Title:   The Querist

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Author:   George Berkeley

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The Querist

George Berkeley



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Table of Contents

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George Berkeley......................................................................................................................................1

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The Querist

George Berkeley

The Querist containing several Queries proposed to the

consideration of the Public

I the Lord have brought down the high tree, have exalted the low

tree, have dried up the green tree, and have made the dry tree to

flourish.  Ezek. xvii, 24.

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The Querist was first published in the year one thousand seven  hundred and thirtyfive; since which time the

face of things is  somewhat changed. In this edition some alterations have been  made. The three Parts are

published in one; some few Queries are  added, and many omitted, particularly of those relating to the  sketch

or plan of a national bank, which it may be time enough to  take again in hand when the public shall seem

disposed to make  use of such an expedient. I had determined with myself never to  prefix my name to the

Querist, but in the last edition was  overruled by a friend, who was remarkable for pursuing the public  interest

with as much diligence as others do their own. I  apprehend the same censure on this that I incurred upon

another  occasion, for meddling out of my profession; though to feed the  hungry and clothe the naked, by

promoting an honest industry,  will, perhaps, be deemed no improper employment for a clergyman  who still

things himself a member of the commonwealth. As the sum  of human happiness is supposed to consist in the

goods of mind,  body,and fortune, I would fain make my studies of some use to  mankind with regard to each

of these three particulars, and hope  it will not be thought faulty or indecent in any man, of what  profession

soever, to offer his mite towards improving the  manners, health, and prosperity of his fellowcreatures. 

QUERY 1 Whether there ever was, is, or will be, an industrious  nation poor, or an idle rich? 

2 Whether a people can be called poor, where the common sort are  well fed, clothed, and lodged? 

3 Whether the drift and aim of every wise State should not be, to  encourage industry in its members? And

whether those who employ  neither heads nor hands for the common benefit deserve not to be  expelled like

drones out of a wellgoverned State? 

4 Whether the four elements, and man's labour therein, be not the  true source of wealth? 

5 Whether money be not only so far useful, as it stirreth up  industry, enabling men mutually to participate the

fruits of each  other's labour? 

6 Whether any other means, equally conducing to excite and  circulate the industry of mankind, may not be as

useful as money. 

7 Whether the real end and aim of men be not power? And whether  he who could have everything else at his

wish or will would value  money? 

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8 Whether the public aim in every wellgoverned State be not that  each member, according to his just

pretensions and industry,  should have power? 

9 Whether power be not referred to action; and whether action  doth not follow appetite or will? 

10 Whether fashion doth not create appetites; and whether the  prevailing will of a nation is not the fashion? 

11 Whether the current of industry and commerce be not determined  by this prevailing will? 

12 Whether it be not owing to custom that the fashions are  agreeable? 

13 Whether it may not concern the wisdom of the legislature to  interpose in the making of fashions; and not

leave an affair of  so great influence to the management of women and fops, tailors  and vintners? 

14 Whether reasonable fashions are a greater restraint on freedom  than those which are unreasonable? 

15 Whether a general good taste in a people would not greatly  conduce to their thriving? And whether an

uneducated gentry be  not the greatest of national evils? 

16 Whether customs and fashions do not supply the place of reason  in the vulgar of all ranks? Whether,

therefore, it doth not very  much import that they should be wisely framed? 

17 Whether the imitating those neighbours in our fashions, to  whom we bear no likeness in our

circumstances, be not one cause  of distress to this nation? 

18 Whether frugal fashions in the upper rank, and comfortable  living in the lower, be not the means to

multiply inhabitants? 

19 Whether the bulk of our Irish natives are not kept from  thriving, by that cynical content in dirt and beggary

which they  possess to a degree beyond any other people in Christendom? 

20 Whether the creating of wants be not the likeliest way to  produce industry in a people? And whether, if

our peasants were  accustomed to eat beef and wear shoes, they would not be more  industrious? 

21 Whether other things being given, as climate, soil, etc., the  wealth be not proportioned to the industry, and

this to the  circulation of credit, be the credit circulated or transferred by  what marks or tokens soever? 

