.  For,  as we  remarked in discussing the Sophist, the dialectical method is no  respecter  of persons.  But we

might have proceeded, as I was saying,  by another and a  shorter road.  In that case we should have begun by

dividing land animals  into bipeds and quadrupeds, and bipeds into  winged and wingless; we should  than have

taken the Statesman and set  him over the 'bipes implume,' and put  the reins of government into his  hands. 

Here let us sum up:The science of pure knowledge had a part which  was the  science of command, and this

had a part which was a science of  wholesale  command; and this was divided into the management of  animals,

and was again  parted off into the management of herds of  animals, and again of land  animals, and these into

hornless, and these  into bipeds; and so at last we  arrived at man, and found the political  and royal science.

And yet we have  not clearly distinguished the  political shepherd from his rivals.  No one  would think of

usurping  the prerogatives of the ordinary shepherd, who on  all hands is  admitted to be the trainer,

matchmaker, doctor, musician of  his flock.  But the royal shepherd has numberless competitors, from whom

he  must  be distinguished; there are merchants, husbandmen, physicians, who  will all dispute his right to

manage the flock.  I think that we can  best  distinguish him by having recourse to a famous old tradition,

which may  amuse as well as instruct us; the narrative is perfectly  true, although the  scepticism of mankind is

prone to doubt the tales  of old.  You have heard  what happened in the quarrel of Atreus and  Thyestes?  'You

mean about the  golden lamb?'  No, not that; but  another part of the story, which tells how  the sun and stars

once  arose in the west and set in the east, and that the  god reversed their  motion, as a witness to the right of

Atreus.  'There is  such a story.'  And no doubt you have heard of the empire of Cronos, and of  the  earthborn

men?  The origin of these and the like stories is to be found  in the tale which I am about to narrate. 

There was a time when God directed the revolutions of the world,  but at the  completion of a certain cycle he

let go; and the world, by  a necessity of  its nature, turned back, and went round the other way.  For divine

things  alone are unchangeable; but the earth and heavens,  although endowed with  many glories, have a body,

and are therefore  liable to perturbation.  In  the case of the world, the perturbation is  very slight, and amounts


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only to  a reversal of motion.  For the lord  of moving things is alone selfmoved;  neither can piety allow that

he  goes at one time in one direction and at  another time in another; or  that God has given the universe

opposite  motions; or that there are  two gods, one turning it in one direction,  another in another.  But  the truth

is, that there are two cycles of the  world, and in one of  them it is governed by an immediate Providence, and

receives life and  immortality, and in the other is let go again, and has a  reverse  action during infinite ages.

This new action is spontaneous, and  is  due to exquisite perfection of balance, to the vast size of the  universe,

and to the smallness of the pivot upon which it turns.  All  changes in the heaven affect the animal world, and

this being the  greatest  of them, is most destructive to men and animals.  At the  beginning of the  cycle before

our own very few of them had survived;  and on these a mighty  change passed.  For their life was reversed like

the motion of the world,  and first of all coming to a stand then  quickly returned to youth and  beauty.  The

white locks of the aged  became black; the cheeks of the  bearded man were restored to their  youth and

fineness; the young men grew  softer and smaller, and, being  reduced to the condition of children in mind  as

well as body, began to  vanish away; and the bodies of those who had died  by violence, in a  few moments

underwent a parallel change and disappeared.  In that cycle  of existence there was no such thing as the

procreation of  animals  from one another, but they were born of the earth, and of this our  ancestors, who came

into being immediately after the end of the last  cycle  and at the beginning of this, have preserved the

recollection.  Such  traditions are often now unduly discredited, and yet they may be  proved by  internal

evidence.  For observe how consistent the narrative  is; as the old  returned to youth, so the dead returned to

life; the  wheel of their  existence having been reversed, they rose again from  the earth:  a few only  were

reserved by God for another destiny.  Such  was the origin of the  earthborn men. 

'And is this cycle, of which you are speaking, the reign of Cronos,  or our  present state of existence?'  No,

Socrates, that blessed and  spontaneous  life belongs not to this, but to the previous state, in  which God was the

governor of the whole world, and other gods subject  to him ruled over parts  of the world, as is still the case in

certain  places.  They were shepherds  of men and animals, each of them  sufficing for those of whom he had the

care.  And there was no  violence among them, or war, or devouring of one  another.  Their life  was

spontaneous, because in those days God ruled over  man; and he was  to man what man is now to the animals.

Under his  government there  were no estates, or private possessions, or families; but  the earth  produced a

sufficiency of all things, and men were born out of  the  earth, having no traditions of the past; and as the

temperature of the  seasons was mild, they took no thought for raiment, and had no beds,  but  lived and dwelt

in the open air. 

Such was the age of Cronos, and the age of Zeus is our own.  Tell  me, which  is the happier of the two?  Or

rather, shall I tell you that  the happiness  of these children of Cronos must have depended on how  they used

their time?  If having boundless leisure, and the power of  discoursing not only with one  another but with the

animals, they had  employed these advantages with a  view to philosophy, gathering from  every nature some

addition to their  store of knowledge;or again, if  they had merely eaten and drunk, and told  stories to one

another, and  to the beasts;in either case, I say, there  would be no difficulty in  answering the question.  But

as nobody knows  which they did, the  question must remain unanswered.  And here is the point  of my tale.  In

the fulness of time, when the earthborn men had all passed  away,  the ruler of the universe let go the helm,

and became a spectator;  and  destiny and natural impulse swayed the world.  At the same instant all  the inferior

deities gave up their hold; the whole universe rebounded,  and  there was a great earthquake, and utter ruin of

all manner of  animals.  After a while the tumult ceased, and the universal creature  settled down in  his

accustomed course, having authority over all other  creatures, and  following the instructions of his God and

Father, at  first more precisely,  afterwards with less exactness.  The reason of  the falling off was the

disengagement of a former chaos; 'a muddy  vesture of decay' was a part of  his original nature, out of which

he  was brought by his Creator, under  whose immediate guidance, while he  remained in that former cycle, the

evil  was minimized and the good  increased to the utmost.  And in the beginning  of the new cycle all  was well

enough, but as time went on, discord entered  in; at length  the good was minimized and the evil everywhere

diffused, and  there was  a danger of universal ruin.  Then the Creator, seeing the world  in  great straits, and

fearing that chaos and infinity would come again, in  his tender care again placed himself at the helm and


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restored order,  and  made the world immortal and imperishable.  Once more the cycle of  life and  generation

was reversed; the infants grew into young men, and  the young men  became greyheaded; no longer did the

animals spring out  of the earth; as  the whole world was now lord of its own progress, so  the parts were to be

selfcreated and selfnourished.  At first the  case of men was very  helpless and pitiable; for they were alone

among  the wild beasts, and had  to carry on the struggle for existence  without arts or knowledge, and had  no

food, and did not know how to  get any.  That was the time when  Prometheus brought them fire,  Hephaestus

and Athene taught them arts, and  other gods gave them seeds  and plants.  Out of these human life was framed;

for mankind were left  to themselves, and ordered their own ways, living,  like the universe,  in one cycle after

one manner, and in another cycle  after another  manner. 

Enough of the myth, which may show us two errors of which we were  guilty in  our account of the king.  The

first and grand error was in  choosing for our  king a god, who belongs to the other cycle, instead  of a man

from our own;  there was a lesser error also in our failure to  define the nature of the  royal functions.  The myth

gave us only the  image of a divine shepherd,  whereas the statesmen and kings of our own  day very much

resemble their  subjects in education and breeding.  On  retracing our steps we find that we  gave too narrow a

designation to  the art which was concerned with command  forself over living  creatures, when we called it

the 'feeding' of animals  in flocks.  This  would apply to all shepherds, with the exception of the  Statesman; but

if we say 'managing' or 'tending' animals, the term would  include him  as well.  Having remodelled the name,

we may subdivide as  before,  first separating the human from the divine shepherd or manager.  Then  we may

subdivide the human art of governing into the government of  willing and unwilling subjectsroyalty and

tyrannywhich are the  extreme  opposites of one another, although we in our simplicity have  hitherto

confounded them. 

And yet the figure of the king is still defective.  We have taken  up a lump  of fable, and have used more than

we needed.  Like  statuaries, we have made  some of the features out of proportion, and  shall lose time in

reducing  them.  Or our mythus may be compared to a  picture, which is well drawn in  outline, but is not yet

enlivened by  colour.  And to intelligent persons  language is, or ought to be, a  better instrument of description

than any  picture.  'But what,  Stranger, is the deficiency of which you speak?'  No  higher truth can  be made

clear without an example; every man seems to know  all things  in a dream, and to know nothing when he is

awake.  And the  nature of  example can only be illustrated by an example.  Children are  taught to  read by being

made to compare cases in which they do not know a  certain letter with cases in which they know it, until they

learn to  recognize it in all its combinations.  Example comes into use when we  identify something unknown

with that which is known, and form a common  notion of both of them.  Like the child who is learning his

letters,  the  soul recognizes some of the first elements of things; and then  again is at  fault and unable to

recognize them when they are  translated into the  difficult language of facts.  Let us, then, take  an example,

which will  illustrate the nature of example, and will also  assist us in characterizing  the political science, and

in separating  the true king from his rivals. 

I will select the example of weaving, or, more precisely, weaving  of wool.  In the first place, all possessions

are either productive or  preventive; of  the preventive sort are spells and antidotes, divine  and human, and also

defences, and defences are either arms or screens,  and screens are veils  and also shields against heat and cold,

and  shields against heat and cold  are shelters and coverings, and  coverings are blankets or garments, and

garments are in one piece or  have many parts; and of these latter, some are  stitched and others are  fastened,

and of these again some are made of  fibres of plants and  some of hair, and of these some are cemented with

water and earth, and  some are fastened with their own material; the latter  are called  clothes, and are made by

the art of clothing, from which the art  of  weaving differs only in name, as the political differs from the royal

science.  Thus we have drawn several distinctions, but as yet have not  distinguished the weaving of garments

from the kindred and  cooperative  arts.  For the first process to which the material is  subjected is the  opposite

of weavingI mean carding.  And the art of  carding, and the whole  art of the fuller and the mender, are

concerned  with the treatment and  production of clothes, as well as the art of  weaving.  Again, there are the

arts which make the weaver's tools.  And if we say that the weaver's art is  the greatest and noblest of  those


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which have to do with woollen garments,  this, although true,  is not sufficiently distinct; because these

other arts  require to be  first cleared away.  Let us proceed, then, by regular steps:  There  are causal or

principal, and cooperative or subordinate arts.  To  the  causal class belong the arts of washing and mending,

of carding and  spinning the threads, and the other arts of working in wool; these are  chiefly of two kinds,

falling under the two great categories of  composition  and division.  Carding is of the latter sort.  But our

concern is chiefly  with that part of the art of woolworking which  composes, and of which one  kind twists

and the other interlaces the  threads, whether the firmer  texture of the warp or the looser texture  of the woof.

These are adapted  to each other, and the orderly  composition of them forms a woollen garment.  And the art

which  presides over these operations is the art of weaving. 

But why did we go through this circuitous process, instead of  saying at  once that weaving is the art of

entwining the warp and the  woof?  In order  that our labour may not seem to be lost, I must  explain the whole

nature of  excess and defect.  There are two arts of  measuringone is concerned with  relative size, and the

other has  reference to a mean or standard of what is  meet.  The difference  between good and evil is the

difference between a  mean or measure and  excess or defect.  All things require to be compared,  not only with

one another, but with the mean, without which there would be  no beauty  and no art, whether the art of the

statesman or the art of  weaving or  any other; for all the arts guard against excess or defect,  which are  real

evils.  This we must endeavour to show, if the arts are to  exist;  and the proof of this will be a harder piece of

work than the  demonstration of the existence of notbeing which we proved in our  discussion about the

Sophist.  At present I am content with the  indirect  proof that the existence of such a standard is necessary to

the existence  of the arts.  The standard or measure, which we are now  only applying to  the arts, may be some

day required with a view to the  demonstration of  absolute truth. 

We may now divide this art of measurement into two parts; placing  in the  one part all the arts which measure

the relative size or number  of objects,  and in the other all those which depend upon a mean or  standard.  Many

accomplished men say that the art of measurement has  to do with all things,  but these persons, although in

this notion of  theirs they may very likely  be right, are apt to fail in seeing the  differences of classesthey

jumble  together in one the 'more' and the  'too much,' which are very different  things.  Whereas the right way is

to find the differences of classes, and  to comprehend the things which  have any affinity under the same class. 

I will make one more observation by the way.  When a pupil at a  school is  asked the letters which make up a

particular word, is he not  asked with a  view to his knowing the same letters in all words?  And  our enquiry

about  the Statesman in like manner is intended not only to  improve our knowledge  of politics, but our

reasoning powers generally.  Still less would any one  analyze the nature of weaving for its own  sake.  There is

no difficulty in  exhibiting sensible images, but the  greatest and noblest truths have no  outward form adapted

to the eye of  sense, and are only revealed in thought.  And all that we are now  saying is said for the sake of

them.  I make these  remarks, because I  want you to get rid of any impression that our  discussion about

weaving and about the reversal of the universe, and the  other  discussion about the Sophist and notbeing,

were tedious and  irrelevant.  Please to observe that they can only be fairly judged  when  compared with what is

meet; and yet not with what is meet for  producing  pleasure, nor even meet for making discoveries, but for the

great end of  developing the dialectical method and sharpening the wits  of the auditors.  He who censures us,

should prove that, if our words  had been fewer, they  would have been better calculated to make men

dialecticians. 

And now let us return to our king or statesman, and transfer to him  the  example of weaving.  The royal art has

been separated from that of  other  herdsmen, but not from the causal and cooperative arts which  exist in

states; these do not admit of dichotomy, and therefore they  must be carved  neatly, like the limbs of a victim,

not into more parts  than are necessary.  And first (1) we have the large class of  instruments, which includes

almost  everything in the world; from these  may be parted off (2) vessels which are  framed for the

preservation of  things, moist or dry, prepared in the fire  or out of the fire.  The  royal or political art has

nothing to do with  either of these, any  more than with the arts of making (3) vehicles, or (4)  defences,


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whether dresses, or arms, or walls, or (5) with the art of making  ornaments, whether pictures or other

playthings, as they may be fitly  called, for they have no serious use.  Then (6) there are the arts  which  furnish

gold, silver, wood, bark, and other materials, which  should have  been put first; these, again, have no concern

with the  kingly science; any  more than the arts (7) which provide food and  nourishment for the human  body,

and which furnish occupation to the  husbandman, huntsman, doctor,  cook, and the like, but not to the king  or

statesman.  Further, there are  small things, such as coins, seals,  stamps, which may with a little  violence be

comprehended in one of the  abovementioned classes.  Thus they  will embrace every species of  property with

the exception of animals,but  these have been already  included in the art of tending herds.  There  remains

only the class of  slaves or ministers, among whom I expect that the  real rivals of the  king will be discovered.

I am not speaking of the  veritable slave  bought with money, nor of the hireling who lets himself out  for

service, nor of the trader or merchant, who at best can only lay claim  to economical and not to royal science.

Nor am I referring to  government  officials, such as heralds and scribes, for these are only  the servants of  the

rulers, and not the rulers themselves.  I admit  that there may be  something strange in any servants pretending

to be  masters, but I hardly  think that I could have been wrong in supposing  that the principal  claimants to the

throne will be of this class.  Let  us try once more:  There are diviners and priests, who are full of  pride and

prerogative;  these, as the law declares, know how to give  acceptable gifts to the gods,  and in many parts of

Hellas the duty of  performing solemn sacrifices is  assigned to the chief magistrate, as  at Athens to the King

Archon.  At  last, then, we have found a trace of  those whom we were seeking.  But still  they are only servants

and  ministers. 

And who are these who next come into view in various forms of men  and  animals and other monsters

appearinglions and centaurs and  satyrswho  are these?  I did not know them at first, for every one  looks

strange when  he is unexpected.  But now I recognize the  politician and his troop, the  chief of Sophists, the

prince of  charlatans, the most accomplished of  wizards, who must be carefully  distinguished from the true

king or  statesman.  And here I will  interpose a question:  What are the true forms  of government?  Are  they not

threemonarchy, oligarchy, and democracy? and  the  distinctions of freedom and compulsion, law and no

law, poverty and  riches expand these three into six.  Monarchy may be divided into  royalty  and tyranny;

oligarchy into aristocracy and plutocracy; and  democracy may  observe the law or may not observe it.  But are

any of  these governments  worthy of the name?  Is not government a science,  and are we to suppose  that

scientific government is secured by the  rulers being many or few, rich  or poor, or by the rule being

compulsory or voluntary?  Can the many attain  to science?  In no  Hellenic city are there fifty good draught

players, and  certainly  there are not as many kings, for by kings we mean all those who  are  possessed of the

political science.  A true government must therefore  be the government of one, or of a few.  And they may

govern us either  with  or without law, and whether they are poor or rich, and however  they govern,  provided

they govern on some scientific principle,it  makes no difference.  And as the physician may cure us with our

will,  or against our will, and by  any mode of treatment, burning, bleeding,  lowering, fattening, if he only

proceeds scientifically:  so the true  governor may reduce or fatten or  bleed the body corporate, while he  acts

according to the rules of his art,  and with a view to the good of  the state, whether according to law or  without

law. 

'I do not like the notion, that there can be good government  without law.' 

I must explain:  Lawmaking certainly is the business of a king;  and yet  the best thing of all is, not that the

law should rule, but  that the king  should rule, for the varieties of circumstances are  endless, and no simple  or

universal rule can suit them all, or last  for ever.  The law is just an  ignorant brute of a tyrant, who insists

always on his commands being  fulfilled under all circumstances.  'Then  why have we laws at all?'  I will

answer that question by asking you  whether the training master gives a  different discipline to each of  his

pupils, or whether he has a general  rule of diet and exercise  which is suited to the constitutions of the

majority?  'The latter.'  The legislator, too, is obliged to lay down  general laws, and cannot  enact what is

precisely suitable to each  particular case.  He cannot  be sitting at every man's side all his life,  and prescribe

for him the  minute particulars of his duty, and therefore he  is compelled to  impose on himself and others the


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restriction of a written  law.  Let me  suppose now, that a physician or trainer, having left  directions for  his

patients or pupils, goes into a far country, and comes  back sooner  than he intended; owing to some

unexpected change in the  weather, the  patient or pupil seems to require a different mode of  treatment:  Would

he persist in his old commands, under the idea that all  others  are noxious and heterodox?  Viewed in the light

of science, would  not  the continuance of such regulations be ridiculous?  And if the  legislator, or another like

him, comes back from a far country, is he  to be  prohibited from altering his own laws?  The common people

say:  Let a man  persuade the city first, and then let him impose new laws.  But is a  physician only to cure his

patients by persuasion, and not  by force?  Is he  a worse physician who uses a little gentle violence  in effecting

the cure?  Or shall we say, that the violence is just, if  exercised by a rich man, and  unjust, if by a poor man?

May not any  man, rich or poor, with or without  law, and whether the citizens like  or not, do what is for their

good?  The  pilot saves the lives of the  crew, not by laying down rules, but by making  his art a law, and, like

him, the true governor has a strength of art which  is superior to the  law.  This is scientific government, and all

others are  imitations  only.  Yet no great number of persons can attain to this  science.  And  hence follows an

important result.  The true political  principle is to  assert the inviolability of the law, which, though not the  best

thing  possible, is best for the imperfect condition of man. 

I will explain my meaning by an illustration:Suppose that  mankind,  indignant at the rogueries and caprices

of physicians and  pilots, call  together an assembly, in which all who like may speak,  the skilled as well  as the

unskilled, and that in their assembly they  make decrees for  regulating the practice of navigation and medicine

which are to be binding  on these professions for all time.  Suppose  that they elect annually by  vote or lot those

to whom authority in  either department is to be  delegated.  And let us further imagine,  that when the term of

their  magistracy has expired, the magistrates  appointed by them are summoned  before an ignorant and

unprofessional  court, and may be condemned and  punished for breaking the regulations.  They even go a step

further, and  enact, that he who is found  enquiring into the truth of navigation and  medicine, and is seeking to

be wise above what is written, shall be called  not an artist, but a  dreamer, a prating Sophist and a corruptor of

youth;  and if he try to  persuade others to investigate those sciences in a manner  contrary to  the law, he shall

be punished with the utmost severity.  And  like  rules might be extended to any art or science.  But what would

be the  consequence? 

'The arts would utterly perish, and human life, which is bad enough  already, would become intolerable.' 