22 Whether, therefore, less money swiftly circulating, be not, in  effect, equivalent to more money slowly

circulating? Or, whether,  if the circulation be reciprocally as the quantity of coin, the  nation can be a loser? 

23 Whether money is to be considered as having an intrinsic  value, or as being a commodity, a standard, a

measure, or a  pledge, as is variously suggested by writers? And whether the  true idea of money, as such, be

not altogether that of a ticket  or counter? 

24 Whether the value or price of things be not a compounded  proportion, directly as the demand, and

reciprocally as the  plenty? 

25 Whether the terms crown, livre, pound sterling, etc., are not  to be considered as exponents or

denominations of such  proportion? And whether gold, silver, and paper are not tickets  or counters for

reckoning, recording, and transferring thereof? 


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26 Whether the denominations being retained, although the bullion  were gone, things might not nevertheless

be rated, bought, and  sold, industry promoted, and a circulation of commerce  maintained? 

27 Whether an equal raising of all sorts of gold, silver, and  copper coin can have any effect in bringing

money into the? And  whether altering the proportions between the kingdom several  sorts can have any other

effect but multiplying one kind and  lessening another, without any increase of the sum total? 

28 Whether arbitrary changing the denomination of coin be not a  public cheat? 

29 What makes a wealthy people? Whether mines of gold and silver  are capable of doing this? And whether

the negroes, amidst the  gold sands of Afric, are not poor and destitute? 

30 Whether there be any virtue in gold or silver, other than as  they set people at work, or create industry? 

31 Whether it be not the opinion or will of the people, exciting  them to industry, that truly enricheth a nation?

And whether this  doth not principally depend on the means for counting,  transferring, and preserving power,

that is, property of all  kinds? 

32 Whether if there was no silver or gold in the kingdom, our  trade might not, nevertheless, supply bills of

exchange,  sufficient to answer the demands of absentees in England or  elsewhere? 

33 Whether current banknotes may not be deemed money? And  whether they are not actually the greater

part of the money of  this kingdom? 

34 Provided the wheels move, whether it is not the same thing, as  to the effect of the machine, be this done by

the force of wind,  or water, or animals? 

35 Whether power to command the industry of others be not real  wealth? And whether money be not in truth

tickets or tokens for  conveying and recording such power, and whether it be of great  consequence what

materials the tickets are made of? 

36 Whether trade, either foreign or domestic, be in truth any  more than this commerce of industry? 

37 Whether to promote, transfer, and secure this commerce, and  this property in human labour, or, in other

words, this power, be  not the sole means of enriching a people, and how far this may be  done independently

of gold and silver? 

38 Whether it were not wrong to suppose land itself to be wealth?  And whether the industry of the people is

not first to be  considered, as that which constitutes wealth, which makes even  land and silver to be wealth,

neither of which would have, any  value but as means and motives to industry? 

39 Whether in the wastes of America a man might not possess  twenty miles square of land, and yet want his

dinner, or a coat  to his back? 

40 Whether a fertile land, and the industry of its inhabitants,  would not prove inexhaustible funds of real

wealth, be the  counters for conveying and recording thereof what you will,  paper, gold, or silver? 

41 Whether a single hint be sufficient to overcome a prejudice?  And whether even obvious truths will not

sometimes bear  repeating? 


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42 Whether, if human labour be the true source of wealth, it doth  not follow that idleness should of all things

be discouraged in a  wise State? 

43 Whether even gold or silver, if they should lessen the  industry of its inhabitants, would not be ruinous to a

country?  And whether Spain be not an instance of this? 

44 Whether the opinion of men, and their industry consequent  thereupon, be not the true wealth of Holland

and not the silver  supposed to be deposited in the bank at Amsterdam? 

45 Whether there is in truth any such treasure lying dead? And  whether it be of great consequence to the

public that it should  be real rather than notional? 

46 Whether, in order to understand the true nature of wealth and  commerce, it would not be right to consider

a ship's crew cast  upon a desert island, and by degrees forming themselves to  business and civil life, while

industry begot credit, and credit  moved to industry? 