But suppose, once more, that we were to appoint some one as the  guardian of  the law, who was both ignorant

and interested, and who  perverted the law:  would not this be a still worse evil than the  other?  'Certainly.'  For

the  laws are based on some experience and  wisdom.  Hence the wiser course is,  that they should be observed,

although this is not the best thing of all,  but only the second best.  And whoever, having skill, should try to

improve  them, would act in  the spirit of the lawgiver.  But then, as we have seen,  no great  number of men,

whether poor or rich, can be makers of laws.  And  so,  the nearest approach to true government is, when men

do nothing  contrary to their own written laws and national customs.  When the  rich  preserve their customs and

maintain the law, this is called  aristocracy, or  if they neglect the law, oligarchy.  When an  individual rules

according to  law, whether by the help of science or  opinion, this is called monarchy;  and when he has royal

science he is  a king, whether he be so in fact or  not; but when he rules in spite of  law, and is blind with

ignorance and  passion, he is called a tyrant.  These forms of government exist, because  men despair of the true

king  ever appearing among them; if he were to  appear, they would joyfully  hand over to him the reins of

government.  But,  as there is no natural  ruler of the hive, they meet together and make laws.  And do we

wonder,  when the foundation of politics is in the letter only, at  the miseries  of states?  Ought we not rather to

admire the strength of the  political bond?  For cities have endured the worst of evils time out  of  mind; many

cities have been shipwrecked, and some are like ships  foundering, because their pilots are absolutely ignorant

of the  science  which they profess. 

Let us next ask, which of these untrue forms of government is the  least  bad, and which of them is the worst?  I

said at the beginning,  that each of  the three forms of government, royalty, aristocracy, and  democracy, might


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be divided into two, so that the whole number of  them, including the best,  will be seven.  Under monarchy we

have  already distinguished royalty and  tyranny; of oligarchy there were two  kinds, aristocracy and

plutocracy; and  democracy may also be divided,  for there is a democracy which observes, and  a democracy

which  neglects, the laws.  The government of one is the best  and the  worstthe government of a few is less

bad and less goodthe  government of the many is the least bad and least good of them all,  being  the best of

all lawless governments, and the worst of all lawful  ones.  But  the rulers of all these states, unless they have

knowledge,  are maintainers  of idols, and themselves idolswizards, and also  Sophists; for, after many

windings, the term 'Sophist' comes home to  them. 

And now enough of centaurs and satyrs:  the play is ended, and they  may  quit the political stage.  Still there

remain some other and  better  elements, which adhere to the royal science, and must be drawn  off in the

refiner's fire before the gold can become quite pure.  The  arts of the  general, the judge, and the orator, will

have to be  separated from the  royal art; when the separation has been made, the  nature of the king will  be

unalloyed.  Now there are inferior  sciences, such as music and others;  and there is a superior science,  which

determines whether music is to be  learnt or not, and this is  different from them, and the governor of them.

The science which  determines whether we are to use persuasion, or not, is  higher than  the art of persuasion;

the science which determines whether we  are to  go to war, is higher than the art of the general.  The science

which  makes the laws, is higher than that which only administers them.  And  the  science which has this

authority over the rest, is the science of  the king  or statesman. 

Once more we will endeavour to view this royal science by the light  of our  example.  We may compare the

state to a web, and I will show  you how the  different threads are drawn into one.  You would  admitwould

you not?  that there are parts of virtue (although this  position is sometimes  assailed by Eristics), and one

part of virtue is  temperance, and another  courage.  These are two principles which are  in a manner

antagonistic to  one another; and they pervade all nature;  the whole class of the good and  beautiful is included

under them.  The  beautiful may be subdivided into two  lesser classes:  one of these is  described by us in terms

expressive of  motion or energy, and the other  in terms expressive of rest and quietness.  We say, how manly!

how  vigorous! how ready! and we say also, how calm! how  temperate! how  dignified!  This opposition of

terms is extended by us to  all actions,  to the tones of the voice, the notes of music, the workings of  the  mind,

the characters of men.  The two classes both have their  exaggerations; and the exaggerations of the one are

termed 'hardness,'  'violence,' 'madness;' of the other 'cowardliness,' or 'sluggishness.'  And  if we pursue the

enquiry, we find that these opposite characters  are  naturally at variance, and can hardly be reconciled.  In

lesser  matters the  antagonism between them is ludicrous, but in the State may  be the occasion  of grave

disorders, and may disturb the whole course  of human life.  For  the orderly class are always wanting to be at

peace, and hence they pass  imperceptibly into the condition of slaves;  and the courageous sort are  always

wanting to go to war, even when the  odds are against them, and are  soon destroyed by their enemies.  But  the

true art of government, first  preparing the material by education,  weaves the two elements into one,

maintaining authority over the  carders of the wool, and selecting the  proper subsidiary arts which  are

necessary for making the web.  The royal  science is queen of  educators, and begins by choosing the natures

which she  is to train,  punishing with death and exterminating those who are violently  carried  away to atheism

and injustice, and enslaving those who are  wallowing  in the mire of ignorance.  The rest of the citizens she

blends  into  one, combining the stronger element of courage, which we may call the  warp, with the softer

element of temperance, which we may imagine to  be the  woof.  These she binds together, first taking the

eternal  elements of the  honourable, the good, and the just, and fastening them  with a divine cord  in a

heavenborn nature, and then fastening the  animal elements with a  human cord.  The good legislator can

implant by  education the higher  principles; and where they exist there is no  difficulty in inserting the  lesser

human bonds, by which the State is  held together; these are the laws  of intermarriage, and of union for  the

sake of offspring.  Most persons in  their marriages seek after  wealth or power; or they are clannish, and

choose those who are like  themselves,the temperate marrying the  temperate, and the courageous  the

courageous.  The two classes thrive and  flourish at first, but  they soon degenerate; the one become mad, and

the  other feeble and  useless.  This would not have been the case, if they had  both  originally held the same


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notions about the honourable and the good;  for then they never would have allowed the temperate natures to

be  separated from the courageous, but they would have bound them together  by  common honours and

reputations, by intermarriages, and by the  choice of  rulers who combine both qualities.  The temperate are

careful and just, but  are wanting in the power of action; the  courageous fall short of them in  justice, but in

action are superior  to them:  and no state can prosper in  which either of these qualities  is wanting.  The noblest

and best of all  webs or states is that which  the royal science weaves, combining the two  sorts of natures in a

single texture, and in this enfolding freeman and  slave and every  other social element, and presiding over

them all. 

'Your picture, Stranger, of the king and statesman, no less than of  the  Sophist, is quite perfect.' 

... 

The principal subjects in the Statesman may be conveniently  embraced under  six or seven heads:(1) the

myth; (2) the dialectical  interest; (3) the  political aspects of the dialogue; (4) the satirical  and paradoxical

vein;  (5) the necessary imperfection of law; (6) the  relation of the work to the  other writings of Plato; lastly

(7), we  may briefly consider the  genuineness of the Sophist and Statesman,  which can hardly be assumed

without proof, since the two dialogues  have been questioned by three such  eminent Platonic scholars as

Socher, Schaarschmidt, and Ueberweg. 

I.  The hand of the master is clearly visible in the myth.  First  in the  connection with mythology;he wins a

kind of verisimilitude  for this as  for his other myths, by adopting received traditions, of  which he pretends  to

find an explanation in his own larger conception  (compare Introduction  to Critias).  The young Socrates has

heard of  the sun rising in the west  and setting in the east, and of the  earthborn men; but he has never heard

the origin of these remarkable  phenomena.  Nor is Plato, here or elsewhere,  wanting in denunciations  of the

incredulity of 'this latter age,' on which  the lovers of the  marvellous have always delighted to enlarge.  And he

is  not without  express testimony to the truth of his narrative;such  testimony as,  in the Timaeus, the first

men gave of the names of the gods  ('They  must surely have known their own ancestors').  For the first

generation of the new cycle, who lived near the time, are supposed to  have  preserved a recollection of a

previous one.  He also appeals to  internal  evidence, viz. the perfect coherence of the tale, though he  is very

well  aware, as he says in the Cratylus, that there may be  consistency in error  as well as in truth.  The gravity

and minuteness  with which some  particulars are related also lend an artful aid.  The  profound interest and

ready assent of the young Socrates, who is not  too old to be amused 'with a  tale which a child would love to

hear,'  are a further assistance.  To those  who were naturally inclined to  believe that the fortunes of mankind

are  influenced by the stars, or  who maintained that some one principle, like  the principle of the Same  and the

Other in the Timaeus, pervades all things  in the world, the  reversal of the motion of the heavens seemed

necessarily  to produce a  reversal of the order of human life.  The spheres of  knowledge, which  to us appear

wide asunder as the poles, astronomy and  medicine, were  naturally connected in the minds of early thinkers,

because  there was  little or nothing in the space between them.  Thus there is a  basis of  philosophy, on which

the improbabilities of the tale may be said  to  rest.  These are some of the devices by which Plato, like a

modern  novelist, seeks to familiarize the marvellous. 

The myth, like that of the Timaeus and Critias, is rather  historical than  poetical, in this respect corresponding

to the general  change in the later  writings of Plato, when compared with the earlier  ones.  It is hardly a  myth

in the sense in which the term might be  applied to the myth of the  Phaedrus, the Republic, the Phaedo, or the

Gorgias, but may be more aptly  compared with the didactic tale in  which Protagoras describes the fortunes  of

primitive man, or with the  description of the gradual rise of a new  society in the Third Book of  the Laws.

Some discrepancies may be observed  between the mythology of  the Statesman and the Timaeus, and between

the  Timaeus and the  Republic.  But there is no reason to expect that all  Plato's visions  of a former, any more

than of a future, state of existence,  should  conform exactly to the same pattern.  We do not find perfect

consistency in his philosophy; and still less have we any right to  demand  this of him in his use of mythology


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and figures of speech.  And  we observe  that while employing all the resources of a writer of  fiction to give

credibility to his tales, he is not disposed to insist  upon their literal  truth.  Rather, as in the Phaedo, he says,

'Something of the kind is true;'  or, as in the Gorgias, 'This you will  think to be an old wife's tale, but  you can

think of nothing truer;'  or, as in the Statesman, he describes his  work as a 'mass of  mythology,' which was

introduced in order to teach  certain lessons;  or, as in the Phaedrus, he secretly laughs at such stories  while

refusing to disturb the popular belief in them. 

The greater interest of the myth consists in the philosophical  lessons  which Plato presents to us in this veiled

form.  Here, as in  the tale of  Er, the son of Armenius, he touches upon the question of  freedom and  necessity,

both in relation to God and nature.  For at  first the universe  is governed by the immediate providence of

God,this is the golden age,  but after a while the wheel is  reversed, and man is left to himself.  Like  other

theologians and  philosophers, Plato relegates his explanation of the  problem to a  transcendental world; he

speaks of what in modern language  might be  termed 'impossibilities in the nature of things,' hindering God

from  continuing immanent in the world.  But there is some inconsistency;  for the 'letting go' is spoken of as a

divine act, and is at the same  time  attributed to the necessary imperfection of matter; there is also  a  numerical

necessity for the successive births of souls.  At first,  man and  the world retain their divine instincts, but

gradually  degenerate.  As in  the Book of Genesis, the first fall of man is  succeeded by a second; the  misery

and wickedness of the world increase  continually.  The reason of  this further decline is supposed to be the

disorganisation of matter:  the  latent seeds of a former chaos are  disengaged, and envelope all things.  The

condition of man becomes more  and more miserable; he is perpetually  waging an unequal warfare with  the

beasts.  At length he obtains such a  measure of education and help  as is necessary for his existence.  Though

deprived of God's help, he  is not left wholly destitute; he has received  from Athene and  Hephaestus a

knowledge of the arts; other gods give him  seeds and  plants; and out of these human life is reconstructed.  He

now  eats  bread in the sweat of his brow, and has dominion over the animals,  subjected to the conditions of his

nature, and yet able to cope with  them  by divine help.  Thus Plato may be said to represent in a  figure(1)

the  state of innocence; (2) the fall of man; (3) the still  deeper decline into  barbarism; (4) the restoration of

man by the  partial interference of God,  and the natural growth of the arts and of  civilised society.  Two lesser

features of this description should not  pass unnoticed:(1) the primitive  men are supposed to be created out

of the earth, and not after the ordinary  manner of human  generationhalf the causes of moral evil are in this

way  removed; (2)  the arts are attributed to a divine revelation:  and so the  greatest  difficulty in the history of

prehistoric man is solved.  Though  no  one knew better than Plato that the introduction of the gods is not a

reason, but an excuse for not giving a reason (Cratylus), yet,  considering  that more than two thousand years

later mankind are still  discussing these  problems, we may be satisfied to find in Plato a  statement of the

difficulties which arise in conceiving the relation  of man to God and  nature, without expecting to obtain from

him a  solution of them.  In such a  tale, as in the Phaedrus, various aspects  of the Ideas were doubtless

indicated to Plato's own mind, as the  corresponding theological problems  are to us.  The immanence of things

in the Ideas, or the partial separation  of them, and the selfmotion  of the supreme Idea, are probably the

forms in  which he would have  interpreted his own parable. 

He touches upon another question of great interestthe  consciousness of  evilwhat in the Jewish

Scriptures is called 'eating  of the tree of the  knowledge of good and evil.'  At the end of the  narrative, the

Eleatic asks  his companion whether this life of  innocence, or that which men live at  present, is the better of

the  two.  He wants to distinguish between the  mere animal life of  innocence, the 'city of pigs,' as it is

comically  termed by Glaucon in  the Republic, and the higher life of reason and  philosophy.  But as no  one can

determine the state of man in the world  before the Fall, 'the  question must remain unanswered.'  Similar

questions  have occupied the  minds of theologians in later ages; but they can hardly  be said to  have found an

answer.  Professor Campbell well observes, that  the  general spirit of the myth may be summed up in the

words of the Lysis:  'If evil were to perish, should we hunger any more, or thirst any  more, or  have any similar

sensations?  Yet perhaps the question what  will or will  not be is a foolish one, for who can tell?'  As in the

Theaetetus, evil is  supposed to continue,here, as the consequence of  a former state of the  world, a sort of

mephitic vapour exhaling from  some ancient chaos,there,  as involved in the possibility of good,  and


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incident to the mixed state of  man. 

Once moreand this is the point of connexion with the rest of the  dialoguethe myth is intended to bring

out the difference between the  ideal and the actual state of man.  In all ages of the world men have  dreamed of

a state of perfection, which has been, and is to be, but  never  is, and seems to disappear under the necessary

conditions of  human society.  The uselessness, the danger, the true value of such  political ideals have  often

been discussed; youth is too ready to  believe in them; age to  disparage them.  Plato's 'prudens quaestio'

respecting the comparative  happiness of men in this and in a former  cycle of existence is intended to  elicit

this contrast between the  golden age and 'the life under Zeus' which  is our own.  To confuse the  divine and

human, or hastily apply one to the  other, is a 'tremendous  error.'  Of the ideal or divine government of the

world we can form no  true or adequate conception; and this our mixed state  of life, in  which we are partly left

to ourselves, but not wholly deserted  by the  gods, may contain some higher elements of good and knowledge

than  could have existed in the days of innocence under the rule of Cronos.  So  we may venture slightly to

enlarge a Platonic thought which admits  of a  further application to Christian theology.  Here are suggested

also the  distinctions between God causing and permitting evil, and  between his more  and less immediate

government of the world. 

II.  The dialectical interest of the Statesman seems to contend in  Plato's  mind with the political; the dialogue

might have been  designated by two  equally descriptive titleseither the 'Statesman,'  or 'Concerning Method.'

Dialectic, which in the earlier writings of  Plato is a revival of the  Socratic question and answer applied to

definition, is now occupied with  classification; there is nothing in  which he takes greater delight than in

processes of division (compare  Phaedr.); he pursues them to a length out of  proportion to his main  subject,

and appears to value them as a dialectical  exercise, and for  their own sake.  A poetical vision of some order or

hierarchy of ideas  or sciences has already been floating before us in the  Symposium and  the Republic.  And in

the Phaedrus this aspect of dialectic  is further  sketched out, and the art of rhetoric is based on the division  of

the  characters of mankind into their several classes.  The same love of  divisions is apparent in the Gorgias.

But in a wellknown passage of  the  Philebus occurs the first criticism on the nature of  classification.  There

we are exhorted not to fall into the common  error of passing from unity to  infinity, but to find the

intermediate  classes; and we are reminded that in  any process of generalization,  there may be more than one

class to which  individuals may be referred,  and that we must carry on the process of  division until we have

arrived at the infima species. 

These precepts are not forgotten, either in the Sophist or in the  Statesman.  The Sophist contains four

examples of division, carried on  by  regular steps, until in four different lines of descent we detect  the  Sophist.

In the Statesman the king or statesman is discovered by  a similar  process; and we have a summary, probably

made for the first  time, of  possessions appropriated by the labour of man, which are  distributed into  seven

classes.  We are warned against preferring the  shorter to the longer  method;if we divide in the middle, we

are most  likely to light upon  species; at the same time, the important remark  is made, that 'a part is  not to be

confounded with a class.'  Having  discovered the genus under  which the king falls, we proceed to  distinguish

him from the collateral  species.  To assist our  imagination in making this separation, we require  an example.

The  higher ideas, of which we have a dreamy knowledge, can  only be  represented by images taken from the

external world.  But, first of  all, the nature of example is explained by an example.  The child is  taught  to read

by comparing the letters in words which he knows with  the same  letters in unknown combinations; and this is

the sort of  process which we  are about to attempt.  As a parallel to the king we  select the worker in  wool, and

compare the art of weaving with the  royal science, trying to  separate either of them from the inferior  classes

to which they are akin.  This has the incidental advantage,  that weaving and the web furnish us with  a figure

of speech, which we  can afterwards transfer to the State. 

There are two uses of examples or imagesin the first place, they  suggest  thoughtssecondly, they give

them a distinct form.  In the  infancy of  philosophy, as in childhood, the language of pictures is  natural to man:

truth in the abstract is hardly won, and only by use  familiarized to the  mind.  Examples are akin to analogies,


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and have a  reflex influence on  thought; they people the vacant mind, and may  often originate new  directions

of enquiry.  Plato seems to be  conscious of the suggestiveness  of imagery; the general analogy of the  arts is

constantly employed by him  as well as the comparison of  particular artsweaving, the refining of  gold, the

learning to read,  music, statuary, painting, medicine, the art of  the pilotall of  which occur in this dialogue

alone:  though he is also  aware that  'comparisons are slippery things,' and may often give a false  clearness to

ideas.  We shall find, in the Philebus, a division of  sciences  into practical and speculative, and into more or

less  speculative:  here we  have the idea of masterarts, or sciences which  control inferior ones.  Besides the

supreme science of dialectic,  'which will forget us, if we  forget her,' another masterscience for  the first time

appears in viewthe  science of government, which fixes  the limits of all the rest.  This  conception of the

political or royal  science as, from another point of  view, the science of sciences, which  holds sway over the

rest, is not  originally found in Aristotle, but in  Plato. 

The doctrine that virtue and art are in a mean, which is  familiarized to us  by the study of the Nicomachean

Ethics, is also  first distinctly asserted  in the Statesman of Plato.  The too much and  the too little are in restless

motion:  they must be fixed by a mean,  which is also a standard external to  them.  The art of measuring or

finding a mean between excess and defect,  like the principle of  division in the Phaedrus, receives a particular

application to the art  of discourse.  The excessive length of a discourse  may be blamed; but  who can say what

is excess, unless he is furnished with  a measure or  standard?  Measure is the life of the arts, and may some day

be  discovered to be the single ultimate principle in which all the  sciences  are contained.  Other forms of

thought may be notedthe  distinction  between causal and cooperative arts, which may be  compared with

the  distinction between primary and cooperative causes  in the Timaeus; or  between cause and condition in

the Phaedo; the  passing mention of  economical science; the opposition of rest and  motion, which is found in

all nature; the general conception of two  great arts of composition and  division, in which are contained

weaving, politics, dialectic; and in  connexion with the conception of  a mean, the two arts of measuring. 

In the Theaetetus, Plato remarks that precision in the use of  terms, though  sometimes pedantic, is sometimes

necessary.  Here he  makes the opposite  reflection, that there may be a philosophical  disregard of words.  The

evil  of mere verbal oppositions, the  requirement of an impossible accuracy in  the use of terms, the error  of

supposing that philosophy was to be found in  language, the danger  of wordcatching, have frequently been

discussed by  him in the  previous dialogues, but nowhere has the spirit of modern  inductive  philosophy been

more happily indicated than in the words of the  Statesman:'If you think more about things, and less about

words, you  will  be richer in wisdom as you grow older.'  A similar spirit is  discernible in  the remarkable

expressions, 'the long and difficult  language of facts;' and  'the interrogation of every nature, in order  to obtain

the particular  contribution of each to the store of  knowledge.'  Who has described 'the  feeble intelligence of all

things;  given by metaphysics better than the  Eleatic Stranger in the  words'The higher ideas can hardly be

set forth  except through the  medium of examples; every man seems to know all things  in a kind of  dream, and

then again nothing when he is awake?'  Or where is  the  value of metaphysical pursuits more truly expressed

than in the words,  'The greatest and noblest things have no outward image of themselves  visible to man:

therefore we should learn to give a rational account  of  them?' 