47 Whether such men would not all set themselves to work? Whether  they would not subsist by the mutual

participation of each  other's industry? Whether, when one man had in his way procured  more than he could

consume, he would not exchange his  superfluities to supply his wants? Whether this must not produce  credit?

Whether, to facilitate these conveyances, to record and  circulate this credit, they would not soon agree on

certain  tallies, tokens, tickets, or counters? 

48 Whether reflection in the better sort might not soon remedy  our evils? And whether our real defect be not

a wrong way of  thinking? 

49 Whether it would not be an unhappy turn in our gentlemen, if  they should take more thought to create an

interest to themselves  in this or that county, or borough, than to promote the real  interest of their country? 

50 Whether if a man builds a house he doth not in the first place  provide a plan which governs his work? And

shall the pubic act  without an end, a view, a plan? 

51 Whether by how much the less particular folk think for  themselves, the public be not so much the more

obliged to think  for them? 

52 Whether small gains be not the way to great profit? And if our  tradesmen are beggars, whether they may

not thank themselves for  it? 

53 Whether some way might not be found for making criminals  useful in public works, instead of sending

them either to  America, or to the other world? 

54 Whether we may not, as well as other nations, contrive  employment for them? And whether servitude,

chains, and hard  labour, for a term of years, would not be a more discouraging as  well as a more adequate

punishment for felons than even death  itself? 

55 Whether there are not such things in Holland as bettering  houses for bringing young gentlemen to order?

And whether such an  institution would be useless among us? 

56 Whether it be true that the poor in Holland have no resource  but their own labour, and yet there are no

beggars in their  streets? 


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57 Whether he whose luxury consumeth foreign products, and whose  industry produceth nothing domestic to

exchange for them, is not  so far forth injurious to his country? 

58 Whether necessity is not to be hearkened to before  convenience, and convenience before luxury? 

59 Whether to provide plentifully for the poor be not feeding the  root, the substance whereof will shoot

upwards into the branches,  and cause the top to flourish? 

60 Whether there be any instance of a State wherein the people,  living neatly and plentifully, did not aspire to

wealth? 

61 Whether nastiness and beggary do not, on the contrary,  extinguish all such ambition, making men listless,

hopeless, and  slothful? 

62 Whether a country inhabited by people well fed, clothed and  lodged would not become every day more

populous? And whether a  numerous stock of people in such circumstances would? and how far  the product of

not constitute a flourishing nation; our own  country may suffice for the compassing of this end? 

63 Whether a people who had provided themselves with the  necessaries of life in good plenty would not soon

extend their  industry to new arts and new branches of commerce? 

64 Whether those same manufactures which England imports from  other countries may not be admitted from

Ireland? And, if so,  whether lace, carpets, and tapestry, three considerable articles  of English importation,

might not find encouragement in Ireland?  And whether an academy for design might not greatly conduce to

the perfecting those manufactures among us? 

65 Whether France and Flanders could have drawn so much money  from England for figured silks, lace, and

tapestry, if they had  not had academies for designing? 

66 Whether, when a room was once prepared, and models in plaster  of Paris, the annual expense of such an

academy need stand the  pubic in above two hundred pounds a year? 

67 Whether our linenmanufacture would not find the benefit of  this institution? And whether there be

anything that makes us  fall short of the Dutch in damasks, diapers, and printed linen,  but our ignorance in

design? 

68 Whether those who may slight this affair as notional have  sufficiently considered the extensive use of the

art of design,  and its influence in most trades and manufactures, wherein the  forms of things are often more

regarded than the materials? 

69 Whether there be any art sooner learned than that of making  carpets? And whether our women, with little

time and pains, may  not make more beautiful carpets than those imported from Turkey?  And whether this

branch of the woollen manufacture be not open to  us? 

70 Whether human industry can produce, from such cheap materials,  a manufacture of so great value by any

other art as by those of  sculpture and painting? 

71 Whether pictures and statues are not in fact so much treasure?  And whether Rome and Florence would not

be poor towns without  them? 


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72 Whether they do not bring ready money as well as jewels?  Whether in Italy debts are not paid, and

children portioned with  them, as with gold and silver? 