III.  The political aspects of the dialogue are closely connected  with the  dialectical.  As in the Cratylus, the

legislator has 'the  dialectician  standing on his right hand;' so in the Statesman, the  king or statesman is  the

dialectician, who, although he may be in a  private station, is still a  king.  Whether he has the power or not, is  a

mere accident; or rather he  has the power, for what ought to be is  ('Was ist vernunftig, das ist  wirklich'); and

he ought to be and is  the true governor of mankind.  There  is a reflection in this idealism  of the Socratic

'Virtue is knowledge;'  and, without idealism, we may  remark that knowledge is a great part of  power.  Plato

does not  trouble himself to construct a machinery by which  'philosophers shall  be made kings,' as in the

Republic:  he merely holds up  the ideal, and  affirms that in some sense science is really supreme over  human

life. 


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He is struck by the observation 'quam parva sapientia regitur  mundus,' and  is touched with a feeling of the ills

which afflict  states.  The condition  of Megara before and during the Peloponnesian  War, of Athens under the

Thirty and afterwards, of Syracuse and the  other Sicilian cities in their  alternations of democratic excess and

tyranny, might naturally suggest such  reflections.  Some states he  sees already shipwrecked, others foundering

for want of a pilot; and  he wonders not at their destruction, but at their  endurance.  For they  ought to have

perished long ago, if they had depended  on the wisdom of  their rulers.  The mingled pathos and satire of this

remark is  characteristic of Plato's later style. 

The king is the personification of political science.  And yet he  is  something more than this,the perfectly

good and wise tyrant of  the Laws,  whose will is better than any law.  He is the special  providence who is

always interfering with and regulating all things.  Such a conception has  sometimes been entertained by

modern  theologians, and by Plato himself, of  the Supreme Being.  But whether  applied to Divine or to human

governors the  conception is faulty for  two reasons, neither of which are noticed by  Plato:first, because  all

good government supposes a degree of co  operation in the ruler  and his subjects,an 'education in politics'

as  well as in moral  virtue; secondly, because government, whether Divine or  human, implies  that the subject

has a previous knowledge of the rules under  which he  is living.  There is a fallacy, too, in comparing

unchangeable  laws  with a personal governor.  For the law need not necessarily be an  'ignorant and brutal

tyrant,' but gentle and humane, capable of being  altered in the spirit of the legislator, and of being

administered so  as to  meet the cases of individuals.  Not only in fact, but in idea,  both  elements must

remainthe fixed law and the living will; the  written word  and the spirit; the principles of obligation and of

freedom; and their  applications whether made by law or equity in  particular cases. 

There are two sides from which positive laws may be  attacked:either from  the side of nature, which rises

up and rebels  against them in the spirit of  Callicles in the Gorgias; or from the  side of idealism, which

attempts to  soar above them,and this is the  spirit of Plato in the Statesman.  But he  soon falls, like Icarus,

and  is content to walk instead of flying; that is,  to accommodate himself  to the actual state of human things.

Mankind have  long been in  despair of finding the true ruler; and therefore are ready to  acquiesce in any of the

five or six received forms of government as  better  than none.  And the best thing which they can do (though

only  the second  best in reality), is to reduce the ideal state to the  conditions of actual  life.  Thus in the

Statesman, as in the Laws, we  have three forms of  government, which we may venture to term, (1) the  ideal,

(2) the practical,  (3) the sophisticalwhat ought to be, what  might be, what is.  And thus  Plato seems to

stumble, almost by  accident, on the notion of a  constitutional monarchy, or of a monarchy  ruling by laws. 

The divine foundations of a State are to be laid deep in education  (Republic), and at the same time some little

violence may be used in  exterminating natures which are incapable of education (compare Laws).  Plato is

strongly of opinion that the legislator, like the physician,  may  do men good against their will (compare

Gorgias).  The human bonds  of  states are formed by the intermarriage of dispositions adapted to  supply  the

defects of each other.  As in the Republic, Plato has  observed that  there are opposite natures in the world, the

strong and  the gentle, the  courageous and the temperate, which, borrowing an  expression derived from  the

image of weaving, he calls the warp and  the woof of human society.  To  interlace these is the crowning

achievement of political science.  In the  Protagoras, Socrates was  maintaining that there was only one virtue,

and  not many:  now Plato  is inclined to think that there are not only parallel,  but opposite  virtues, and seems

to see a similar opposition pervading all  art and  nature.  But he is satisfied with laying down the principle, and

does  not inform us by what further steps the union of opposites is to be  effected. 

In the loose framework of a single dialogue Plato has thus combined  two  distinct subjectspolitics and

method.  Yet they are not so far  apart as  they appear:  in his own mind there was a secret link of  connexion

between  them.  For the philosopher or dialectician is also  the only true king or  statesman.  In the execution of

his plan Plato  has invented or  distinguished several important forms of thought, and  made incidentally  many

valuable remarks.  Questions of interest both  in ancient and modern  politics also arise in the course of the

dialogue, which may with advantage  be further considered by us: 


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a.  The imaginary ruler, whether God or man, is above the law, and  is a law  to himself and to others.  Among

the Greeks as among the  Jews, law was a  sacred name, the gift of God, the bond of states.  But  in the

Statesman of  Plato, as in the New Testament, the word has also  become the symbol of an  imperfect good,

which is almost an evil.  The  law sacrifices the individual  to the universal, and is the tyranny of  the many over

the few (compare  Republic).  It has fixed rules which  are the props of order, and will not  swerve or bend in

extreme cases.  It is the beginning of political society,  but there is something  higheran intelligent ruler,

whether God or man,  who is able to adapt  himself to the endless varieties of circumstances.  Plato is fond of

picturing the advantages which would result from the union  of the  tyrant who has power with the legislator

who has wisdom:  he regards  this as the best and speediest way of reforming mankind.  But  institutions  cannot

thus be artificially created, nor can the external  authority of a  ruler impose laws for which a nation is

unprepared.  The greatest power,  the highest wisdom, can only proceed one or two  steps in advance of public

opinion.  In all stages of civilization  human nature, after all our  efforts, remains intractable,not like  clay in

the hands of the potter, or  marble under the chisel of the  sculptor.  Great changes occur in the  history of

nations, but they are  brought about slowly, like the changes in  the frame of nature, upon  which the puny arm

of man hardly makes an  impression.  And, speaking  generally, the slowest growths, both in nature  and in

politics, are  the most permanent. 

b.  Whether the best form of the ideal is a person or a law may  fairly be  doubted.  The former is more akin to

us:  it clothes itself  in poetry and  art, and appeals to reason more in the form of feeling:  in the latter  there is

less danger of allowing ourselves to be  deluded by a figure of  speech.  The ideal of the Greek state found an

expression in the  deification of law:  the ancient Stoic spoke of a  wise man perfect in  virtue, who was

fancifully said to be a king; but  neither they nor Plato  had arrived at the conception of a person who  was also

a law.  Nor is it  easy for the Christian to think of God as  wisdom, truth, holiness, and also  as the wise, true,

and holy one.  He  is always wanting to break through the  abstraction and interrupt the  law, in order that he

may present to himself  the more familiar image  of a divine friend.  While the impersonal has too  slender a

hold upon  the affections to be made the basis of religion, the  conception of a  person on the other hand tends

to degenerate into a new  kind of  idolatry.  Neither criticism nor experience allows us to suppose  that  there are

interferences with the laws of nature; the idea is  inconceivable to us and at variance with facts.  The

philosopher or  theologian who could realize to mankind that a person is a law, that  the  higher rule has no

exception, that goodness, like knowledge, is  also power,  would breathe a new religious life into the world. 

c.  Besides the imaginary rule of a philosopher or a God, the  actual forms  of government have to be

considered.  In the infancy of  political science,  men naturally ask whether the rule of the many or  of the few is

to be  preferred.  If by 'the few' we mean 'the good' and  by 'the many,' 'the  bad,' there can be but one reply:  'The

rule of  one good man is better than  the rule of all the rest, if they are  bad.'  For, as Heracleitus says, 'One  is ten

thousand if he be the  best.'  If, however, we mean by the rule of  the few the rule of a  class neither better nor

worse than other classes,  not devoid of a  feeling of right, but guided mostly by a sense of their own  interests,

and by the rule of the many the rule of all classes, similarly  under  the influence of mixed motives, no one

would hesitate to answer'The  rule of all rather than one, because all classes are more likely to  take  care of

all than one of another; and the government has greater  power and  stability when resting on a wider basis.'

Both in ancient  and modern times  the best balanced form of government has been held to  be the best; and yet

it should not be so nicely balanced as to make  action and movement  impossible. 

The statesman who builds his hope upon the aristocracy, upon the  middle  classes, upon the people, will

probably, if he have sufficient  experience  of them, conclude that all classes are much alike, and that  one is as

good  as another, and that the liberties of no class are safe  in the hands of the  rest.  The higher ranks have the

advantage in  education and manners, the  middle and lower in industry and  selfdenial; in every class, to a

certain  extent, a natural sense of  right prevails, sometimes communicated from the  lower to the higher,

sometimes from the higher to the lower, which is too  strong for class  interests.  There have been crises in the

history of  nations, as at  the time of the Crusades or the Reformation, or the French  Revolution,  when the

same inspiration has taken hold of whole peoples, and  permanently raised the sense of freedom and justice


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among mankind. 

But even supposing the different classes of a nation, when viewed  impartially, to be on a level with each

other in moral virtue, there  remain  two considerations of opposite kinds which enter into the  problem of

government.  Admitting of course that the upper and lower  classes are equal  in the eye of God and of the law,

yet the one may be  by nature fitted to  govern and the other to be governed.  A ruling  caste does not soon

altogether lose the governing qualities, nor a  subject class easily acquire  them.  Hence the phenomenon so

often  observed in the old Greek revolutions,  and not without parallel in  modern times, that the leaders of the

democracy  have been themselves  of aristocratic origin.  The people are expecting to  be governed by

representatives of their own, but the true man of the people  either  never appears, or is quickly altered by

circumstances.  Their real  wishes hardly make themselves felt, although their lower interests and  prejudices

may sometimes be flattered and yielded to for the sake of  ulterior objects by those who have political power.

They will often  learn  by experience that the democracy has become a plutocracy.  The  influence of  wealth,

though not the enjoyment of it, has become  diffused among the poor  as well as among the rich; and society,

instead of being safer, is more at  the mercy of the tyrant, who, when  things are at the worst, obtains a

guardthat is, an armyand  announces himself as the saviour. 

The other consideration is of an opposite kind.  Admitting that a  few wise  men are likely to be better

governors than the unwise many,  yet it is not  in their power to fashion an entire people according to  their

behest.  When  with the best intentions the benevolent despot  begins his regime, he finds  the world hard to

move.  A succession of  good kings has at the end of a  century left the people an inert and  unchanged mass.

The Roman world was  not permanently improved by the  hundred years of Hadrian and the Antonines.  The

kings of Spain during  the last century were at least equal to any  contemporary sovereigns in  virtue and

ability.  In certain states of the  world the means are  wanting to render a benevolent power effectual.  These

means are not a  mere external organisation of posts or telegraphs, hardly  the  introduction of new laws or

modes of industry.  A change must be made  in the spirit of a people as well as in their externals.  The ancient

legislator did not really take a blank tablet and inscribe upon it the  rules which reflection and experience had

taught him to be for a  nation's  interest; no one would have obeyed him if he had.  But he  took the customs

which he found already existing in a halfcivilised  state of society:  these he reduced to form and inscribed on

pillars;  he defined what had  before been undefined, and gave certainty to what  was uncertain.  No  legislation

ever sprang, like Athene, in full power  out of the head either  of God or man. 

Plato and Aristotle are sensible of the difficulty of combining the  wisdom  of the few with the power of the

many.  According to Plato, he  is a  physician who has the knowledge of a physician, and he is a king  who has

the knowledge of a king.  But how the king, one or more, is to  obtain the  required power, is hardly at all

considered by him.  He  presents the idea  of a perfect government, but except the regulation  for mixing

different  tempers in marriage, he never makes any provision  for the attainment of it.  Aristotle, casting aside

ideals, would place  the government in a middle  class of citizens, sufficiently numerous  for stability, without

admitting  the populace; and such appears to  have been the constitution which actually  prevailed for a short

time  at Athensthe rule of the Five Thousand  characterized by Thucydides  as the best government of

Athens which he had  known.  It may however  be doubted how far, either in a Greek or modern  state, such a

limitation is practicable or desirable; for those who are  left outside  the pale will always be dangerous to those

who are within,  while on  the other hand the leaven of the mob can hardly affect the  representation of a great

country.  There is reason for the argument  in  favour of a property qualification; there is reason also in the

arguments  of those who would include all and so exhaust the political  situation. 

The true answer to the question is relative to the circumstances of  nations.  How can we get the greatest

intelligence combined with the  greatest power?  The ancient legislator would have found this question  more

easy than we do.  For he would have required that all persons who  had a  share of government should have

received their education from  the state and  have borne her burdens, and should have served in her  fleets and

armies.  But though we sometimes hear the cry that we must  'educate the masses, for  they are our masters,'


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who would listen to a  proposal that the franchise  should be confined to the educated or to  those who fulfil

political duties?  Then again, we know that the masses  are not our masters, and that they are  more likely to

become so if we  educate them.  In modern politics so many  interests have to be  consulted that we are

compelled to do, not what is  best, but what is  possible. 

d.  Law is the first principle of society, but it cannot supply all  the  wants of society, and may easily cause

more evils than it cures.  Plato is  aware of the imperfection of law in failing to meet the  varieties of

circumstances:  he is also aware that human life would be  intolerable if  every detail of it were placed under

legal regulation.  It may be a great  evil that physicians should kill their patients or  captains cast away their

ships, but it would be a far greater evil if  each particular in the  practice of medicine or seamanship were

regulated by law.  Much has been  said in modern times about the duty  of leaving men to themselves, which is

supposed to be the best way of  taking care of them.  The question is often  asked, What are the limits  of

legislation in relation to morals?  And the  answer is to the same  effect, that morals must take care of

themselves.  There is a onesided  truth in these answers, if they are regarded as  condemnations of the

interference with commerce in the last century or of  clerical  persecution in the Middle Ages.  But

'laissezfaire' is not the  best  but only the second best.  What the best is, Plato does not attempt to  determine;

he only contrasts the imperfection of law with the wisdom  of the  perfect ruler. 

Laws should be just, but they must also be certain, and we are  obliged to  sacrifice something of their justice

to their certainty.  Suppose a wise  and good judge, who paying little or no regard to the  law, attempted to

decide with perfect justice the cases that were  brought before him.  To the  uneducated person he would appear

to be  the ideal of a judge.  Such justice  has been often exercised in  primitive times, or at the present day

among  eastern rulers.  But in  the first place it depends entirely on the personal  character of the  judge.  He may

be honest, but there is no check upon his  dishonesty,  and his opinion can only be overruled, not by any

principle of  law,  but by the opinion of another judging like himself without law.  In  the second place, even if

he be ever so honest, his mode of deciding  questions would introduce an element of uncertainty into human

life;  no one  would know beforehand what would happen to him, or would seek  to conform in  his conduct to

any rule of law.  For the compact which  the law makes with  men, that they shall be protected if they observe

the law in their dealings  with one another, would have to be  substituted another principle of a more  general

character, that they  shall be protected by the law if they act  rightly in their dealings  with one another.  The

complexity of human  actions and also the  uncertainty of their effects would be increased  tenfold.  For one of

the principal advantages of law is not merely that it  enforces  honesty, but that it makes men act in the same

way, and requires  them  to produce the same evidence of their acts.  Too many laws may be the  sign of a

corrupt and overcivilized state of society, too few are the  sign  of an uncivilized one; as soon as commerce

begins to grow, men  make  themselves customs which have the validity of laws.  Even equity,  which is  the

exception to the law, conforms to fixed rules and lies  for the most  part within the limits of previous decisions. 

IV.  The bitterness of the Statesman is characteristic of Plato's  later  style, in which the thoughts of youth and

love have fled away,  and we are  no longer tended by the Muses or the Graces.  We do not  venture to say that

Plato was soured by old age, but certainly the  kindliness and courtesy of  the earlier dialogues have

disappeared.  He  sees the world under a harder  and grimmer aspect:  he is dealing with  the reality of things, not

with  visions or pictures of them:  he is  seeking by the aid of dialectic only,  to arrive at truth.  He is  deeply

impressed with the importance of  classification:  in this alone  he finds the true measure of human things;  and

very often in the  process of division curious results are obtained.  For the dialectical  art is no respecter of

persons:  king and vermintaker  are all alike  to the philosopher.  There may have been a time when the king

was a  god, but he now is pretty much on a level with his subjects in  breeding and education.  Man should be

well advised that he is only  one of  the animals, and the Hellene in particular should be aware that  he himself

was the author of the distinction between Hellene and  Barbarian, and that  the Phrygian would equally divide

mankind into  Phrygians and Barbarians,  and that some intelligent animal, like a  crane, might go a step

further,  and divide the animal world into  cranes and all other animals.  Plato  cannot help laughing (compare

Theaet.) when he thinks of the king running  after his subjects, like  the pigdriver or the birdtaker.  He would


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seriously have him  consider how many competitors there are to his throne,  chiefly among  the class of

servingmen.  A good deal of meaning is lurking  in the  expression'There is no art of feeding mankind

worthy the name.'  There is a similar depth in the remark,'The wonder about states is  not  that they are

shortlived, but that they last so long in spite of  the  badness of their rulers.' 

V.  There is also a paradoxical element in the Statesman which  delights in  reversing the accustomed use of

words.  The law which to  the Greek was the  highest object of reverence is an ignorant and  brutal tyrantthe

tyrant is  converted into a beneficent king.  The  sophist too is no longer, as in the  earlier dialogues, the rival of

the statesman, but assumes his form.  Plato  sees that the ideal of the  state in his own day is more and more

severed  from the actual.  From  such ideals as he had once formed, he turns away to  contemplate the  decline of

the Greek cities which were far worse now in his  old age  than they had been in his youth, and were to become

worse and worse  in  the ages which followed.  He cannot contain his disgust at the  contemporary statesmen,

sophists who had turned politicians, in  various  forms of men and animals, appearing, some like lions and

centaurs, others  like satyrs and monkeys.  In this new disguise the  Sophists make their last  appearance on the

scene:  in the Laws Plato  appears to have forgotten them,  or at any rate makes only a slight  allusion to them in

a single passage  (Laws). 

VI.  The Statesman is naturally connected with the Sophist.  At  first sight  we are surprised to find that the

Eleatic Stranger  discourses to us, not  only concerning the nature of Being and  Notbeing, but concerning the

king  and statesman.  We perceive,  however, that there is no inappropriateness in  his maintaining the  character

of chief speaker, when we remember the close  connexion which  is assumed by Plato to exist between politics

and  dialectic.  In both  dialogues the Proteus Sophist is exhibited, first, in  the disguise of  an Eristic, secondly,

of a false statesman.  There are  several lesser  features which the two dialogues have in common.  The styles

and the  situations of the speakers are very similar; there is the same love  of  division, and in both of them the

mind of the writer is greatly  occupied  about method, to which he had probably intended to return in  the

projected  'Philosopher.' 

The Statesman stands midway between the Republic and the Laws, and  is also  related to the Timaeus.  The

mythical or cosmical element  reminds us of the  Timaeus, the ideal of the Republic.  A previous  chaos in

which the elements  as yet were not, is hinted at both in the  Timaeus and Statesman.  The same  ingenious arts

of giving  verisimilitude to a fiction are practised in both  dialogues, and in  both, as well as in the myth at the

end of the Republic,  Plato touches  on the subject of necessity and freewill.  The words in  which he  describes

the miseries of states seem to be an amplification of  the  'Cities will never cease from ill' of the Republic.  The

point of view  in both is the same; and the differences not really important, e.g. in  the  myth, or in the account

of the different kinds of states.  But the  treatment of the subject in the Statesman is fragmentary, and the

shorter  and later work, as might be expected, is less finished, and  less worked out  in detail.  The idea of

measure and the arrangement of  the sciences supply  connecting links both with the Republic and the

Philebus. 

More than any of the preceding dialogues, the Statesman seems to  approximate in thought and language to

the Laws.  There is the same  decline  and tendency to monotony in style, the same  selfconsciousness,

awkwardness, and overcivility; and in the Laws is  contained the pattern of  that second best form of

government, which,  after all, is admitted to be  the only attainable one in this world.  The 'gentle violence,' the

marriage  of dissimilar natures, the figure  of the warp and the woof, are also found  in the Laws.  Both

expressly  recognize the conception of a first or ideal  state, which has receded  into an invisible heaven.  Nor

does the account of  the origin and  growth of society really differ in them, if we make  allowance for the

mythic character of the narrative in the Statesman.  The  virtuous  tyrant is common to both of them; and the

Eleatic Stranger takes  up a  position similar to that of the Athenian Stranger in the Laws. 