73 Whether it would not be more prudent, to strike out and exert  ourselves in permitted branches of trade,

than to fold our hands,  and repine that we are not allowed the woollen? 

74 Whether it be true that two millions are yearly expended by  England in foreign lace and linen? 

75 Whether immense sums are not drawn yearly into the Northern  countries, for supplying the British navy

with hempen  manufactures? 

76 Whether there be anything more profitable than. hemp? And  whether there should not be great premiums

for encouraging our  hempen trade? What advantages may not Great Britain make of a  country where land and

labour are so cheap? 

77 Whether Ireland alone might not raise hemp sufficient for the  British navy? And whether it would not be

vain to expect this  from the British Colonies in America, where hands are so scarce,  and labour so

excessively dear? 

78 Whether, if our own people want will or capacity for such an  attempt, it might not be worth while for

some undertaking spirits  in England to make settlements, and raise hemp in the counties of  Clare and

Limerick, than which, perhaps, there is not fitter land  in the world for that purpose? And whether both nations

would not  find their advantage therein? 

79 Whether if all the idle hands in this kingdom were employed on  hemp and flax, we might not find

sufficient vent for these  manufactures? 

80 How far it may be in our own power to better our affairs,  without interfering with our neighbours? 

81 Whether the prohibition of our woollen trade ought not  naturally to put us on other methods which give no

jealousy? 

82 Whether paper be not a valuable article of commerce? And  whether it be not true that one single

bookseller in London  yearly expended above four thousand pounds in that foreign  commodity? 

83 How it comes to pass that the Venetians and Genoese, who wear  so much less linen, and so much worse

than we do, should yet make  very good paper, and in great quantity, while we make very  little? 

84 How long it will be before my countrymen find out that it is  worth while to spend a penny in order to get a

groat? 

85 If all the land were tilled that is fit for tillage, and all  that sowed with hemp and flax that is fit for raising

them,  whether we should have much sheepwalk beyond what was sufficient  to supply the necessities of the

kingdom? 

86 Whether other countries have not flourished without the  woollen trade? 

87 Whether it be not a sure sign or effect of a country's  inhabitants? And, thriving, to see it well cultivated

and full  of; if so, whether a great quantity of sheepwalk be not ruinous  to a country, rendering it waste and

thinly inhabited? 


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88 Whether the employing so much of our land under sheep be not  in fact an Irish blunder? 

89 Whether our hankering after our woollen trade be not the true  and only reason which hath created a

jealousy in England towards  Ireland? And whether anything can hurt us more than such  jealousy? 

90 Whether it be not the true interest of both nations to become  one people? And whether either be

sufficiently apprised of this? 

91 Whether the upper part of this people are not truly English,  by blood, language, religion, manners,

inclination, and interest? 

92 Whether we are not as much Englishmen as the children of old  Romans, born in Britain, were still

Romans? 

93 Whether it be not our true interest not to interfere with  them; and, in every other case, whether it be not

their true  interest to befriend us? 

94 Whether a mint in Ireland might not be of great convenience to  the kingdom; and whether it could be

attended with any possible  inconvenience to Great Britain? And whether there were not mints  in Naples and

Sicily, when those kingdoms were provinces to Spain  or the house of Austria? 

95 Whether anything can be more ridiculous than for the north of  Ireland to be jealous of a linen

manufacturer in the south? 

96 Whether the county of Tipperary be not much better land than  the county of Armagh; and yet whether the

latter is not much  better improved and inhabited than the former? 

97 Whether every landlord in the kingdom doth not know the cause  of this? And yet how few are the better

for such their knowledge? 

98 Whether large farms under few hands, or small ones under many,  are likely to be made most of? And

whether flax and tillage do  not naturally multiply hands, and divide land into small  holdings, and

wellimproved? 

99 Whether, as our exports are lessened, we ought not to lessen  our imports? And whether these will not be

lessened as our  demands, and these as our wants, and these as our customs or  fashions? Of how great

consequence therefore are fashions to the  public? 