VII.  There would have been little disposition to doubt the  genuineness of  the Sophist and Statesman, if they

had been compared  with the Laws rather  than with the Republic, and the Laws had been  received, as they


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ought to  be, on the authority of Aristotle and on  the ground of their intrinsic  excellence, as an undoubted

work of  Plato.  The detailed consideration of  the genuineness and order of the  Platonic dialogues has been

reserved for  another place:  a few of the  reasons for defending the Sophist and  Statesman may be given here. 

1.  The excellence, importance, and metaphysical originality of the  two  dialogues:  no works at once so good

and of such length are known  to have  proceeded from the hands of a forger. 

2.  The resemblances in them to other dialogues of Plato are such  as might  be expected to be found in works

of the same author, and not  in those of an  imitator, being too subtle and minute to have been  invented by

another.  The similar passages and turns of thought are  generally inferior to the  parallel passages in his earlier

writings;  and we might a priori have  expected that, if altered, they would have  been improved.  But the

comparison of the Laws proves that this  repetition of his own thoughts and  words in an inferior form is

characteristic of Plato's later style. 

3.  The close connexion of them with the Theaetetus, Parmenides,  and  Philebus, involves the fate of these

dialogues, as well as of the  two  suspected ones. 

4.  The suspicion of them seems mainly to rest on a presumption  that in  Plato's writings we may expect to find

an uniform type of  doctrine and  opinion.  But however we arrange the order, or narrow the  circle of the

dialogues, we must admit that they exhibit a growth and  progress in the  mind of Plato.  And the appearance of

change or  progress is not to be  regarded as impugning the genuineness of any  particular writings, but may  be

even an argument in their favour.  If  we suppose the Sophist and  Politicus to stand halfway between the

Republic and the Laws, and in near  connexion with the Theaetetus, the  Parmenides, the Philebus, the

arguments  against them derived from  differences of thought and style disappear or may  be said without

paradox in some degree to confirm their genuineness.  There  is no such  interval between the Republic or

Phaedrus and the two suspected  dialogues, as that which separates all the earlier writings of Plato  from  the

Laws.  And the Theaetetus, Parmenides, and Philebus, supply  links, by  which, however different from them,

they may be reunited  with the great  body of the Platonic writings. 

STATESMAN

PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE:  Theodorus, Socrates, The Eleatic  Stranger, The Younger Socrates. 

SOCRATES: I owe you many thanks, indeed, Theodorus, for the  acquaintance  both of Theaetetus and of the

Stranger. 

THEODORUS: And in a little while, Socrates, you will owe me  three times as  many, when they have

completed for you the delineation  of the Statesman and  of the Philosopher, as well as of the Sophist. 

SOCRATES: Sophist, statesman, philosopher!  O my dear  Theodorus, do my  ears truly witness that this is

the estimate formed  of them by the great  calculator and geometrician? 

THEODORUS: What do you mean, Socrates? 

SOCRATES: I mean that you rate them all at the same value,  whereas they  are really separated by an

interval, which no geometrical  ratio can  express. 

THEODORUS: By Ammon, the god of Cyrene, Socrates, that is a  very fair hit;  and shows that you have not

forgotten your geometry.  I  will retaliate on  you at some other time, but I must now ask the  Stranger, who will

not, I  hope, tire of his goodness to us, to proceed  either with the Statesman or  with the Philosopher,


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whichever he  prefers. 

STRANGER: That is my duty, Theodorus; having begun I must go  on, and not  leave the work unfinished.

But what shall be done with  Theaetetus? 

THEODORUS: In what respect? 

STRANGER: Shall we relieve him, and take his companion, the  Young  Socrates, instead of him?  What do

you advise? 

THEODORUS: Yes, give the other a turn, as you propose.  The  young always  do better when they have

intervals of rest. 

SOCRATES: I think, Stranger, that both of them may be said  to be in some  way related to me; for the one,

as you affirm, has the  cut of my ugly face  (compare Theaet.), the other is called by my name.  And we should

always be  on the lookout to recognize a kinsman by the  style of his conversation.  I  myself was discoursing

with Theaetetus  yesterday, and I have just been  listening to his answers; my namesake  I have not yet

examined, but I must.  Another time will do for me;  today let him answer you. 

STRANGER: Very good.  Young Socrates, do you hear what the  elder Socrates  is proposing? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I do. 

STRANGER: And do you agree to his proposal? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: As you do not object, still less can I.  After the  Sophist,  then, I think that the Statesman

naturally follows next in  the order of  enquiry.  And please to say, whether he, too, should be  ranked among

those  who have science. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: Then the sciences must be divided as before? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I dare say. 

STRANGER: But yet the division will not be the same? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How then? 

STRANGER: They will be divided at some other point. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: Where shall we discover the path of the Statesman?  We must find  and separate off, and set our

seal upon this, and we  will set the mark of  another class upon all diverging paths.  Thus the  soul will conceive

of all  kinds of knowledge under two classes. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To find the path is your business, Stranger,  and not mine. 


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STRANGER: Yes, Socrates, but the discovery, when once made,  must be yours  as well as mine. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: Well, and are not arithmetic and certain other  kindred arts,  merely abstract knowledge, wholly

separated from action? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: But in the art of carpentering and all other  handicrafts, the  knowledge of the workman is

merged in his work; he  not only knows, but he  also makes things which previously did not  exist. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Then let us divide sciences in general into those  which are  practical and those which are

purely intellectual. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Let us assume these two divisions of  science, which is one  whole. 

STRANGER: And are 'statesman,' 'king,' 'master,' or  'householder,' one and  the same; or is there a science or

art  answering to each of these names?  Or rather, allow me to put the  matter in another way. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Let me hear. 

STRANGER: If any one who is in a private station has the  skill to advise  one of the public physicians, must

not he also be  called a physician? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And if any one who is in a private station is able  to advise the  ruler of a country, may not he

be said to have the  knowledge which the  ruler himself ought to have? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: But surely the science of a true king is royal  science? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And will not he who possesses this knowledge,  whether he happens  to be a ruler or a private

man, when regarded only  in reference to his art,  be truly called 'royal'? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: He certainly ought to be. 

STRANGER: And the householder and master are the same? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course. 

STRANGER: Again, a large household may be compared to a  small state:will  they differ at all, as far as

government is  concerned? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: They will not. 


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STRANGER: Then, returning to the point which we were just  now discussing,  do we not clearly see that

there is one science of all  of them; and this  science may be called either royal or political or  economical; we

will not  quarrel with any one about the name. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: This too, is evident, that the king cannot do much  with his  hands, or with his whole body,

towards the maintenance of his  empire,  compared with what he does by the intelligence and strength of  his

mind. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly not. 

STRANGER: Then, shall we say that the king has a greater  affinity to  knowledge than to manual arts and to

practical life in  general? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly he has. 

STRANGER: Then we may put all together as one and the  samestatesmanship  and the statesmanthe

kingly science and the  king. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. 

STRANGER: And now we shall only be proceeding in due order  if we go on to  divide the sphere of

knowledge? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: Think whether you can find any joint or parting in  knowledge. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Tell me of what sort. 

STRANGER: Such as this:  You may remember that we made an  art of  calculation? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: Which was, unmistakeably, one of the arts of  knowledge? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: And to this art of calculation which discerns the  differences of  numbers shall we assign any

other function except to  pass judgment on their  differences? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How could we? 

STRANGER: You know that the masterbuilder does not work  himself, but is  the ruler of workmen? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: He contributes knowledge, not manual labour? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 


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STRANGER: And may therefore be justly said to share in  theoretical  science? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. 

STRANGER: But he ought not, like the calculator, to regard  his functions  as at an end when he has formed a

judgment;he must  assign to the  individual workmen their appropriate task until they  have completed the

work. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: Are not all such sciences, no less than arithmetic  and the like,  subjects of pure knowledge; and

is not the difference  between the two  classes, that the one sort has the power of judging  only, and the other of

ruling as well? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is evident. 

STRANGER: May we not very properly say, that of all  knowledge, there are  two divisionsone which

rules, and the other  which judges? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I should think so. 

STRANGER: And when men have anything to do in common, that  they should be  of one mind is surely a

desirable thing? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Then while we are at unity among ourselves, we  need not mind  about the fancies of others? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: And now, in which of these divisions shall we  place the king?  Is he a judge and a kind of

spectator?  Or shall we  assign to him the art  of commandfor he is a ruler? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: The latter, clearly. 

STRANGER: Then we must see whether there is any mark of  division in the  art of command too.  I am

inclined to think that there  is a distinction  similar to that of manufacturer and retail dealer,  which parts off the

king  from the herald. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How is this? 

STRANGER: Why, does not the retailer receive and sell over  again the  productions of others, which have

been sold before? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly he does. 

STRANGER: And is not the herald under command, and does he  not receive  orders, and in his turn give

them to others? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 


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STRANGER: Then shall we mingle the kingly art in the same  class with the  art of the herald, the interpreter,

the boatswain, the  prophet, and the  numerous kindred arts which exercise command; or, as  in the preceding

comparison we spoke of manufacturers, or sellers for  themselves, and of  retailers,seeing, too, that the class

of supreme  rulers, or rulers for  themselves, is almost namelessshall we make a  word following the same

analogy, and refer kings to a supreme or  rulingforself science, leaving  the rest to receive a name from

some  one else?  For we are seeking the  ruler; and our enquiry is not  concerned with him who is not a ruler. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: Thus a very fair distinction has been attained  between the man  who gives his own commands,

and him who gives  another's.  And now let us  see if the supreme power allows of any  further division. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. 

STRANGER: I think that it does; and please to assist me in  making the  division. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: At what point? 

STRANGER: May not all rulers be supposed to command for the  sake of  producing something? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Nor is there any difficulty in dividing the things  produced into  two classes. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How would you divide them? 

STRANGER: Of the whole class, some have life and some are  without life. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And by the help of this distinction we may make,  if we please, a  subdivision of the section of

knowledge which  commands. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: At what point? 

STRANGER: One part may be set over the production of  lifeless, the other  of living objects; and in this way

the whole will  be divided. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: That division, then, is complete; and now we may  leave one half,  and take up the other; which

may also be divided into  two. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Which of the two halves do you mean? 

STRANGER: Of course that which exercises command about  animals.  For,  surely, the royal science is not

like that of a  masterworkman, a science  presiding over lifeless objects;the king  has a nobler function,

which is  the management and control of living  beings. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 


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STRANGER: And the breeding and tending of living beings may  be observed to  be sometimes a tending of

the individual; in other  cases, a common care of  creatures in flocks? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: But the statesman is not a tender of  individualsnot like the  driver or groom of a single ox or

horse; he  is rather to be compared with  the keeper of a drove of horses or oxen. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, I see, thanks to you. 

STRANGER: Shall we call this art of tending many animals  together, the art  of managing a herd, or the art

of collective  management? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: No matter;whichever suggests itself to us  in the course  of conversation. 

STRANGER: Very good, Socrates; and, if you continue to be  not too  particular about names, you will be all

the richer in wisdom  when you are  an old man.  And now, as you say, leaving the discussion  of the

name,can  you see a way in which a person, by showing the art  of herding to be of two  kinds, may cause

that which is now sought  amongst twice the number of  things, to be then sought amongst half  that number? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I will try;there appears to me to be one  management of  men and another of beasts. 

STRANGER: You have certainly divided them in a most  straightforward and  manly style; but you have

fallen into an error  which hereafter I think that  we had better avoid. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is the error? 

STRANGER: I think that we had better not cut off a single  small portion  which is not a species, from many

larger portions; the  part should be a  species.  To separate off at once the subject of  investigation, is a most

excellent plan, if only the separation be  rightly made; and you were under  the impression that you were right,

because you saw that you would come to  man; and this led you to hasten  the steps.  But you should not chip

off too  small a piece, my friend;  the safer way is to cut through the middle; which  is also the more  likely way

of finding classes.  Attention to this  principle makes all  the difference in a process of enquiry. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean, Stranger? 

STRANGER: I will endeavour to speak more plainly out of love  to your good  parts, Socrates; and, although

I cannot at present  entirely explain myself,  I will try, as we proceed, to make my meaning  a little clearer. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What was the error of which, as you say, we  were guilty in  our recent division? 

STRANGER: The error was just as if some one who wanted to  divide the human  race, were to divide them

after the fashion which  prevails in this part of  the world; here they cut off the Hellenes as  one species, and all

the other  species of mankind, which are  innumerable, and have no ties or common  language, they include

under  the single name of 'barbarians,' and because  they have one name they  are supposed to be of one species

also.  Or suppose  that in dividing  numbers you were to cut off ten thousand from all the  rest, and make  of it

one species, comprehending the rest under another  separate name,  you might say that here too was a single

class, because you  had given  it a single name.  Whereas you would make a much better and more  equal  and

logical classification of numbers, if you divided them into odd  and even; or of the human species, if you

divided them into male and  female; and only separated off Lydians or Phrygians, or any other  tribe,  and

arrayed them against the rest of the world, when you could  no longer  make a division into parts which were


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also classes. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true; but I wish that this distinction  between a part  and a class could still be

made somewhat plainer. 

STRANGER: O Socrates, best of men, you are imposing upon me  a very  difficult task.  We have already

digressed further from our  original  intention than we ought, and you would have us wander still  further away.

But we must now return to our subject; and hereafter,  when there is a  leisure hour, we will follow up the other

track; at  the same time, I wish  you to guard against imagining that you ever  heard me declare 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What? 

STRANGER: That a class and a part are distinct. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What did I hear, then? 

STRANGER: That a class is necessarily a part, but there is  no similar  necessity that a part should be a class;

that is the view  which I should  always wish you to attribute to me, Socrates. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: So be it. 

STRANGER: There is another thing which I should like to  know. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? 

STRANGER: The point at which we digressed; for, if I am not  mistaken, the  exact place was at the question,

Where you would divide  the management of  herds.  To this you appeared rather too ready to  answer that there

were two  species of animals; man being one, and all  brutes making up the other. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: I thought that in taking away a part, you imagined  that the  remainder formed a class, because

you were able to call them  by the common  name of brutes. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That again is true. 

STRANGER: Suppose now, O most courageous of dialecticians,  that some wise  and understanding creature,

such as a crane is reputed  to be, were, in  imitation of you, to make a similar division, and set  up cranes

against all  other animals to their own special  glorification, at the same time jumbling  together all the others,

including man, under the appellation of brutes,  here would be the  sort of error which we must try to avoid. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How can we be safe? 

STRANGER: If we do not divide the whole class of animals, we  shall be less  likely to fall into that error. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: We had better not take the whole? 

STRANGER: Yes, there lay the source of error in our former  division. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How? 


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STRANGER: You remember how that part of the art of knowledge  which was  concerned with command,

had to do with the rearing of living  creatures,I  mean, with animals in herds? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: In that case, there was already implied a division  of all  animals into tame and wild; those

whose nature can be tamed are  called  tame, and those which cannot be tamed are called wild. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And the political science of which we are in  search, is and ever  was concerned with tame

animals, and is also  confined to gregarious  animals. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: But then we ought not to divide, as we did, taking  the whole  class at once.  Neither let us be in

too great haste to  arrive quickly at  the political science; for this mistake has already  brought upon us the

misfortune of which the proverb speaks. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What misfortune? 

STRANGER: The misfortune of too much haste, which is too  little speed. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: And all the better, Stranger;we got what  we deserved. 

STRANGER: Very well:  Let us then begin again, and endeavour  to divide the  collective rearing of animals;

for probably the  completion of the argument  will best show what you are so anxious to  know.  Tell me,

then 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What? 

STRANGER: Have you ever heard, as you very likely mayfor I  do not  suppose that you ever actually

visited themof the preserves  of fishes in  the Nile, and in the ponds of the Great King; or you may  have

seen similar  preserves in wells at home? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, to be sure, I have seen them, and I  have often heard  the others described. 

STRANGER: And you may have heard also, and may have been  assured by  report, although you have not

travelled in those regions,  of nurseries of  geese and cranes in the plains of Thessaly? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: I asked you, because here is a new division of the  management of  herds, into the management

of land and of water herds. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: There is. 

STRANGER: And do you agree that we ought to divide the  collective rearing  of herds into two

corresponding parts, the one the  rearing of water, and  the other the rearing of land herds? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 


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STRANGER: There is surely no need to ask which of these two  contains the  royal art, for it is evident to

everybody. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Any one can divide the herds which feed on dry  land? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How would you divide them? 

STRANGER: I should distinguish between those which fly and  those which  walk. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Most true. 

STRANGER: And where shall we look for the political animal?  Might not an  idiot, so to speak, know that

he is a pedestrian? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: The art of managing the walking animal has to be  further  divided, just as you might halve an

even number. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. 

STRANGER: Let me note that here appear in view two ways to  that part or  class which the argument aims at

reaching,the one a  speedier way, which  cuts off a small portion and leaves a large; the  other agrees better

with  the principle which we were laying down, that  as far as we can we should  divide in the middle; but it is

longer.  We  can take either of them,  whichever we please. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Cannot we have both ways? 

STRANGER: Together?  What a thing to ask! but, if you take  them in turn,  you clearly may. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Then I should like to have them in turn. 

STRANGER: There will be no difficulty, as we are near the  end; if we had  been at the beginning, or in the

middle, I should have  demurred to your  request; but now, in accordance with your desire, let  us begin with

the  longer way; while we are fresh, we shall get on  better.  And now attend to  the division. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Let me hear. 

STRANGER: The tame walking herding animals are distributed  by nature into  two classes. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Upon what principle? 

STRANGER: The one grows horns; and the other is without  horns. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. 

STRANGER: Suppose that you divide the science which manages  pedestrian  animals into two

corresponding parts, and define them; for  if you try to  invent names for them, you will find the intricacy too

great. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: How must I speak of them, then? 

STRANGER: In this way:  let the science of managing  pedestrian animals be  divided into two parts, and one

part assigned to  the horned herd, and the  other to the herd that has no horns. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: All that you say has been abundantly proved,  and may  therefore be assumed. 

STRANGER: The king is clearly the shepherd of a polled herd,  who have no  horns. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is evident. 

STRANGER: Shall we break up this hornless herd into  sections, and  endeavour to assign to him what is his? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. 

STRANGER: Shall we distinguish them by their having or not  having cloven  feet, or by their mixing or not

mixing the breed?  You  know what I mean. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What? 

STRANGER: I mean that horses and asses naturally breed from  one another. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: But the remainder of the hornless herd of tame  animals will not  mix the breed. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: And of which has the Statesman charge,of the  mixed or of the  unmixed race? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly of the unmixed. 

STRANGER: I suppose that we must divide this again as  before. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: We must. 

STRANGER: Every tame and herding animal has now been split  up, with the  exception of two species; for I

hardly think that dogs  should be reckoned  among gregarious animals. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not; but how shall we divide the  two remaining  species? 

STRANGER: There is a measure of difference which may be  appropriately  employed by you and

Theaetetus, who are students of  geometry. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is that? 

STRANGER: The diameter; and, again, the diameter of a  diameter.  (Compare  Meno.) 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: How does man walk, but as a diameter whose power  is two feet? 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: Just so. 

STRANGER: And the power of the remaining kind, being the  power of twice  two feet, may be said to be the

diameter of our  diameter. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly; and now I think that I pretty  nearly understand  you. 

STRANGER: In these divisions, Socrates, I descry what would  make another  famous jest. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? 

STRANGER: Human beings have come out in the same class with  the freest and  airiest of creation, and have

been running a race with  them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I remark that very singular coincidence. 

STRANGER: And would you not expect the slowest to arrive  last? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Indeed I should. 

STRANGER: And there is a still more ridiculous consequence,  that the king  is found running about with the

herd and in close  competition with the  birdcatcher, who of all mankind is most of an  adept at the airy life.

(Plato is here introducing a new suddivision,  i.e. that of bipeds into men  and birds.  Others however refer the

passage to the division into  quadrupeds and bipeds, making pigs  compete with human beings and the pig

driver with the king.  According to this explanation we must translate the  words above,  'freest and airiest of

creation,' 'worthiest and laziest of  creation.') 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Then here, Socrates, is still clearer evidence of  the truth of  what was said in the enquiry about

the Sophist?  (Compare  Sophist.) 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What? 

STRANGER: That the dialectical method is no respecter of  persons, and does  not set the great above the

small, but always  arrives in her own way at the  truest result. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. 

STRANGER: And now, I will not wait for you to ask the, but  will of my own  accord take you by the shorter

road to the definition  of a king. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. 

STRANGER: I say that we should have begun at first by  dividing land  animals into biped and quadruped;

and since the winged  herd, and that  alone, comes out in the same class with man, we should  divide bipeds

into  those which have feathers and those which have not,  and when they have been  divided, and the art of the

management of  mankind is brought to light, the  time will have come to produce our  Statesman and ruler, and

set him like a  charioteer in his place, and  hand over to him the reins of state, for that  too is a vocation which

belongs to him. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good; you have paid me the debt,I  mean, that you  have completed the

argument, and I suppose that you  added the digression by  way of interest.  (Compare Republic.) 

STRANGER: Then now, let us go back to the beginning, and  join the links,  which together make the

definition of the name of the  Statesman's art. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. 

STRANGER: The science of pure knowledge had, as we said  originally, a part  which was the science of rule

or command, and from  this was derived another  part, which was called commandforself, on  the analogy of

sellingfor  self; an important section of this was the  management of living animals,  and this again was

further limited to  the management of them in herds; and  again in herds of pedestrian  animals.  The chief

division of the latter was  the art of managing  pedestrian animals which are without horns; this again  has a

part  which can only be comprehended under one term by joining  together  three namesshepherding

purebred animals.  The only further  subdivision is the art of manherding,this has to do with bipeds,  and

is  what we were seeking after, and have now found, being at once  the royal and  political. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. 

STRANGER: And do you think, Socrates, that we really have  done as you say? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What? 

STRANGER: Do you think, I mean, that we have really  fulfilled our  intention?There has been a sort of

discussion, and yet  the investigation  seems to me not to be perfectly worked out:  this is  where the enquiry

fails. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not understand. 

STRANGER: I will try to make the thought, which is at this  moment present  in my mind, clearer to us both. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Let me hear. 

STRANGER: There were many arts of shepherding, and one of  them was the  political, which had the charge

of one particular herd? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And this the argument defined to be the art of  rearing, not  horses or other brutes, but the art of

rearing man  collectively? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: Note, however, a difference which distinguishes  the king from  all other shepherds. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? 

STRANGER: I want to ask, whether any one of the other  herdsmen has a rival  who professes and claims to

share with him in the  management of the herd? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 


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STRANGER: I mean to say that merchants, husbandmen,  providers of food, and  also trainingmasters and

physicians, will all  contend with the herdsmen of  humanity, whom we call Statesmen,  declaring that they

themselves have the  care of rearing or managing  mankind, and that they rear not only the common  herd, but

also the  rulers themselves. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Are they not right in saying so? 

STRANGER: Very likely they may be, and we will consider  their claim.  But  we are certain of this,that no

one will raise a  similar claim as against  the herdsman, who is allowed on all hands to  be the sole and only

feeder  and physician of his herd; he is also  their matchmaker and accoucheur; no  one else knows that

department of  science.  And he is their merrymaker and  musician, as far as their  nature is susceptible of such

influences, and no  one can console and  soothe his own herd better than he can, either with the  natural tones  of

his voice or with instruments.  And the same may be said  of tenders  of animals in general. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: But if this is as you say, can our argument about  the king be  true and unimpeachable?  Were

we right in selecting him  out of ten thousand  other claimants to be the shepherd and rearer of  the human

flock? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Surely not. 

STRANGER: Had we not reason just to now to apprehend, that  although we may  have described a sort of

royal form, we have not as  yet accurately worked  out the true image of the Statesman? and that we  cannot

reveal him as he  truly is in his own nature, until we have  disengaged and separated him from  those who hang

about him and claim  to share in his prerogatives? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: And that, Socrates, is what we must do, if we do  not mean to  bring disgrace upon the

argument at its close. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: We must certainly avoid that. 

STRANGER: Then let us make a new beginning, and travel by a  different  road. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What road? 

STRANGER: I think that we may have a little amusement; there  is a famous  tale, of which a good portion

may with advantage be  interwoven, and then we  may resume our series of divisions, and  proceed in the old

path until we  arrive at the desired summit.  Shall  we do as I say? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. 

STRANGER: Listen, then, to a tale which a child would love  to hear; and  you are not too old for childish

amusement. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Let me hear. 

STRANGER: There did really happen, and will again happen,  like many other  events of which ancient

tradition has preserved the  record, the portent  which is traditionally said to have occurred in  the quarrel of


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Atreus and  Thyestes.  You have heard, no doubt, and  remember what they say happened at  that time? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I suppose you to mean the token of the birth  of the golden  lamb. 

STRANGER: No, not that; but another part of the story, which  tells how the  sun and the stars once rose in

the west, and set in the  east, and that the  god reversed their motion, and gave them that which  they now have

as a  testimony to the right of Atreus. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes; there is that legend also. 

STRANGER: Again, we have been often told of the reign of  Cronos. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, very often. 

STRANGER: Did you ever hear that the men of former times  were earthborn,  and not begotten of one

another? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, that is another old tradition. 

STRANGER: All these stories, and ten thousand others which  are still more  wonderful, have a common

origin; many of them have been  lost in the lapse  of ages, or are repeated only in a disconnected  form; but the

origin of  them is what no one has told, and may as well  be told now; for the tale is  suited to throw light on the

nature of  the king. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good; and I hope that you will give the  whole story,  and leave out nothing. 

STRANGER: Listen, then.  There is a time when God himself  guides and helps  to roll the world in its course;

and there is a time,  on the completion of  a certain cycle, when he lets go, and the world  being a living

creature,  and having originally received intelligence  from its author and creator,  turns about and by an

inherent necessity  revolves in the opposite  direction. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Why is that? 

STRANGER: Why, because only the most divine things of all  remain ever  unchanged and the same, and

body is not included in this  class.  Heaven and  the universe, as we have termed them, although they  have been

endowed by  the Creator with many glories, partake of a  bodily nature, and therefore  cannot be entirely free

from  perturbation.  But their motion is, as far as  possible, single and in  the same place, and of the same kind;

and is  therefore only subject to  a reversal, which is the least alteration  possible.  For the lord of  all moving

things is alone able to move of  himself; and to think that  he moves them at one time in one direction and  at

another time in  another is blasphemy.  Hence we must not say that the  world is either  selfmoved always, or

all made to go round by God in two  opposite  courses; or that two Gods, having opposite purposes, make it

move  round.  But as I have already said (and this is the only remaining  alternative) the world is guided at one

time by an external power  which is  divine and receives fresh life and immortality from the  renewing hand of

the Creator, and again, when let go, moves  spontaneously, being set free at  such a time as to have, during

infinite cycles of years, a reverse  movement:  this is due to its  perfect balance, to its vast size, and to the  fact

that it turns on  the smallest pivot. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Your account of the world seems to be very  reasonable  indeed. 

STRANGER: Let us now reflect and try to gather from what has  been said the  nature of the phenomenon

which we affirmed to be the  cause of all these  wonders.  It is this. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: What? 

STRANGER: The reversal which takes place from time to time  of the motion  of the universe. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How is that the cause? 

STRANGER: Of all changes of the heavenly motions, we may  consider this to  be the greatest and most

complete. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I should imagine so. 

STRANGER: And it may be supposed to result in the greatest  changes to the  human beings who are the

inhabitants of the world at  the time. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Such changes would naturally occur. 

STRANGER: And animals, as we know, survive with difficulty  great and  serious changes of many different

kinds when they come upon  them at once. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Hence there necessarily occurs a great destruction  of them,  which extends also to the life of

man; few survivors of the  race are left,  and those who remain become the subjects of several  novel and

remarkable  phenomena, and of one in particular, which takes  place at the time when the  transition is made to

the cycle opposite to  that in which we are now  living. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? 

STRANGER: The life of all animals first came to a  standstill, and the  mortal nature ceased to be or look

older, and was  then reversed and grew  young and delicate; the white locks of the aged  darkened again, and

the  cheeks the bearded man became smooth, and  recovered their former bloom; the  bodies of youths in their

prime grew  softer and smaller, continually by day  and night returning and  becoming assimilated to the nature

of a newlyborn  child in mind as  well as body; in the succeeding stage they wasted away and  wholly

disappeared.  And the bodies of those who died by violence at that  time quickly passed through the like

changes, and in a few days were  no  more seen. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Then how, Stranger, were the animals created  in those  days; and in what way were

they begotten of one another? 

STRANGER: It is evident, Socrates, that there was no such  thing in the  then order of nature as the

procreation of animals from  one another; the  earthborn race, of which we hear in story, was the  one which

existed in  those daysthey rose again from the ground; and  of this tradition, which  is nowadays often

unduly discredited, our  ancestors, who were nearest in  point of time to the end of the last  period and came

into being at the  beginning of this, are to us the  heralds.  And mark how consistent the  sequel of the tale is;

after the  return of age to youth, follows the return  of the dead, who are lying  in the earth, to life;

simultaneously with the  reversal of the world  the wheel of their generation has been turned back,  and they are

put  together and rise and live in the opposite order, unless  God has  carried any of them away to some other

lot.  According to this  tradition they of necessity sprang from the earth and have the name of  earthborn, and

so the above legend clings to them. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly that is quite consistent with what  has preceded;  but tell me, was the life

which you said existed in the  reign of Cronos in  that cycle of the world, or in this?  For the  change in the

course of the  stars and the sun must have occurred in  both. 

STRANGER: I see that you enter into my meaning;no, that  blessed and  spontaneous life does not belong

to the present cycle of  the world, but to  the previous one, in which God superintended the  whole revolution of

the  universe; and the several parts the universe  were distributed under the  rule of certain inferior deities, as is

the  way in some places still.  There were demigods, who were the shepherds  of the various species and  herds

of animals, and each one was in all  respects sufficient for those of  whom he was the shepherd; neither was

there any violence, or devouring of  one another, or war or quarrel  among them; and I might tell of ten

thousand  other blessings, which  belonged to that dispensation.  The reason why the  life of man was, as

tradition says, spontaneous, is as follows:  In those  days God himself  was their shepherd, and ruled over them,

just as man, who  is by  comparison a divine being, still rules over the lower animals.  Under  him there were no

forms of government or separate possession of women  and  children; for all men rose again from the earth,

having no memory  of the  past.  And although they had nothing of this sort, the earth  gave them  fruits in

abundance, which grew on trees and shrubs  unbidden, and were not  planted by the hand of man.  And they

dwelt  naked, and mostly in the open  air, for the temperature of their  seasons was mild; and they had no beds,

but lay on soft couches of  grass, which grew plentifully out of the earth.  Such was the life of  man in the days

of Cronos, Socrates; the character of  our present  life, which is said to be under Zeus, you know from your

own  experience.  Can you, and will you, determine which of them you deem  the  happier? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible. 

STRANGER: Then shall I determine for you as well as I can? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. 

STRANGER: Suppose that the nurslings of Cronos, having this  boundless  leisure, and the power of holding

intercourse, not only with  men, but with  the brute creation, had used all these advantages with a  view to

philosophy, conversing with the brutes as well as with one  another, and  learning of every nature which was

gifted with any  special power, and was  able to contribute some special experience to  the store of wisdom,

there  would be no difficulty in deciding that  they would be a thousand times  happier than the men of our own

day.  Or, again, if they had merely eaten  and drunk until they were full,  and told stories to one another and to

the  animalssuch stories as  are now attributed to themin this case also, as  I should imagine,  the answer

would be easy.  But until some satisfactory  witness can be  found of the love of that age for knowledge and

discussion,  we had  better let the matter drop, and give the reason why we have  unearthed  this tale, and then

we shall be able to get on.  In the fulness  of  time, when the change was to take place, and the earthborn race

had  all  perished, and every soul had completed its proper cycle of births  and been  sown in the earth her

appointed number of times, the pilot of  the universe  let the helm go, and retired to his place of view; and  then

Fate and innate  desire reversed the motion of the world.  Then  also all the inferior  deities who share the rule of

the supreme power,  being informed of what was  happening, let go the parts of the world  which were under

their control.  And the world turning round with a  sudden shock, being impelled in an  opposite direction from

beginning  to end, was shaken by a mighty  earthquake, which wrought a new  destruction of all manner of

animals.  Afterwards, when sufficient time  had elapsed, the tumult and confusion and  earthquake ceased, and

the  universal creature, once more at peace, attained  to a calm, and  settled down into his own orderly and

accustomed course,  having the  charge and rule of himself and of all the creatures which are  contained in him,

and executing, as far as he remembered them, the  instructions of his Father and Creator, more precisely at

first, but  afterwords with less exactness.  The reason of the falling off was the  admixture of matter in him; this

was inherent in the primal nature,  which  was full of disorder, until attaining to the present order.  From God,

the  constructor, the world received all that is good in  him, but from a  previous state came elements of evil

and  unrighteousness, which, thence  derived, first of all passed into the  world, and were then transmitted to  the


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animals.  While the world was  aided by the pilot in nurturing the  animals, the evil was small, and  great the

good which he produced, but  after the separation, when the  world was let go, at first all proceeded  well

enough; but, as time  went on, there was more and more forgetting, and  the old discord again  held sway and

burst forth in full glory; and at last  small was the  good, and great was the admixture of evil, and there was a

danger of  universal ruin to the world, and to the things contained in him.  Wherefore God, the orderer of all, in

his tender care, seeing that the  world was in great straits, and fearing that all might be dissolved in  the  storm

and disappear in infinite chaos, again seated himself at the  helm;  and bringing back the elements which had

fallen into dissolution  and  disorder to the motion which had prevailed under his dispensation,  he set  them in

order and restored them, and made the world  imperishable and  immortal.  And this is the whole tale, of which

the  first part will suffice  to illustrate the nature of the king.  For  when the world turned towards  the present

cycle of generation, the age  of man again stood still, and a  change opposite to the previous one  was the result.

The small creatures  which had almost disappeared grew  in and stature, and the newlyborn  children of the

earth became grey  and died and sank into the earth again.  All things changed, imitating  and following the

condition of the universe,  and of necessity agreeing  with that in their mode of conception and  generation and

nurture; for  no animal was any longer allowed to come into  being in the earth  through the agency of other

creative beings, but as the  world was  ordained to be the lord of his own progress, in like manner the  parts

were ordained to grow and generate and give nourishment, as far as  they could, of themselves, impelled by a

similar movement.  And so we  have  arrived at the real end of this discourse; for although there  might be much

to tell of the lower animals, and of the condition out  of which they  changed and of the causes of the change,

about men there  is not much, and  that little is more to the purpose.  Deprived of the  care of God, who had

possessed and tended them, they were left  helpless and defenceless, and  were torn in pieces by the beasts,

who  were naturally fierce and had now  grown wild.  And in the first ages  they were still without skill or

resource; the food which once grew  spontaneously had failed, and as yet  they knew not how to procure it,

because they had never felt the pressure  of necessity.  For all these  reasons they were in a great strait;

wherefore  also the gifts spoken  of in the old tradition were imparted to man by the  gods, together  with so

much teaching and education as was indispensable;  fire was  given to them by Prometheus, the arts by

Hephaestus and his  fellowworker, Athene, seeds and plants by others.  From these is  derived  all that has

helped to frame human life; since the care of the  Gods, as I  was saying, had now failed men, and they had to

order their  course of life  for themselves, and were their own masters, just like  the universal  creature whom

they imitate and follow, ever changing, as  he changes, and  ever living and growing, at one time in one

manner,  and at another time in  another.  Enough of the story, which may be of  use in showing us how  greatly

we erred in the delineation of the king  and the statesman in our  previous discourse. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What was this great error of which you  speak? 

STRANGER: There were two; the first a lesser one, the other  was an error  on a much larger and grander

scale. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: I mean to say that when we were asked about a king  and statesman  of the present cycle and

generation, we told of a  shepherd of a human flock  who belonged to the other cycle, and of one  who was a

god when he ought to  have been a man; and this a great  error.  Again, we declared him to be the  ruler of the

entire State,  without explaining how:  this was not the whole  truth, nor very  intelligible; but still it was true,

and therefore the  second error  was not so great as the first. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: Before we can expect to have a perfect description  of the  statesman we must define the nature

of his office. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: And the myth was introduced in order to show, not  only that all  others are rivals of the true

shepherd who is the object  of our search, but  in order that we might have a clearer view of him  who is alone

worthy to  receive this appellation, because he alone of  shepherds and herdsmen,  according to the image

which we have employed,  has the care of human  beings. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: And I cannot help thinking, Socrates, that the  form of the  divine shepherd is even higher than

that of a king;  whereas the statesmen  who are now on earth seem to be much more like  their subjects in

character,  and much more nearly to partake of their  breeding and education. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Still they must be investigated all the same, to  see whether,  like the divine shepherd, they are

above their subjects  or on a level with  them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course. 

STRANGER: To resume:Do you remember that we spoke of a  commandforself  exercised over

animals, not singly but collectively,  which we called the  art of rearing a herd? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, I remember. 

STRANGER: There, somewhere, lay our error; for we never  included or  mentioned the Statesman; and we

did not observe that he  had no place in our  nomenclature. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How was that? 

STRANGER: All other herdsmen 'rear' their herds, but this is  not a  suitable term to apply to the Statesman;

we should use a name  which is  common to them all. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True, if there be such a name. 

STRANGER: Why, is not 'care' of herds applicable to all?  For this implies  no feeding, or any special duty; if

we say either  'tending' the herds, or  'managing' the herds, or 'having the care' of  them, the same word will

include all, and then we may wrap up the  Statesman with the rest, as the  argument seems to require. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite right; but how shall we take the next  step in the  division? 

STRANGER: As before we divided the art of 'rearing' herds  accordingly as  they were land or water herds,

winged and wingless,  mixing or not mixing  the breed, horned and hornless, so we may divide  by these same

differences  the 'tending' of herds, comprehending in our  definition the kingship of to  day and the rule of

Cronos. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is clear; but I still ask, what is to  follow. 

STRANGER: If the word had been 'managing' herds, instead of  feeding or  rearing them, no one would have

argued that there was no  care of men in the  case of the politician, although it was justly  contended, that there

was no  human art of feeding them which was  worthy of the name, or at least, if  there were, many a man had a


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prior  and greater right to share in such an  art than any king. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: But no other art or science will have a prior or  better right  than the royal science to care for

human society and to  rule over men in  general. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. 

STRANGER: In the next place, Socrates, we must surely notice  that a great  error was committed at the end

of our analysis. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What was it? 

STRANGER: Why, supposing we were ever so sure that there is  such an art as  the art of rearing or feeding

bipeds, there was no  reason why we should  call this the royal or political art, as though  there were no more to

be  said. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: Our first duty, as we were saying, was to remodel  the name, so  as to have the notion of care

rather than of feeding, and  then to divide,  for there may be still considerable divisions. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How can they be made? 

STRANGER: First, by separating the divine shepherd from the  human guardian  or manager. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And the art of management which is assigned to man  would again  have to be subdivided. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: On what principle? 

STRANGER: On the principle of voluntary and compulsory. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Why? 

STRANGER: Because, if I am not mistaken, there has been an  error here; for  our simplicity led us to rank

king and tyrant  together, whereas they are  utterly distinct, like their modes of  government. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: Then, now, as I said, let us make the correction  and divide  human care into two parts, on the

principle of voluntary  and compulsory. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: And if we call the management of violent rulers  tyranny, and the  voluntary management of

herds of voluntary bipeds  politics, may we not  further assert that he who has this latter art of  management is

the true  king and statesman? 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: I think, Stranger, that we have now  completed the account  of the Statesman. 

STRANGER: Would that we had, Socrates, but I have to satisfy  myself as  well as you; and in my judgment

the figure of the king is  not yet  perfected; like statuaries who, in their too great haste,  having overdone  the

several parts of their work, lose time in cutting  them down, so too we,  partly out of haste, partly out of a

magnanimous  desire to expose our  former error, and also because we imagined that a  king required grand

illustrations, have taken up a marvellous lump of  fable, and have been  obliged to use more than was

necessary.  This  made us discourse at large,  and, nevertheless, the story never came to  an end.  And our

discussion  might be compared to a picture of some  living being which had been fairly  drawn in outline, but

had not yet  attained the life and clearness which is  given by the blending of  colours.  Now to intelligent

persons a living  being had better be  delineated by language and discourse than by any  painting or work of  art:

to the duller sort by works of art. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true; but what is the imperfection  which still  remains?  I wish that you would

tell me. 

STRANGER: The higher ideas, my dear friend, can hardly be  set forth except  through the medium of

examples; every man seems to  know all things in a  dreamy sort of way, and then again to wake up and  to

know nothing. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: I fear that I have been unfortunate in raising a  question about  our experience of knowledge. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Why so? 

STRANGER: Why, because my 'example' requires the assistance  of another  example. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Proceed; you need not fear that I shall  tire. 

STRANGER: I will proceed, finding, as I do, such a ready  listener in you:  when children are beginning to

know their letters 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What are you going to say? 

STRANGER: That they distinguish the several letters well  enough in very  short and easy syllables, and are

able to tell them  correctly. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Whereas in other syllables they do not recognize  them, and think  and speak falsely of them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Will not the best and easiest way of bringing them  to a  knowledge of what they do not as yet

know be 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Be what? 