100 Whether it would not be more reasonable to mend our state  than to complain of it; and how far this may

be in our own power? 

101 What the nation gains by those who live in Ireland upon the  produce of foreign Countries? 

102 How far the vanity of our ladies in dressing, and of our  gentlemen in drinking, contributes to the general

misery of the  people? 

103 Whether nations, as wise and opulent as ours, have not made  sumptuary laws; and what hinders us from

doing the same? 

104 Whether those who drink foreign liquors, and deck themselves  and their families with foreign ornaments,

are not so far forth  to be reckoned absentees? 


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105 Whether, as our trade is limited, we ought not to limit our  expenses; and whether this be not the natural

and obvious remedy? 

106 Whether the dirt, and famine, and nakedness of the bulk of  our people might not be remedied, even

although we had no foreign  trade? And whether this should not be our first care; and  whether, if this were

once provided for, the conveniences of the  rich would not soon follow? 

107 Whether comfortable living doth not produce wants, and wants  industry, and industry wealth? 

108 Whether there is not a great difference between Holland and  Ireland? And whether foreign commerce,

without which the one  could not subsist, be so necessary for the other? 

109 Might we not put a hand to the plough, or the spade, although  we had no foreign commerce? 

110 Whether the exigencies of nature are not to be answered by  industry on our own soil? And how far the

conveniences and  comforts of life may be procured by a domestic commerce between  the several parts of this

kingdom? 

111 Whether the women may not sew, spin, weave, embroider  sufficiently for the embellishment of their

persons, and even  enough to raise envy in each other, without being beholden to  foreign countries? 

112 Suppose the bulk of our inhabitants had shoes to their feet,  clothes to their backs, and beef in their

bellies, might not such  a state be eligible for the public, even though the squires were  condemned to drink ale

and cider? 

113 Whether, if drunkenness be a necessary evil, men may not as  well drink the growth of their own country? 

114 Whether a nation within itself might not have real wealth,  sufficient to give its inhabitants power and

distinction, without  the help of gold and silver? 

115 Whether, if the arts of sculpture and painting were  encouraged among us, we might not furnish our

houses in a much  nobler manner with our own manufactures? 

116 Whether we have not, or may not have, all the necessary  materials for building at home? 

117 Whether tiles and plaster may not supply the place of Norway  fir for flooring and wainscot? 

118 Whether plaster be not warmer, as well as more secure, than  deal? And whether a modern fashionable

house, lined with fir,  daubed over with oil and paint, be not like a fireship, ready to  be lighted up by all

accidents? 

119 Whether larger houses, better built and furnished, a greater  train of servants, the difference with regard to

equipage and  table between finer and coarser, more and less elegant, may not  be sufficient to feed a

reasonable share of vanity, or support  all proper distinctions? And whether all these may not be  procured by

domestic industry out of the four elements, without  ransacking the four quarters of the globe? 

120 Whether anything is a nobler ornament, in the eye of the  world, than an Italian palace, that is, stone and

mortar  skilfully put together, and adorned with sculpture and painting;  and whether this may not be

compassed without foreign trade? 


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121 Whether an expense in gardens and plantations would not be an  elegant distinction for the rich, a

domestic magnificence  employing many hands within, and drawing nothing from abroad? 

122 Whether the apology which is made for foreign luxury in  England, to wit, that they could not carry on

their trade without  imports as well as exports, will hold in Ireland? 

123 Whether one may not be allowed to conceive and suppose a  society or nation of human creatures, clad in

woollen cloths and  stuffs, eating good bread, beef and mutton, poultry and fish, in  great plenty, drinking ale,

mead, and cider, inhabiting decent  houses built of brick and marble, taking their pleasure in fair  parks and

gardens, depending on no foreign imports either for  food or raiment? And whether such people ought much

to be pitied? 

124 Whether Ireland be not as well qualified for such a state as  any nation under the sun? 

125 Whether in such a state the inhabitants may not contrive to  pass the twentyfour hours with tolerable

ease and cheerfulness?  And whether any people upon earth can do more? 

126 Whether they may not eat, drink, play, dress, visit, sleep in  good beds, sit by good fires, build, plant,

raise a name, make  estates, and spend them? 