STRANGER: To refer them first of all to cases in which they  judge  correctly about the letters in question,

and then to compare  these with the  cases in which they do not as yet know, and to show  them that the letters


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are the same, and have the same character in  both combinations, until all  cases in which they are right have

been  placed side by side with all cases  in which they are wrong.  In this  way they have examples, and are

made to  learn that each letter in  every combination is always the same and not  another, and is always  called

by the same name. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Are not examples formed in this manner?  We take a  thing and  compare it with another distinct

instance of the same thing,  of which we  have a right conception, and out of the comparison there  arises one

true  notion, which includes both of them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly. 

STRANGER: Can we wonder, then, that the soul has the same  uncertainty  about the alphabet of things, and

sometimes and in some  cases is firmly  fixed by the truth in each particular, and then,  again, in other cases is

altogether at sea; having somehow or other a  correct notion of  combinations; but when the elements are

transferred  into the long and  difficult language (syllables) of facts, is again  ignorant of them? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: There is nothing wonderful in that. 

STRANGER: Could any one, my friend, who began with false  opinion ever  expect to arrive even at a small

portion of truth and to  attain wisdom? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Hardly. 

STRANGER: Then you and I will not be far wrong in trying to  see the nature  of example in general in a

small and particular  instance; afterwards from  lesser things we intend to pass to the royal  class, which is the

highest  form of the same nature, and endeavour to  discover by rules of art what the  management of cities is;

and then  the dream will become a reality to us. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Then, once more, let us resume the previous  argument, and as  there were innumerable rivals

of the royal race who  claim to have the care  of states, let us part them all off, and leave  him alone; and, as I

was  saying, a model or example of this process  has first to be framed. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly. 

STRANGER: What model is there which is small, and yet has  any analogy with  the political occupation?

Suppose, Socrates, that if  we have no other  example at hand, we choose weaving, or, more  precisely, weaving

of wool  this will be quite enough, without taking  the whole of weaving, to  illustrate our meaning? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Why should we not apply to weaving the same  processes of  division and subdivision which

we have already applied to  other classes;  going once more as rapidly as we can through all the  steps until we

come to  that which is needed for our purpose? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How do you mean? 

STRANGER: I shall reply by actually performing the process. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: All things which we make or acquire are either  creative or  preventive; of the preventive class

are antidotes, divine  and human, and  also defences; and defences are either military weapons  or protections;

and  protections are veils, and also shields against  heat and cold, and shields  against heat and cold are shelters

and  coverings; and coverings are  blankets and garments; and garments are  some of them in one piece, and

others of them are made in several  parts; and of these latter some are  stitched, others are fastened and  not

stitched; and of the not stitched,  some are made of the sinews of  plants, and some of hair; and of these,  again,

some are cemented with  water and earth, and others are fastened  together by themselves.  And  these last

defences and coverings which are  fastened together by  themselves are called clothes, and the art which

superintends them we  may call, from the nature of the operation, the art of  clothing, just  as before the art of

the Statesman was derived from the  State; and may  we not say that the art of weaving, at least that largest

portion of  it which was concerned with the making of clothes, differs only  in  name from this art of clothing,

in the same way that, in the previous  case, the royal science differed from the political? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Most true. 

STRANGER: In the next place, let us make the reflection,  that the art of  weaving clothes, which an

incompetent person might  fancy to have been  sufficiently described, has been separated off from  several

others which  are of the same family, but not from the  cooperative arts. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: And which are the kindred arts? 

STRANGER: I see that I have not taken you with me.  So I  think that we had  better go backwards, starting

from the end.  We just  now parted off from  the weaving of clothes, the making of blankets,  which differ from

each  other in that one is put under and the other is  put around:  and these are  what I termed kindred arts. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I understand. 

STRANGER: And we have subtracted the manufacture of all  articles made of  flax and cords, and all that we

just now  metaphorically termed the sinews  of plants, and we have also separated  off the process of felting and

the  putting together of materials by  stitching and sewing, of which the most  important part is the  cobbler's art. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Precisely. 

STRANGER: Then we separated off the currier's art, which  prepared  coverings in entire pieces, and the art

of sheltering, and  subtracted the  various arts of making watertight which are employed  in building, and in

general in carpentering, and in other crafts, and  all such arts as furnish  impediments to thieving and acts of

violence,  and are concerned with making  the lids of boxes and the fixing of  doors, being divisions of the art

of  joining; and we also cut off the  manufacture of arms, which is a section of  the great and manifold art  of

making defences; and we originally began by  parting off the whole  of the magic art which is concerned with

antidotes,  and have left, as  would appear, the very art of which we were in search,  the art of  protection

against winter cold, which fabricates woollen  defences, and  has the name of weaving. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Yes, my boy, but that is not all; for the first  process to which  the material is subjected is the

opposite of weaving. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How so? 


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STRANGER: Weaving is a sort of uniting? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: But the first process is a separation of the  clotted and matted  fibres? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: I mean the work of the carder's art; for we cannot  say that  carding is weaving, or that the

carder is a weaver. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: Again, if a person were to say that the art of  making the warp  and the woof was the art of

weaving, he would say what  was paradoxical and  false. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. 

STRANGER: Shall we say that the whole art of the fuller or  of the mender  has nothing to do with the care

and treatment of  clothes, or are we to  regard all these as arts of weaving? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: And yet surely all these arts will maintain that  they are  concerned with the treatment and

production of clothes; they  will dispute  the exclusive prerogative of weaving, and though  assigning a larger

sphere  to that, will still reserve a considerable  field for themselves. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Besides these, there are the arts which make tools  and  instruments of weaving, and which will

claim at least to be  cooperative  causes in every work of the weaver. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Most true. 

STRANGER: Well, then, suppose that we define weaving, or  rather that part  of it which has been selected

by us, to be the  greatest and noblest of arts  which are concerned with woollen  garmentsshall we be right?

Is not the  definition, although true,  wanting in clearness and completeness; for do  not all those other arts

require to be first cleared away? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: Then the next thing will be to separate them, in  order that the  argument may proceed in a

regular manner? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. 

STRANGER: Let us consider, in the first place, that there  are two kinds of  arts entering into everything

which we do. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What are they? 


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STRANGER: The one kind is the conditional or cooperative,  the other the  principal cause. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: The arts which do not manufacture the actual  thing, but which  furnish the necessary tools for

the manufacture,  without which the several  arts could not fulfil their appointed work,  are cooperative; but

those  which make the things themselves are  causal. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: A very reasonable distinction. 

STRANGER: Thus the arts which make spindles, combs, and  other instruments  of the production of clothes,

may be called  cooperative, and those which  treat and fabricate the things  themselves, causal. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: The arts of washing and mending, and the other  preparatory arts  which belong to the causal

class, and form a division  of the great art of  adornment, may be all comprehended under what we  call the

fuller's art. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: Carding and spinning threads and all the parts of  the process  which are concerned with the

actual manufacture of a  woollen garment form a  single art, which is one of those universally

acknowledged,the art of  working in wool. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. 

STRANGER: Of working in wool, again, there are two  divisions, and both  these are parts of two arts at

once. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How is that? 

STRANGER: Carding and one half of the use of the comb, and  the other  processes of woolworking which

separate the composite, may  be classed  together as belonging both to the art of woolworking, and  also to

one of  the two great arts which are of universal  applicationthe art of  composition and the art of division. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: To the latter belong carding and the other  processes of which I  was just now speaking; the art

of discernment or  division in wool and yarn,  which is effected in one manner with the  comb and in another

with the  hands, is variously described under all  the names which I just now  mentioned. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Again, let us take some process of woolworking  which is also a  portion of the art of

composition, and, dismissing the  elements of division  which we found there, make two halves, one on the

principle of composition,  and the other on the principle of division. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Let that be done. 


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STRANGER: And once more, Socrates, we must divide the part  which belongs  at once both to

woolworking and composition, if we are  ever to discover  satisfactorily the aforesaid art of weaving. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: We must. 

STRANGER: Yes, certainly, and let us call one part of the  art the art of  twisting threads, the other the art of

combining them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Do I understand you, in speaking of  twisting, to be  referring to manufacture of the

warp? 

STRANGER: Yes, and of the woof too; how, if not by twisting,  is the woof  made? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: There is no other way. 

STRANGER: Then suppose that you define the warp and the  woof, for I think  that the definition will be of

use to you. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How shall I define them? 

STRANGER: As thus:  A piece of carded wool which is drawn  out lengthwise  and breadthwise is said to be

pulled out. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And the wool thus prepared, when twisted by the  spindle, and  made into a firm thread, is

called the warp, and the art  which regulates  these operations the art of spinning the warp. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And the threads which are more loosely spun,  having a softness  proportioned to the

intertexture of the warp and to  the degree of force  used in dressing the cloth,the threads which are  thus

spun are called the  woof, and the art which is set over them may  be called the art of spinning  the woof. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: And, now, there can be no mistake about the nature  of the part  of weaving which we have

undertaken to define.  For when  that part of the  art of composition which is employed in the working  of wool

forms a web by  the regular intertexture of warp and woof, the  entire woven substance is  called by us a

woollen garment, and the art  which presides over this is the  art of weaving. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: But why did we not say at once that weaving is the  art of  entwining warp and woof, instead of

making a long and useless  circuit? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I thought, Stranger, that there was nothing  useless in  what was said. 

STRANGER: Very likely, but you may not always think so, my  sweet friend;  and in case any feeling of

dissatisfaction should  hereafter arise in your  mind, as it very well may, let me lay down a  principle which will

apply to  arguments in general. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: Proceed. 

STRANGER: Let us begin by considering the whole nature of  excess and  defect, and then we shall have a

rational ground on which  we may praise or  blame too much length or too much shortness in  discussions of

this kind. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Let us do so. 

STRANGER: The points on which I think that we ought to dwell  are the  following: 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What?  STRANGER: Length and  shortness, excess and defect; with all of these the

art of measurement  is conversant. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And the art of measurement has to be divided into  two parts,  with a view to our present

purpose. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Where would you make the division? 

STRANGER: As thus:  I would make two parts, one having  regard to the  relativity of greatness and

smallness to each other; and  there is another,  without which the existence of production would be  impossible. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: Do you not think that it is only natural for the  greater to be  called greater with reference to the

less alone, and the  less less with  reference to the greater alone? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: Well, but is there not also something exceeding  and exceeded by  the principle of the mean,

both in speech and action,  and is not this a  reality, and the chief mark of difference between  good and bad

men? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Plainly. 

STRANGER: Then we must suppose that the great and small  exist and are  discerned in both these ways, and

not, as we were saying  before, only  relatively to one another, but there must also be another  comparison of

them with the mean or ideal standard; would you like to  hear the reason  why? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: If we assume the greater to exist only in relation  to the less,  there will never be any

comparison of either with the  mean. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And would not this doctrine be the ruin of all the  arts and  their creations; would not the art of

the Statesman and the  aforesaid art  of weaving disappear?  For all these arts are on the  watch against excess

and defect, not as unrealities, but as real  evils, which occasion a  difficulty in action; and the excellence or

beauty of every work of art is  due to this observance of measure. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: But if the science of the Statesman disappears,  the search for  the royal science will be

impossible. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Well, then, as in the case of the Sophist we  extorted the  inference that notbeing had an

existence, because here  was the point at  which the argument eluded our grasp, so in this we  must endeavour

to show  that the greater and less are not only to be  measured with one another, but  also have to do with the

production of  the mean; for if this is not  admitted, neither a statesman nor any  other man of action can be an

undisputed master of his science. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, we must certainly do again what we did  then. 

STRANGER: But this, Socrates, is a greater work than the  other, of which  we only too well remember the

length.  I think,  however, that we may fairly  assume something of this sort 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What? 

STRANGER: That we shall some day require this notion of a  mean with a view  to the demonstration of

absolute truth; meanwhile,  the argument that the  very existence of the arts must be held to  depend on the

possibility of  measuring more or less, not only with one  another, but also with a view to  the attainment of the

mean, seems to  afford a grand support and  satisfactory proof of the doctrine which we  are maintaining; for if

there  are arts, there is a standard of  measure, and if there is a standard of  measure, there are arts; but if  either

is wanting, there is neither. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True; and what is the next step? 

STRANGER: The next step clearly is to divide the art of  measurement into  two parts, as we have said

already, and to place in  the one part all the  arts which measure number, length, depth,  breadth, swiftness with

their  opposites; and to have another part in  which they are measured with the  mean, and the fit, and the

opportune,  and the due, and with all those  words, in short, which denote a mean  or standard removed from

the extremes. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Here are two vast divisions, embracing two  very different  spheres. 

STRANGER: There are many accomplished men, Socrates, who  say, believing  themselves to speak wisely,

that the art of measurement  is universal, and  has to do with all things.  And this means what we  are now

saying; for all  things which come within the province of art  do certainly in some sense  partake of measure.

But these persons,  because they are not accustomed to  distinguish classes according to  real forms, jumble

together two widely  different things, relation to  one another, and to a standard, under the  idea that they are

the same,  and also fall into the converse error of  dividing other things not  according to their real parts.

Whereas the right  way is, if a man has  first seen the unity of things, to go on with the  enquiry and not  desist

until he has found all the differences contained in  it which  form distinct classes; nor again should he be able

to rest  contented  with the manifold diversities which are seen in a multitude of  things  until he has

comprehended all of them that have any affinity within  the bounds of one similarity and embraced them

within the reality of a  single kind.  But we have said enough on this head, and also of excess  and  defect; we

have only to bear in mind that two divisions of the art  of  measurement have been discovered which are

concerned with them, and  not  forget what they are. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: We will not forget. 

STRANGER: And now that this discussion is completed, let us  go on to  consider another question, which

concerns not this argument  only but the  conduct of such arguments in general. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is this new question? 

STRANGER: Take the case of a child who is engaged in  learning his letters:  when he is asked what letters

make up a word,  should we say that the  question is intended to improve his grammatical  knowledge of that

particular word, or of all words? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly, in order that he may have a better  knowledge of  all words. 

STRANGER: And is our enquiry about the Statesman intended  only to improve  our knowledge of politics,

or our power of reasoning  generally? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly, as in the former example, the  purpose is general. 

STRANGER: Still less would any rational man seek to analyse  the notion of  weaving for its own sake.  But

people seem to forget  that some things have  sensible images, which are readily known, and  can be easily

pointed out  when any one desires to answer an enquirer  without any trouble or argument;  whereas the

greatest and highest  truths have no outward image of themselves  visible to man, which he  who wishes to

satisfy the soul of the enquirer can  adapt to the eye of  sense (compare Phaedr.), and therefore we ought to

train ourselves to  give and accept a rational account of them; for  immaterial things,  which are the noblest and

greatest, are shown only in  thought and  idea, and in no other way, and all that we are now saying is  said for

the sake of them.  Moreover, there is always less difficulty in  fixing  the mind on small matters than on great. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: Let us call to mind the bearing of all this. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? 

STRANGER: I wanted to get rid of any impression of  tediousness which we  may have experienced in the

discussion about  weaving, and the reversal of  the universe, and in the discussion  concerning the Sophist and

the being of  notbeing.  I know that they  were felt to be too long, and I reproached  myself with this, fearing

that they might be not only tedious but  irrelevant; and all that I  have now said is only designed to prevent the

recurrence of any such  disagreeables for the future. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good.  Will you proceed? 

STRANGER: Then I would like to observe that you and I,  remembering what  has been said, should praise or

blame the length or  shortness of  discussions, not by comparing them with one another, but  with what is

fitting, having regard to the part of measurement, which,  as we said, was  to be borne in mind. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: And yet, not everything is to be judged even with  a view to what  is fitting; for we should only

want such a length as is  suited to give  pleasure, if at all, as a secondary matter; and reason  tells us, that we

should be contented to make the ease or rapidity of  an enquiry, not our  first, but our second object; the first

and  highest of all being to assert  the great method of division according  to specieswhether the discourse be


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shorter or longer is not to the  point.  No offence should be taken at  length, but the longer and  shorter are to be

employed indifferently,  according as either of them  is better calculated to sharpen the wits of the  auditors.

Reason  would also say to him who censures the length of  discourses on such  occasions and cannot away with

their circumlocution,  that he should  not be in such a hurry to have done with them, when he can  only

complain that they are tedious, but he should prove that if they had  been shorter they would have made those

who took part in them better  dialecticians, and more capable of expressing the truth of things;  about  any other

praise and blame, he need not trouble himselfhe  should pretend  not to hear them.  But we have had enough

of this, as  you will probably  agree with me in thinking.  Let us return to our  Statesman, and apply to  his case

the aforesaid example of weaving. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good;let us do as you say. 

STRANGER: The art of the king has been separated from the  similar arts of  shepherds, and, indeed, from all

those which have to  do with herds at all.  There still remain, however, of the causal and  cooperative arts

those  which are immediately concerned with States,  and which must first be  distinguished from one another. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: You know that these arts cannot easily be divided  into two  halves; the reason will be very

evident as we proceed. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Then we had better do so. 

STRANGER: We must carve them like a victim into members or  limbs, since we  cannot bisect them.

(Compare Phaedr.)  For we  certainly should divide  everything into as few parts as possible. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is to be done in this case? 

STRANGER: What we did in the example of weavingall those  arts which  furnish the tools were regarded

by us as cooperative. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: So now, and with still more reason, all arts which  make any  implement in a State, whether

great or small, may be regarded  by us as co  operative, for without them neither State nor  Statesmanship

would be  possible; and yet we are not inclined to say  that any of them is a product  of the kingly art. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: No, indeed. 

STRANGER: The task of separating this class from others is  not an easy  one; for there is plausibility in

saying that anything in  the world is the  instrument of doing something.  But there is another  class of

possessions  in a city, of which I have a word to say. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What class do you mean? 

STRANGER: A class which may be described as not having this  power; that is  to say, not like an

instrument, framed for production,  but designed for the  preservation of that which is produced. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? 


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STRANGER: To the class of vessels, as they are  comprehensively termed,  which are constructed for the

preservation of  things moist and dry, of  things prepared in the fire or out of the  fire; this is a very large class,

and has, if I am not mistaken,  literally nothing to do with the royal art  of which we are in search. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: There is also a third class of possessions to be  noted,  different from these and very extensive,

moving or resting on  land or  water, honourable and also dishonourable.  The whole of this  class has one  name,

because it is intended to be sat upon, being  always a seat for  something. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? 

STRANGER: A vehicle, which is certainly not the work of the  Statesman, but  of the carpenter, potter, and

coppersmith. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I understand. 

STRANGER: And is there not a fourth class which is again  different, and in  which most of the things

formerly mentioned are  contained,every kind of  dress, most sorts of arms, walls and  enclosures, whether

of earth or stone,  and ten thousand other things?  all of which being made for the sake of  defence, may be

truly called  defences, and are for the most part to be  regarded as the work of the  builder or of the weaver,

rather than of the  Statesman. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Shall we add a fifth class, of ornamentation and  drawing, and of  the imitations produced by

drawing and music, which  are designed for  amusement only, and may be fairly comprehended under  one

name? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? 

STRANGER: Plaything is the name. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: That one name may be fitly predicated of all of  them, for none  of these things have a serious

purposeamusement is  their sole aim. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That again I understand. 

STRANGER: Then there is a class which provides materials for  all these,  out of which and in which the arts

already mentioned  fabricate their  works;this manifold class, I say, which is the  creation and offspring of

many other arts, may I not rank sixth? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: I am referring to gold, silver, and other metals,  and all that  woodcutting and shearing of

every sort provides for the  art of carpentry  and plaiting; and there is the process of barking and  stripping the

cuticle  of plants, and the currier's art, which strips  off the skins of animals,  and other similar arts which

manufacture  corks and papyri and cords, and  provide for the manufacture of  composite species out of simple

kindsthe  whole class may be termed  the primitive and simple possession of man, and  with this the kingly


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science has no concern at all. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: The provision of food and of all other things  which mingle their  particles with the particles of

the human body, and  minister to the body,  will form a seventh class, which may be called  by the general term

of  nourishment, unless you have any better name to  offer.  This, however,  appertains rather to the

husbandman, huntsman,  trainer, doctor, cook, and  is not to be assigned to the Statesman's  art. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: These seven classes include nearly every  description of  property, with the exception of tame

animals.  Consider;there was the  original material, which ought to have been  placed first; next come

instruments, vessels, vehicles, defences,  playthings, nourishment; small  things, which may be included under

one  of theseas for example, coins,  seals and stamps, are omitted, for  they have not in them the character of

any larger kind which includes  them; but some of them may, with a little  forcing, be placed among

ornaments, and others may be made to harmonize  with the class of  implements.  The art of herding, which has

been already  divided into  parts, will include all property in tame animals, except  slaves. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: The class of slaves and ministers only remains,  and I suspect  that in this the real aspirants for

the throne, who are  the rivals of the  king in the formation of the political web, will be  discovered; just as

spinners, carders, and the rest of them, were the  rivals of the weaver.  All the others, who were termed

cooperators,  have been got rid of among  the occupations already mentioned, and  separated from the royal

and  political science. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I agree. 

STRANGER: Let us go a little nearer, in order that we may be  more certain  of the complexion of this

remaining class. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Let us do so. 

STRANGER: We shall find from our present point of view that  the greatest  servants are in a case and

condition which is the reverse  of what we  anticipated. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Who are they? 

STRANGER: Those who have been purchased, and have so become  possessions;  these are unmistakably

slaves, and certainly do not claim  royal science. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: Again, freemen who of their own accord become the  servants of  the other classes in a State,

and who exchange and  equalise the products of  husbandry and the other arts, some sitting in  the

marketplace, others  going from city to city by land or sea, and  giving money in exchange for  money or for

other productionsthe  moneychanger, the merchant, the ship  owner, the retailer, will not  put in any claim

to statecraft or politics? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: No; unless, indeed, to the politics of  commerce. 


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STRANGER: But surely men whom we see acting as hirelings and  serfs, and  too happy to turn their hand to

anything, will not profess  to share in  royal science? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly not. 

STRANGER: But what would you say of some other serviceable  officials? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Who are they, and what services do they  perform? 

STRANGER: There are heralds, and scribes perfected by  practice, and divers  others who have great skill in

various sorts of  business connected with the  government of stateswhat shall we call  them? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: They are the officials, and servants of the  rulers, as you  just now called them, but not

themselves rulers. 

STRANGER: There may be something strange in any servant  pretending to be a  ruler, and yet I do not think

that I could have  been dreaming when I  imagined that the principal claimants to  political science would be

found  somewhere in this neighbourhood. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Well, let us draw nearer, and try the claims of  some who have  not yet been tested:  in the first

place, there are  diviners, who have a  portion of servile or ministerial science, and  are thought to be the

interpreters of the gods to men. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: There is also the priestly class, who, as the law  declares, know  how to give the gods gifts from

men in the form of  sacrifices which are  acceptable to them, and to ask on our behalf  blessings in return from

them.  Now both these are branches of the  servile or ministerial art. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, clearly. 

STRANGER: And here I think that we seem to be getting on the  right track;  for the priest and the diviner are

swollen with pride and  prerogative, and  they create an awful impression of themselves by the  magnitude of

their  enterprises; in Egypt, the king himself is not  allowed to reign, unless he  have priestly powers, and if he

should be  of another class and has thrust  himself in, he must get enrolled in  the priesthood.  In many parts of

Hellas, the duty of offering the  most solemn propitiatory sacrifices is  assigned to the highest  magistracies,

and here, at Athens, the most solemn  and national of the  ancient sacrifices are supposed to be celebrated by

him  who has been  chosen by lot to be the King Archon. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Precisely. 

STRANGER: But who are these other kings and priests elected  by lot who now  come into view followed by

their retainers and a vast  throng, as the former  class disappears and the scene changes? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Whom can you mean? 

STRANGER: They are a strange crew. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Why strange? 


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STRANGER: A minute ago I thought that they were animals of  every tribe;  for many of them are like lions

and centaurs, and many  more like satyrs and  such weak and shifty creatures;Protean shapes  quickly

changing into one  another's forms and natures; and now,  Socrates, I begin to see who they  are. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Who are they?  You seem to be gazing on some  strange  vision. 

STRANGER: Yes; every one looks strange when you do not know  him; and just  now I myself fell into this

mistakeat first sight,  coming suddenly upon  him, I did not recognize the politician and his  troop. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Who is he? 

STRANGER: The chief of Sophists and most accomplished of  wizards, who must  at any cost be separated

from the true king or  Statesman, if we are ever to  see daylight in the present enquiry. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is a hope not lightly to be renounced. 

STRANGER: Never, if I can help it; and, first, let me ask  you a question. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What? 

STRANGER: Is not monarchy a recognized form of government? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And, after monarchy, next in order comes the  government of the  few? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course. 

STRANGER: Is not the third form of government the rule of  the multitude,  which is called by the name of

democracy? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: And do not these three expand in a manner into  five, producing  out of themselves two other

names? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What are they? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What are they? 

STRANGER: There is a criterion of voluntary and involuntary,  poverty and  riches, law and the absence of

law, which men nowadays  apply to them; the  two first they subdivide accordingly, and ascribe  to

monarchy two forms and  two corresponding names, royalty and  tyranny. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: And the government of the few they distinguish by  the names of  aristocracy and oligarchy. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 


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STRANGER: Democracy alone, whether rigidly observing the  laws or not, and  whether the multitude rule

over the men of property  with their consent or  against their consent, always in ordinary  language has the

same name. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: But do you suppose that any form of government  which is defined  by these characteristics of

the one, the few, or the  many, of poverty or  wealth, of voluntary or compulsory submission, of  written law or

the  absence of law, can be a right one? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Why not? 

STRANGER: Reflect; and follow me. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: In what direction? 

STRANGER: Shall we abide by what we said at first, or shall  we retract our  words? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? 

STRANGER: If I am not mistaken, we said that royal power was  a science? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And a science of a peculiar kind, which was  selected out of the  rest as having a character

which is at once  judicial and authoritative? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And there was one kind of authority over lifeless  things and  another other living animals; and

so we proceeded in the  division step by  step up to this point, not losing the idea of  science, but unable as yet

to  determine the nature of the particular  science? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: Hence we are led to observe that the  distinguishing principle of  the State cannot be the few or

many, the  voluntary or involuntary, poverty  or riches; but some notion of  science must enter into it, if we are

to be  consistent with what has  preceded. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: And we must be consistent. 

STRANGER: Well, then, in which of these various forms of  States may the  science of government, which is

among the greatest of  all sciences and most  difficult to acquire, be supposed to reside?  That we must

discover, and  then we shall see who are the false  politicians who pretend to be  politicians but are not,

although they  persuade many, and shall separate  them from the wise king. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That, as the argument has already intimated,  will be our  duty. 

STRANGER: Do you think that the multitude in a State can  attain political  science? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible. 


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STRANGER: But, perhaps, in a city of a thousand men, there  would be a  hundred, or say fifty, who could? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: In that case political science would  certainly be the  easiest of all sciences; there

could not be found in  a city of that number  as many really firstrate draughtplayers, if  judged by the

standard of the  rest of Hellas, and there would  certainly not be as many kings.  For kings  we may truly call

those who  possess royal science, whether they rule or  not, as was shown in the  previous argument. 

STRANGER: Thank you for reminding me; and the consequence is  that any true  form of government can

only be supposed to be the  government of one, two,  or, at any rate, of a few. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: And these, whether they rule with the will, or  against the will,  of their subjects, with written

laws or without  written laws, and whether  they are poor or rich, and whatever be the  nature of their rule, must

be  supposed, according to our present view,  to rule on some scientific  principle; just as the physician,

whether  he cures us against our will or  with our will, and whatever be his  mode of treatment,incision,

burning,  or the infliction of some other  pain,whether he practises out of a book  or not out of a book, and

whether he be rich or poor, whether he purges or  reduces in some other  way, or even fattens his patients, is a

physician all  the same, so  long as he exercises authority over them according to rules of  art, if  he only does

them good and heals and saves them.  And this we lay  down  to be the only proper test of the art of medicine,

or of any other art  of command. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. 

STRANGER: Then that can be the only true form of government  in which the  governors are really found to

possess science, and are  not mere pretenders,  whether they rule according to law or without  law, over willing

or  unwilling subjects, and are rich or poor  themselvesnone of these things  can with any propriety be

included in  the notion of the ruler. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And whether with a view to the public good they  purge the State  by killing some, or exiling

some; whether they reduce  the size of the body  corporate by sending out from the hive swarms of  citizens, or,

by  introducing persons from without, increase it; while  they act according to  the rules of wisdom and justice,

and use their  power with a view to the  general security and improvement, the city  over which they rule, and

which  has these characteristics, may be  described as the only true State.  All  other governments are not

genuine or real; but only imitations of this, and  some of them are  better and some of them are worse; the

better are said to  be well  governed, but they are mere imitations like the others. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I agree, Stranger, in the greater part of  what you say;  but as to their ruling without

lawsthe expression has  a harsh sound. 

STRANGER: You have been too quick for me, Socrates; I was  just going to  ask you whether you objected

to any of my statements.  And now I see that  we shall have to consider this notion of there  being good

government  without laws. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: There can be no doubt that legislation is in a  manner the  business of a king, and yet the best

thing of all is not  that the law  should rule, but that a man should rule supposing him to  have wisdom and

royal power.  Do you see why this is? 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: Why? 

STRANGER: Because the law does not perfectly comprehend what  is noblest  and most just for all and

therefore cannot enforce what is  best.  The  differences of men and actions, and the endless irregular

movements of  human things, do not admit of any universal and simple  rule.  And no art  whatsoever can lay

down a rule which will last for  all time. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course not. 

STRANGER: But the law is always striving to make one;like  an obstinate  and ignorant tyrant, who will

not allow anything to be  done contrary to his  appointment, or any question to be askednot  even in sudden

changes of  circumstances, when something happens to be  better than what he commanded  for some one. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly; the law treats us all precisely  in the manner  which you describe. 

STRANGER: A perfectly simple principle can never be applied  to a state of  things which is the reverse of

simple. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: Then if the law is not the perfection of right,  why are we  compelled to make laws at all?  The

reason of this has next  to be  investigated. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Let me ask, whether you have not meetings for  gymnastic contests  in your city, such as there

are in other cities, at  which men compete in  running, wrestling, and the like? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes; they are very common among us. 

STRANGER: And what are the rules which are enforced on their  pupils by  professional trainers or by others

having similar authority?  Can you  remember? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? 

STRANGER: The trainingmasters do not issue minute rules for  individuals,  or give every individual what

is exactly suited to his  constitution; they  think that they ought to go more roughly to work,  and to prescribe

generally the regimen which will benefit the  majority. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: And therefore they assign equal amounts of  exercise to them all;  they send them forth

together, and let them rest  together from their  running, wrestling, or whatever the form of bodily  exercise

may be. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And now observe that the legislator who has to  preside over the  herd, and to enforce justice in

their dealings with  one another, will not  be able, in enacting for the general good, to  provide exactly what is

suitable for each particular case. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: He cannot be expected to do so. 

STRANGER: He will lay down laws in a general form for the  majority,  roughly meeting the cases of

individuals; and some of them  he will deliver  in writing, and others will be unwritten; and these  last will be

traditional customs of the country. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: He will be right. 

STRANGER: Yes, quite right; for how can he sit at every  man's side all  through his life, prescribing for him

the exact  particulars of his duty?  Who, Socrates, would be equal to such a task?  No one who really had the

royal science, if he had been able to do  this, would have imposed upon  himself the restriction of a written

law. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: So I should infer from what has now been  said. 

STRANGER: Or rather, my good friend, from what is going to  be said. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: And what is that? 

STRANGER: Let us put to ourselves the case of a physician,  or trainer, who  is about to go into a far country,

and is expecting to  be a long time away  from his patientsthinking that his instructions  will not be

remembered  unless they are written down, he will leave  notes of them for the use of  his pupils or patients. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: But what would you say, if he came back sooner  than he had  intended, and, owing to an

unexpected change of the winds  or other  celestial influences, something else happened to be better  for

them,would  he not venture to suggest this new remedy, although  not contemplated in his  former

prescription?  Would he persist in  observing the original law,  neither himself giving any new  commandments,

nor the patient daring to do  otherwise than was  prescribed, under the idea that this course only was  healthy

and  medicinal, all others noxious and heterodox?  Viewed in the  light of  science and true art, would not all

such enactments be utterly  ridiculous? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Utterly. 

STRANGER: And if he who gave laws, written or unwritten,  determining what  was good or bad, honourable

or dishonourable, just or  unjust, to the tribes  of men who flock together in their several  cities, and are

governed in  accordance with them; if, I say, the wise  legislator were suddenly to come  again, or another like

to him, is he  to be prohibited from changing them?  would not this prohibition be  in reality quite as

ridiculous as the other? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Do you know a plausible saying of the common  people which is in  point? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not recall what you mean at the moment. 

STRANGER: They say that if any one knows how the ancient  laws may be  improved, he must first persuade

his own State of the  improvement, and then  he may legislate, but not otherwise. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: And are they not right?


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STRANGER: I dare say.  But supposing that he does use some  gentle violence  for their good, what is this

violence to be called?  Or rather, before you  answer, let me ask the same question in  reference to our previous

instances. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: Suppose that a skilful physician has a patient, of  whatever sex  or age, whom he compels

against his will to do something  for his good which  is contrary to the written rules; what is this  compulsion to

be called?  Would you ever dream of calling it a  violation of the art, or a breach of  the laws of health?  Nothing

could be more unjust than for the patient to  whom such violence is  applied, to charge the physician who

practises the  violence with  wanting skill or aggravating his disease. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Most true. 

STRANGER: In the political art error is not called disease,  but evil, or  disgrace, or injustice. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. 

STRANGER: And when the citizen, contrary to law and custom,  is compelled  to do what is juster and better

and nobler than he did  before, the last and  most absurd thing which he could say about such  violence is that

he has  incurred disgrace or evil or injustice at the  hands of those who compelled  him. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: And shall we say that the violence, if exercised  by a rich man,  is just, and if by a poor man,

unjust?  May not any  man, rich or poor, with  or without laws, with the will of the citizens  or against the will

of the  citizens, do what is for their interest?  Is not this the true principle of  government, according to which

the  wise and good man will order the affairs  of his subjects?  As the  pilot, by watching continually over the

interests  of the ship and of  the crew,not by laying down rules, but by making his  art a  law,preserves the

lives of his fellowsailors, even so, and in the  selfsame way, may there not be a true form of polity created

by those  who  are able to govern in a similar spirit, and who show a strength of  art  which is superior to the

law?  Nor can wise rulers ever err while  they  observing the one great rule of distributing justice to the  citizens

with  intelligence and skill, are able to preserve them, and,  as far as may be,  to make them better from being

worse. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: No one can deny what has been now said. 

STRANGER: Neither, if you consider, can any one deny the  other statement. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What was it? 

STRANGER: We said that no great number of persons, whoever  they may be,  can attain political

knowledge, or order a State wisely,  but that the true  government is to be found in a small body, or in an

individual, and that  other States are but imitations of this, as we  said a little while ago,  some for the better and

some for the worse. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean?  I cannot have understood  your previous  remark about

imitations. 

STRANGER: And yet the mere suggestion which I hastily threw  out is highly  important, even if we leave

the question where it is,  and do not seek by  the discussion of it to expose the error which  prevails in this


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matter. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 

STRANGER: The idea which has to be grasped by us is not easy  or familiar;  but we may attempt to express

it thus:Supposing the  government of which I  have been speaking to be the only true model,  then the others

must use the  written laws of thisin no other way can  they be saved; they will have to  do what is now

generally approved,  although not the best thing in the  world. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is this? 

STRANGER: No citizen should do anything contrary to the  laws, and any  infringement of them should be

punished with death and  the most extreme  penalties; and this is very right and good when  regarded as the

second best  thing, if you set aside the first, of  which I was just now speaking.  Shall  I explain the nature of

what I  call the second best? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: By all means. 

STRANGER: I must again have recourse to my favourite images;  through them,  and them alone, can I

describe kings and rulers. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What images? 

STRANGER: The noble pilot and the wise physician, who 'is  worth many  another man'in the similitude

of these let us endeavour  to discover some  image of the king. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What sort of an image? 

STRANGER: Well, such as this:Every man will reflect that  he suffers  strange things at the hands of both

of them; the physician  saves any whom  he wishes to save, and any whom he wishes to maltreat  he

maltreatscutting  or burning them; and at the same time requiring  them to bring him payments,  which are a

sort of tribute, of which  little or nothing is spent upon the  sick man, and the greater part is  consumed by him

and his domestics; and  the finale is that he receives  money from the relations of the sick man or  from some

enemy of his,  and puts him out of the way.  And the pilots of  ships are guilty of  numberless evil deeds of the

same kind; they  intentionally play false  and leave you ashore when the hour of sailing  arrives; or they cause

mishaps at sea and cast away their freight; and are  guilty of other  rogueries.  Now suppose that we, bearing all

this in mind,  were to  determine, after consideration, that neither of these arts shall  any  longer be allowed to

exercise absolute control either over freemen or  over slaves, but that we will summon an assembly either of

all the  people,  or of the rich only, that anybody who likes, whatever may be  his calling,  or even if he have no

calling, may offer an opinion  either about seamanship  or about diseaseswhether as to the manner in  which

physic or surgical  instruments are to be applied to the patient,  or again about the vessels  and the nautical

implements which are  required in navigation, and how to  meet the dangers of winds and waves  which are

incidental to the voyage, how  to behave when encountering  pirates, and what is to be done with the old

fashioned galleys, if  they have to fight with others of a similar build  and that, whatever  shall be decreed by

the multitude on these points, upon  the advice of  persons skilled or unskilled, shall be written down on

triangular  tablets and columns, or enacted although unwritten to be  national  customs; and that in all future

time vessels shall be navigated  and  remedies administered to the patient after this fashion. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What a strange notion! 


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STRANGER: Suppose further, that the pilots and physicians  are appointed  annually, either out of the rich, or

out of the whole  people, and that they  are elected by lot; and that after their  election they navigate vessels and

heal the sick according to the  written rules. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Worse and worse. 

STRANGER: But hear what follows:When the year of office  has expired, the  pilot or physician has to

come before a court of  review, in which the  judges are either selected from the wealthy  classes or chosen by

lot out of  the whole people; and anybody who  pleases may be their accuser, and may lay  to their charge, that

during  the past year they have not navigated their  vessels or healed their  patients according to the letter of the

law and the  ancient customs of  their ancestors; and if either of them is condemned,  some of the  judges must

fix what he is to suffer or pay. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: He who is willing to take a command under  such conditions,  deserves to suffer any

penalty. 

STRANGER: Yet once more, we shall have to enact that if any  one is  detected enquiring into piloting and

navigation, or into health  and the  true nature of medicine, or about the winds, or other  conditions of the

atmosphere, contrary to the written rules, and has  any ingenious notions  about such matters, he is not to be

called a  pilot or physician, but a  cloudy prating sophist;further, on the  ground that he is a corrupter of  the

young, who would persuade them to  follow the art of medicine or  piloting in an unlawful manner, and to

exercise an arbitrary rule over  their patients or ships, any one who  is qualified by law may inform against

him, and indict him in some  court, and then if he is found to be persuading  any, whether young or  old, to act

contrary to the written law, he is to be  punished with the  utmost rigour; for no one should presume to be

wiser than  the laws;  and as touching healing and health and piloting and navigation,  the  nature of them is

known to all, for anybody may learn the written laws  and the national customs.  If such were the mode of

procedure,  Socrates,  about these sciences and about generalship, and any branch  of hunting, or  about painting

or imitation in general, or carpentry,  or any sort of  handicraft, or husbandry, or planting, or if we were to  see

an art of  rearing horses, or tending herds, or divination, or any  ministerial  service, or draughtplaying, or any

science conversant  with number, whether  simple or square or cube, or comprising  motion,I say, if all these

things  were done in this way according to  written regulations, and not according  to art, what would be the

result? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: All the arts would utterly perish, and could  never be  recovered, because enquiry

would be unlawful.  And human  life, which is bad  enough already, would then become utterly  unendurable. 

STRANGER: But what, if while compelling all these operations  to be  regulated by written law, we were to

appoint as the guardian of  the laws  some one elected by a show of hands, or by lot, and he caring  nothing

about  the laws, were to act contrary to them from motives of  interest or favour,  and without

knowledge,would not this be a still  worse evil than the  former? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: To go against the laws, which are based upon long  experience,  and the wisdom of counsellors

who have graciously  recommended them and  persuaded the multitude to pass them, would be a  far greater

and more  ruinous error than any adherence to written law? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: Therefore, as there is a danger of this, the next  best thing in  legislating is not to allow either

the individual or the  multitude to break  the law in any respect whatever. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: The laws would be copies of the true particulars  of action as  far as they admit of being written

down from the lips of  those who have  knowledge? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly they would. 

STRANGER: And, as we were saying, he who has knowledge and  is a true  Statesman, will do many things

within his own sphere of  action by his art  without regard to the laws, when he is of opinion  that something

other than  that which he has written down and enjoined  to be observed during his  absence would be better. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, we said so. 

STRANGER: And any individual or any number of men, having  fixed laws, in  acting contrary to them with

a view to something  better, would only be  acting, as far as they are able, like the true  Statesman? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: If they had no knowledge of what they were doing,  they would  imitate the truth, and they

would always imitate ill; but  if they had  knowledge, the imitation would be the perfect truth, and  an imitation

no  longer. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. 

STRANGER: And the principle that no great number of men are  able to  acquire a knowledge of any art has

been already admitted by  us. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, it has. 