127 Whether, upon the whole, a domestic trade may not suffice in  such a country as Ireland, to nourish and

clothe its inhabitants,  and provide them with the reasonable conveniences and even  comforts of life? 

128 Whether a general habit of living well would not produce  numbers and industry' and whether,

considering the tendency of  human kind, the consequence thereof would not be foreign trade  and riches, how

unnecessary soever? 

129 Whether, nevertheless, it be a crime to inquire how far we  may do without foreign trade, and what would

follow on such a  supposition? 

130 Whether the number and welfare of the subjects be not the  true strength of the crown? 

131 Whether in all public institutions there should not be an end  proposed, which is to be the rule and limit of

the means? Whether  this end should not be the wellbeing of the whole? And whether,  in order to this, the

first step should not be to clothe and feed  our people? 

132 Whether there be upon earth any Christian or civilized people  so beggarly, wretched, and destitute as the

common Irish? 

133 Whether, nevertheless, there is any other people whose wants  may be more easily supplied from home? 

134 Whether, if there was a wall of brass a thousand cubits high  round this kingdom, our natives might not

nevertheless live  cleanly and comfortably, till the land, and reap the fruits of  it? 

135 What should hinder us from exerting ourselves, using our  hands and brains, doing something or other,

man, woman, and  child, like the other inhabitants of God's earth? 

136 Be the restraining our trade well or ill advised in our  neighbours, with respect to their own interest, yet

whether it be  not plainly ours to accommodate ourselves to it? 


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137 Whether it be not vain to think of persuading other people to  see their interest, while we continue blind to

our own? 

138 Whether there be any other nation possessed of so much good  land, and so many able hands to work it,

which yet is beholden  for bread to foreign countries? 

139 Whether it be true that we import corn to the value of two  hundred thousand pounds in some years? 

140 Whether we are not undone by fashions made for other people?  And whether it be not madness in a poor

nation to imitate a rich  one? 

141 Whether a woman of fashion ought not to be declared a public  enemy? 

142 Whether it be not certain that from the single town of Cork  were exported, in one year, no less than one

hundred and seven  thousand one hundred and sixtyone barrels of beef; seven  thousand three hundred and

seventynine barrels of pork; thirteen  thousand four hundred and sixtyone casks, and eightyfive  thousand

seven hundred and twentyseven firkins of butter? And  what hands were employed in this manufacture? 

143 Whether a foreigner could imagine that one half of the people  were starving, in a country which sent out

such plenty of  provisions? 

144 Whether an Irish lady, set out with French silks and Flanders  lace, may not be said to consume more beef

and butter than a  hundred of our labouring peasants? 

145 Whether ninetenths of our foreign trade be not carried on  singly to support the article of vanity? 

146 Whether it can be hoped that private persons will not indulge  this folly, unless restrained by the public? 

147 How vanity is maintained in other countries? Whether in  Hungary, for instance, a proud nobility are not

subsisted with  small imports from abroad? 

148 Whether there be a prouder people upon earth than the noble  Venetians, although they all wear plain

black clothes? 

149 Whether a people are to be pitied that will not sacrifice  their little particular vanities to the public. good?

And yet,  whether each part would not except their own foible from this  public sacrifice, the squire his bottle,

the lady her lace? 

150 Whether claret be not often drank rather for vanity than for  health, or pleasure? 

151 Whether it be true that men of nice palates have been imposed  on, by elder wine for French claret, and by

mead for palm sack? 

152 Do not Englishmen abroad purchase beer and cider at ten times  the price of wine? 

153 How many gentlemen are there in England of a thousand pounds  per annum who never drink wine in

their own houses? Whether the  same may be said of any in Ireland who have even? one hundred  pounds per

annum. 

154 What reasons have our neighbours in England for discouraging  French wines which may not hold with

respect to us also? 


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155 How much of the necessary sustenance of our people is yearly  exported for brandy? 

156 Whether, if people must poison themselves, they had not  better do it with their own growth? 

157 If we imported neither claret from France, nor fir from  Norway, what the nation would save by it? 

158 When the root yieldeth insufficient nourishment, whether men  do not top the tree to make the lower

branches thrive? 