STRANGER: Then the royal or political art, if there be such  an art, will  never be attained either by the

wealthy or by the other  mob. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible. 

STRANGER: Then the nearest approach which these lower forms  of government  can ever make to the true

government of the one  scientific ruler, is to do  nothing contrary to their own written laws  and national

customs. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: When the rich imitate the true form, such a  government is called  aristocracy; and when they

are regardless of the  laws, oligarchy. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: Or again, when an individual rules according to  law in imitation  of him who knows, we call

him a king; and if he rules  according to law, we  give him the same name, whether he rules with  opinion or

with knowledge. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. 


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STRANGER: And when an individual truly possessing knowledge  rules, his  name will surely be the

samehe will be called a king; and  thus the five  names of governments, as they are now reckoned, become

one. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is true. 

STRANGER: And when an individual ruler governs neither by  law nor by  custom, but following in the steps

of the true man of  science pretends that  he can only act for the best by violating the  laws, while in reality

appetite and ignorance are the motives of the  imitation, may not such an  one be called a tyrant? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: And this we believe to be the origin of the tyrant  and the king,  of oligarchies, and

aristocracies, and  democracies,because men are  offended at the one monarch, and can  never be made to

believe that any one  can be worthy of such authority,  or is able and willing in the spirit of  virtue and

knowledge to act  justly and holily to all; they fancy that he  will be a despot who will  wrong and harm and

slay whom he pleases of us;  for if there could be  such a despot as we describe, they would acknowledge  that

we ought to  be too glad to have him, and that he alone would be the  happy ruler of  a true and perfect State. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. 

STRANGER: But then, as the State is not like a beehive, and  has no natural  head who is at once recognized

to be the superior both  in body and in mind,  mankind are obliged to meet and make laws, and  endeavour to

approach as  nearly as they can to the true form of  government. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And when the foundation of politics is in the  letter only and in  custom, and knowledge is

divorced from action, can  we wonder, Socrates, at  the miseries which there are, and always will  be, in States?

Any other  art, built on such a foundation and thus  conducted, would ruin all that it  touched.  Ought we not

rather to  wonder at the natural strength of the  political bond?  For States have  endured all this, time out of

mind, and  yet some of them still remain  and are not overthrown, though many of them,  like ships at sea,

founder from time to time, and perish and have perished  and will  hereafter perish, through the badness of

their pilots and crews,  who  have the worst sort of ignorance of the highest truthsI mean to say,  that they

are wholly unaquainted with politics, of which, above all  other  sciences, they believe themselves to have

acquired the most  perfect  knowledge. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Then the question arises:which of these untrue  forms of  government is the least oppressive

to their subjects, though  they are all  oppressive; and which is the worst of them?  Here is a  consideration

which  is beside our present purpose, and yet having  regard to the whole it seems  to influence all our actions:

we must  examine it. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, we must. 

STRANGER: You may say that of the three forms, the same is  at once the  hardest and the easiest. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What do you mean? 


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STRANGER: I am speaking of the three forms of government,  which I  mentioned at the beginning of this

discussionmonarchy, the  rule of the  few, and the rule of the many. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: If we divide each of these we shall have six, from  which the  true one may be distinguished as

a seventh. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How would you make the division? 

STRANGER: Monarchy divides into royalty and tyranny; the  rule of the few  into aristocracy, which has an

auspicious name, and  oligarchy; and  democracy or the rule of the many, which before was  one, must now be

divided. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: On what principle of division? 

STRANGER: On the same principle as before, although the name  is now  discovered to have a twofold

meaning.  For the distinction of  ruling with  law or without law, applies to this as well as to the  rest. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: The division made no difference when we were  looking for the  perfect State, as we showed

before.  But now that this  has been separated  off, and, as we said, the others alone are left for  us, the principle

of  law and the absence of law will bisect them all. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That would seem to follow, from what has  been said. 

STRANGER: Then monarchy, when bound by good prescriptions or  laws, is the  best of all the six, and

when lawless is the most bitter  and oppressive to  the subject. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: The government of the few, which is intermediate  between that of  the one and many, is also

intermediate in good and  evil; but the government  of the many is in every respect weak and  unable to do

either any great good  or any great evil, when compared  with the others, because the offices are  too minutely

subdivided and  too many hold them.  And this therefore is the  worst of all lawful  governments, and the best of

all lawless ones.  If they  are all  without the restraints of law, democracy is the form in which to  live  is best; if

they are well ordered, then this is the last which you  should choose, as royalty, the first form, is the best, with

the  exception  of the seventh, for that excels them all, and is among  States what God is  among men. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: You are quite right, and we should choose  that above all. 

STRANGER: The members of all these States, with the  exception of the one  which has knowledge, may be

set aside as being  not Statesmen but partisans,  upholders of the most monstrous idols,  and themselves

idols; and, being  the greatest imitators and magicians,  they are also the greatest of  Sophists. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: The name of Sophist after many windings in  the argument  appears to have been

most justly fixed upon the  politicians, as they are  termed. 

STRANGER: And so our satyric drama has been played out; and  the troop of  Centaurs and Satyrs, however

unwilling to leave the  stage, have at last  been separated from the political science. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: So I perceive. 

STRANGER: There remain, however, natures still more  troublesome, because  they are more nearly akin to

the king, and more  difficult to discern; the  examination of them may be compared to the  process of refining

gold. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is your meaning? 

STRANGER: The workmen begin by sifting away the earth and  stones and the  like; there remain in a

confused mass the valuable  elements akin to gold,  which can only be separated by fire,copper,  silver, and

other precious  metal; these are at last refined away by  the use of tests, until the gold  is left quite pure. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes, that is the way in which these things  are said to be  done. 

STRANGER: In like manner, all alien and uncongenial matter  has been  separated from political science, and

what is precious and of  a kindred  nature has been left; there remain the nobler arts of the  general and the

judge, and the higher sort of oratory which is an ally  of the royal art,  and persuades men to do justice, and

assists in  guiding the helm of  States:How can we best clear away all these,  leaving him whom we seek

alone and unalloyed? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is obviously what has in some way to be  attempted. 

STRANGER: If the attempt is all that is wanting, he shall  certainly be  brought to light; and I think that the

illustration of  music may assist in  exhibiting him.  Please to answer me a question. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What question? 

STRANGER: There is such a thing as learning music or  handicraft arts in  general? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: There is. 

STRANGER: And is there any higher art or science, having  power to decide  which of these arts are and are

not to be  learned;what do you say? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I should answer that there is. 

STRANGER: And do we acknowledge this science to be different  from the  others? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: And ought the other sciences to be superior to  this, or no  single science to any other?  Or ought

this science to be  the overseer and  governor of all the others? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: The latter. 

STRANGER: You mean to say that the science which judges  whether we ought  to learn or not, must be

superior to the science  which is learned or which  teaches? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Far superior. 


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STRANGER: And the science which determines whether we ought  to persuade or  not, must be superior to

the science which is able to  persuade? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Of course. 

STRANGER: Very good; and to what science do we assign the  power of  persuading a multitude by a

pleasing tale and not by  teaching? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That power, I think, must clearly be  assigned to rhetoric. 

STRANGER: And to what science do we give the power of  determining whether  we are to employ

persuasion or force towards any  one, or to refrain  altogether? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To that science which governs the arts of  speech and  persuasion. 

STRANGER: Which, if I am not mistaken, will be politics? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: Rhetoric seems to be quickly distinguished from  politics, being  a different species, yet

ministering to it. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: But what would you think of another sort of power  or science? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What science? 

STRANGER: The science which has to do with military  operations against our  enemiesis that to be

regarded as a science or  not? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How can generalship and military tactics be  regarded as  other than a science? 

STRANGER: And is the art which is able and knows how to  advise when we are  to go to war, or to make

peace, the same as this or  different? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: If we are to be consistent, we must say  different. 

STRANGER: And we must also suppose that this rules the  other, if we are  not to give up our former notion? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And, considering how great and terrible the whole  art of war is,  can we imagine any which is

superior to it but the  truly royal? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: No other. 

STRANGER: The art of the general is only ministerial, and  therefore not  political? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly. 


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STRANGER: Once more let us consider the nature of the  righteous judge. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very good. 

STRANGER: Does he do anything but decide the dealings of men  with one  another to be just or unjust in

accordance with the standard  which he  receives from the king and legislator,showing his own  peculiar

virtue  only in this, that he is not perverted by gifts, or  fears, or pity, or by  any sort of favour or enmity, into

deciding the  suits of men with one  another contrary to the appointment of the  legislator? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: No; his office is such as you describe. 

STRANGER: Then the inference is that the power of the judge  is not royal,  but only the power of a guardian

of the law which  ministers to the royal  power? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: The review of all these sciences shows that none  of them is  political or royal.  For the truly

royal ought not itself  to act, but to  rule over those who are able to act; the king ought to  know what is and

what is not a fitting opportunity for taking the  initiative in matters of  the greatest importance, whilst others

should  execute his orders. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And, therefore, the arts which we have described,  as they have  no authority over themselves

or one another, but are each  of them concerned  with some special action of their own, have, as they  ought to

have, special  names corresponding to their several actions. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I agree. 

STRANGER: And the science which is over them all, and has  charge of the  laws, and of all matters affecting

the State, and truly  weaves them all  into one, if we would describe under a name  characteristic of their

common  nature, most truly we may call  politics. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Exactly so. 

STRANGER: Then, now that we have discovered the various  classes in a  State, shall I analyse politics after

the pattern which  weaving supplied? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I greatly wish that you would. 

STRANGER: Then I must describe the nature of the royal web,  and show how  the various threads are woven

into one piece. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Clearly. 

STRANGER: A task has to be accomplished, which, although  difficult,  appears to be necessary. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly the attempt must be made. 

STRANGER: To assume that one part of virtue differs in kind  from another,  is a position easily assailable

by contentious  disputants, who appeal to  popular opinion. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not understand. 

STRANGER: Let me put the matter in another way:  I suppose  that you would  consider courage to be a part

of virtue? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly I should. 

STRANGER: And you would think temperance to be different  from courage;  and likewise to be a part of

virtue? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: I shall venture to put forward a strange theory  about them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? 

STRANGER: That they are two principles which thoroughly hate  one another  and are antagonistic

throughout a great part of nature. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How singular! 

STRANGER: Yes, veryfor all the parts of virtue are  commonly said to be  friendly to one another. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes. 

STRANGER: Then let us carefully investigate whether this is  universally  true, or whether there are not parts

of virtue which are  at war with their  kindred in some respect. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Tell me how we shall consider that question. 

STRANGER: We must extend our enquiry to all those things  which we consider  beautiful and at the same

time place in two opposite  classes. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Explain; what are they? 

STRANGER: Acuteness and quickness, whether in body or soul  or in the  movement of sound, and the

imitations of them which painting  and music  supply, you must have praised yourself before now, or been

present when  others praised them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: And do you remember the terms in which they are  praised? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not. 

STRANGER: I wonder whether I can explain to you in words the  thought which  is passing in my mind. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Why not? 

STRANGER: You fancy that this is all so easy:  Well, let us  consider these  notions with reference to the

opposite classes of  action under which they  fall.  When we praise quickness and energy and  acuteness,


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whether of mind  or body or sound, we express our praise of  the quality which we admire by  one word, and

that one word is  manliness or courage. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How? 

STRANGER: We speak of an action as energetic and brave,  quick and manly,  and vigorous too; and when

we apply the name of which  I speak as the common  attribute of all these natures, we certainly  praise them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: And do we not often praise the quiet strain of  action also? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To be sure. 

STRANGER: And do we not then say the opposite of what we  said of the  other? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How do you mean? 

STRANGER: We exclaim How calm! How temperate! in admiration  of the slow  and quiet working of the

intellect, and of steadiness and  gentleness in  action, of smoothness and depth of voice, and of all  rhythmical

movement  and of music in general, when these have a proper  solemnity.  Of all such  actions we predicate not

courage, but a name  indicative of order. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: But when, on the other hand, either of these is  out of place,  the names of either are changed

into terms of censure. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How so? 

STRANGER: Too great sharpness or quickness or hardness is  termed violence  or madness; too great

slowness or gentleness is called  cowardice or  sluggishness; and we may observe, that for the most part  these

qualities,  and the temperance and manliness of the opposite  characters, are arrayed as  enemies on opposite

sides, and do not  mingle with one another in their  respective actions; and if we pursue  the enquiry, we shall

find that men  who have these different qualities  of mind differ from one another. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: In what respect? 

STRANGER: In respect of all the qualities which I mentioned,  and very  likely of many others.  According to

their respective  affinities to either  class of actions they distribute praise and  blame,praise to the actions

which are akin to their own, blame to  those of the opposite partyand out  of this many quarrels and

occasions of quarrel arise among them. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: The difference between the two classes is often a  trivial  concern; but in a state, and when

affecting really important  matters,  becomes of all disorders the most hateful. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To what do you refer? 


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STRANGER: To nothing short of the whole regulation of human  life.  For the  orderly class are always ready

to lead a peaceful life,  quietly doing their  own business; this is their manner of behaving  with all men at

home, and  they are equally ready to find some way of  keeping the peace with foreign  States.  And on account

of this  fondness of theirs for peace, which is  often out of season where their  influence prevails, they become

by degrees  unwarlike, and bring up  their young men to be like themselves; they are at  the mercy of their

enemies; whence in a few years they and their children  and the whole  city often pass imperceptibly from the

condition of freemen  into that  of slaves. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What a cruel fate! 

STRANGER: And now think of what happens with the more  courageous natures.  Are they not always

inciting their country to go  to war, owing to their  excessive love of the military life? they raise  up enemies

against  themselves many and mighty, and either utterly ruin  their nativeland or  enslave and subject it to its

foes? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That, again, is true. 

STRANGER: Must we not admit, then, that where these two  classes exist,  they always feel the greatest

antipathy and antagonism  towards one  another? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: We cannot deny it. 

STRANGER: And returning to the enquiry with which we began,  have we not  found that considerable

portions of virtue are at variance  with one  another, and give rise to a similar opposition in the  characters who

are  endowed with them? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: True. 

STRANGER: Let us consider a further point. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: What is it? 

STRANGER: I want to know, whether any constructive art will  make any, even  the most trivial thing, out of

bad and good materials  indifferently, if  this can be helped? does not all art rather reject  the bad as far as

possible, and accept the good and fit materials, and  from these elements,  whether like or unlike, gathering

them all into  one, work out some nature  or idea? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: To, be sure. 

STRANGER: Then the true and natural art of statesmanship  will never allow  any State to be formed by a

combination of good and  bad men, if this can be  avoided; but will begin by testing human  natures in play,

and after testing  them, will entrust them to proper  teachers who are the ministers of her  purposesshe will

herself give  orders, and maintain authority; just as the  art of weaving continually  gives orders and maintains

authority over the  carders and all the  others who prepare the material for the work,  commanding the

subsidiary arts to execute the works which she deems  necessary for  making the web. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. 

STRANGER: In like manner, the royal science appears to me to  be the  mistress of all lawful educators and

instructors, and having  this queenly  power, will not permit them to train men in what will  produce characters

unsuited to the political constitution which she  desires to create, but  only in what will produce such as are


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suitable.  Those which have no share  of manliness and temperance, or any other  virtuous inclination, and,

from  the necessity of an evil nature, are  violently carried away to godlessness  and insolence and injustice, she

gets rid of by death and exile, and  punishes them with the greatest of  disgraces. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: That is commonly said. 

STRANGER: But those who are wallowing in ignorance and  baseness she bows  under the yoke of slavery. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite right. 

STRANGER: The rest of the citizens, out of whom, if they  have education,  something noble may be made,

and who are capable of  being united by the  statesman, the kingly art blends and weaves  together; taking on

the one  hand those whose natures tend rather to  courage, which is the stronger  element and may be regarded

as the  warp, and on the other hand those which  incline to order and  gentleness, and which are represented in

the figure as  spun thick and  soft, after the manner of the woofthese, which are  naturally  opposed, she seeks

to bind and weave together in the following  manner: 

YOUNG SOCRATES: In what manner? 

STRANGER: First of all, she takes the eternal element of the  soul and  binds it with a divine cord, to which it

is akin, and then  the animal  nature, and binds that with human cords. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: I do not understand what you mean. 

STRANGER: The meaning is, that the opinion about the  honourable and the  just and good and their

opposites, which is true  and confirmed by reason,  is a divine principle, and when implanted in  the soul, is

implanted, as I  maintain, in a nature of heavenly birth. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Yes; what else should it be? 

STRANGER: Only the Statesman and the good legislator, having  the  inspiration of the royal muse, can

implant this opinion, and he,  only in  the rightly educated, whom we were just now describing. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Likely enough. 

STRANGER: But him who cannot, we will not designate by any  of the names  which are the subject of the

present enquiry. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very right. 

STRANGER: The courageous soul when attaining this truth  becomes civilized,  and rendered more capable

of partaking of justice;  but when not partaking,  is inclined to brutality.  Is not that true? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly. 

STRANGER: And again, the peaceful and orderly nature, if  sharing in these  opinions, becomes temperate

and wise, as far as this  may be in a State, but  if not, deservedly obtains the ignominious name  of silliness. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. 


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STRANGER: Can we say that such a connexion as this will  lastingly unite  the evil with one another or with

the good, or that  any science would  seriously think of using a bond of this kind to join  such materials? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Impossible. 

STRANGER: But in those who were originally of a noble  nature, and who have  been nurtured in noble

ways, and in those only,  may we not say that union  is implanted by law, and that this is the  medicine which

art prescribes for  them, and of all the bonds which  unite the dissimilar and contrary parts of  virtue is not this,

as I  was saying, the divinest? 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Very true. 

STRANGER: Where this divine bond exists there is no  difficulty in  imagining, or when you have imagined,

in creating the  other bonds, which  are human only. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How is that, and what bonds do you mean? 

STRANGER: Rights of intermarriage, and ties which are formed  between  States by giving and taking

children in marriage, or between  individuals by  private betrothals and espousals.  For most persons  form

marriage  connexions without due regard to what is best for the  procreation of  children. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: In what way? 

STRANGER: They seek after wealth and power, which in  matrimony are objects  not worthy even of a

serious censure. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: There is no need to consider them at all. 

STRANGER: More reason is there to consider the practice of  those who make  family their chief aim, and to

indicate their error. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Quite true. 

STRANGER: They act on no true principle at all; they seek  their ease and  receive with open arms those who

are like themselves,  and hate those who  are unlike them, being too much influenced by  feelings of dislike. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How so? 

STRANGER: The quiet orderly class seek for natures like  their own, and as  far as they can they marry and

give in marriage  exclusively in this class,  and the courageous do the same; they seek  natures like their own,

whereas  they should both do precisely the  opposite. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How and why is that? 

STRANGER: Because courage, when untempered by the gentler  nature during  many generations, may at

first bloom and strengthen, but  at last bursts  forth into downright madness. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Like enough. 

STRANGER: And then, again, the soul which is overfull of  modesty and has  no element of courage in

many successive generations,  is apt to grow too  indolent, and at last to become utterly paralyzed  and useless. 


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YOUNG SOCRATES: That, again, is quite likely. 

STRANGER: It was of these bonds I said that there would be  no difficulty  in creating them, if only both

classes originally held  the same opinion  about the honourable and good;indeed, in this  single work, the

whole  process of royal weaving is comprisednever to  allow temperate natures to  be separated from the

brave, but to weave  them together, like the warp and  the woof, by common sentiments and  honours and

reputation, and by the  giving of pledges to one another;  and out of them forming one smooth and  even web,

to entrust to them  the offices of State. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: How do you mean? 

STRANGER: Where one officer only is needed, you must choose  a ruler who  has both these

qualitieswhen many, you must mingle some  of each, for the  temperate ruler is very careful and just and

safe,  but is wanting in  thoroughness and go. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly, that is very true. 

STRANGER: The character of the courageous, on the other  hand, falls short  of the former in justice and

caution, but has the  power of action in a  remarkable degree, and where either of these two  qualities is

wanting,  there cities cannot altogether prosper either in  their public or private  life. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Certainly they cannot. 

STRANGER: This then we declare to be the completion of the  web of  political action, which is created by a

direct intertexture of  the brave  and temperate natures, whenever the royal science has drawn  the two minds

into communion with one another by unanimity and  friendship, and having  perfected the noblest and best of

all the webs  which political life admits,  and enfolding therein all other  inhabitants of cities, whether slaves or

freemen, binds them in one  fabric and governs and presides over them, and,  in so far as to be  happy is

vouchsafed to a city, in no particular fails to  secure their  happiness. 

YOUNG SOCRATES: Your picture, Stranger, of the king and  statesman, no less  than of the Sophist, is

quite perfect. 


Statesman

STATESMAN 72



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1. Table of Contents, page = 3

2. Statesman, page = 4

   3. Plato, page = 4

   4. INTRODUCTION AND ANALYSIS., page = 4

   5. STATESMAN, page = 23