159 Whether, if our ladies drank sage or balm tea out of Irish  ware, it would be an insupportable national

calamity? 

160 Whether it be really true that such wine is best as most  encourages drinking, i.e., that must be given in

the largest dose  to produce its effect? And whether this holds with regard to any  other medicine? 

161 Whether that trade should not be accounted most pernicious  wherein the balance is most against us? And

whether this be not  the trade with France? 

162 Whether it be not even madness to encourage trade with a  nation that takes nothing of our manufacture? 

163 Whether Ireland can hope to thrive if the major part of her  patriots shall be found in the French interest? 

164 Whether great plenty and variety of excellent wines are not  to be had on the coasts of Italy and Sicily?

And whether those  countries would not take our commodities of linen, leather,  butter, etc. in exchange for

them? 

165 Particularly, whether the Vinum Mamertinum, which grows on  the mountains about Messina, a red

generous wine, highly esteemed  (if we may credit Pliny) by the ancient Romans, would not come  cheap, and

please the palates of our Islanders? 

166 Why, if a bribe by the palate or the purse be in effect the  same thing, they should not be alike infamous? 

167 Whether the vanity and luxury of a few ought to stand in  competition with the interest of a nation? 

168 Whether national wants ought not to be the rule of trade? And  whether the most pressing wants of. the

majority ought not to be  first considered? 

169 Whether it is possible the country should be well improved,  while our beef is exported, and our labourers

live upon potatoes? 

170 If it be resolved that we cannot do without foreign trade,  whether, at least, it may not be worth while to

consider what  branches thereof deserve to be entertained, and how far we may be  able to carry it on under our

present limitations? 

171 What foreign imports may be necessary for clothing and  feeding the families of persons not worth above

one hundred  pounds a year? And how many wealthier there are in the kingdom,  and what proportion they

bear to the other inhabitants? 

172 Whether trade be not then on a right foot, when foreign  commodities are imported in exchange only for

domestic  superfluities? 


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173 Whether the quantities of beef, butter, wool, and leather,  exported from this island, can be reckoned the

superfluities of a  country, where there are so many natives naked and famished? 

174 Whether it would not be wise so to order our trade as to  export manufactures rather than provisions, and

of those such as  employ most hands? 

175 Whether she would not be a very vile matron, and justly  thought either mad or foolish, that should give

away the  necessaries of life from her naked and famished children, in  exchange for pearls to stick in her hair,

and sweetmeats to  please her own palate? 

176 Whether a nation might not be considered as a family? 

177 Whether the remark made by a Venetian ambassador to Cardinal  Richelieu  'That France needed

nothing to be rich and easy, but  to know how to spend what she dissipates' may not be of use also  to other

people? 

178 Whether hungry cattle will not leap over bounds? And whether  most men are not hungry in a country

where expensive fashions  obtain? 

179 Whether there should not be published yearly, schedules of  our trade, containing an account of the

imports and exports of  the foregoing year? 

180 Whether other methods may not be found for supplying the  funds, besides the custom on things

imported? 

181 Whether any art or manufacture be so difficult as the making  of good laws? 

182 Whether our peers and gentlemen are born legislators? Or,  whether that faculty be acquired by study and

reflection? 

183 Whether to comprehend the real interest of a people, and the  means to procure it, doth not imply some

fund of knowledge,  historical, moral, and political, with a faculty of reason  improved by learning? 

184 Whether every enemy to learning be not a Goth? And whether  every such Goth among us be not an

enemy to the country? 

185 Whether, therefore, it would not be an omen of ill presage, a  dreadful phenomenon in the land, if our

great men should take it  in their heads to deride learning and education? 

186 Whether, on the contrary, it should not seem worth while to  erect a mart of literature in this kingdom,

under wiser  regulations and better discipline than in any other part of  Europe? And whether this would not be

an infallible means of  drawing men and money into the kingdom? 

187 Whether the governed be not too numerous for the governing  part of our college? And whether it might

not be expedient to  convert thirty nativesplaces into twenty fellowships? 

188 Whether, if we had two colleges, there might not spring a  useful emulation between them? And whether

it might not be  contrived so to divide the fellows, scholars, and revenues  between both, as that no member

should be a loser thereby? 


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189 Whether ten thousand pounds well laid out might not build a  decent college, fit to contain two hundred

persons; and whether  the purchase money of the chambers would not go a good way  towards defraying the

expense? 

190 Where this college should be situated? 

191 Whether, in imitation of the Jesuits at Paris, who admit  Protestants to study in their colleges, it may not

be right for  us also to admit Roman Catholics into our college, without  obliging them to attend chapel duties,

or catechisms, or divinity  lectures? And whether this might not keep money in the kingdom,  and prevent the

prejudices of a foreign education? 

192 Whether it is possible a State should not thrive, whereof the  lower part were industrious, and the upper

wise? 

193 Whether the collected wisdom of ages and nations be not found  in books? 

194 Whether Themistocles his art of making a little city, or a  little people, become a great one be learned

anywhere so well as  in the writings of the ancients? 

195 Whether a wise State hath any interest nearer heart than the  education of youth? 

196 Whether the mind, like soil, doth not by disuse grow stiff  and whether reasoning and study be not like

stirring and dividing  the glebe? 

197 Whether an early habit of reflexion, although obtained by  speculative sciences, may not have its use in

practical affairs? 

198 Whether even those parts of academical learning which are  quite forgotten may not have improved and

enriched the soil, like  those vegetables which are raised, not for themselves, but  ploughed in for a dressing of

land? 

199 Whether it was not an Irish professor who first opened the  public schools at Oxford? Whether this island

hath not been  anciently famous for learning? And whether at this day it hath  any better chance for being

considerable? 

200 Whether we may not with better grace sit down and complain,  when we have done all that lies in our

power to help ourselves? 

201 Whether the gentleman of estate hath a right to be idle; and  whether he ought not to be the great promoter

and director of  industry among his tenants and neighbours? 

202 Whether in the cantons of Switzerland all under thirty years  of age are not excluded from their great

councils? 

203 Whether Homer's compendium of education, would not be a good  rule for modern educators of youth?

And whether half the learning  and study of these kingdoms is not useless, for want of a proper  delivery and

punctuation being taught in our schools and  colleges? 

204 Whether in any order a good building can be made of bad  materials? Or whether any form of government

can make a happy  State out of bad individuals?


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205 What was it that Solomon compared to a jewel of gold in a  swine's snout? 

206 Whether the public is more concerned in anything than in the  procreation of able citizens? 

207 Whether to the multiplying of human kind, it would not much  conduce if marriages were made with

goodliking? 

208 Whether, if women had no portions, we should then see so many  unhappy and unfruitful marriages? 

209 Whether the laws be not, according to Aristotle, a mind  without appetite or passion? And consequently

without respect of  persons? 

210 Suppose a rich man's son marries a poor man's daughter,  suppose also that a poor man's daughter is

deluded and debauched  by the son of a rich man; which is most to be pitied? 

211 Whether the punishment sh ould be placed on the seduced or  the seducer? 

212 Whether a promise made before God and man in the most solemn  manner ought to be violated? 

213 Whether it was Plato's opinion that, 'for the good of the  community, rich should marry with rich?'  De

Leg. lib. iv. 

214 Whether, as seed equally scattered produceth a goodly  harvest, even so an equal distribution of wealth

doth not cause a  nation to flourish? 

215 Whence is it that Barbs and Arabs are so good horses? And  whether in those countries they are not

exactly nice in admitting  none but males of a good kind to their mares? 

216 What effects would the same care produce in families? 

217 Whether the real foundation for wealth must not be laid in  the numbers, the frugality, and the industry of

the people? And  whether all attempts to enrich a nation by other means, as  raising the coin, stockjobbing,

and such arts are not vain? 

218 Whether a door ought not to be shut against all other methods  of growing rich, save only by industry and.

merit? And whether  wealth got otherwise would not be ruinous to the public? 

219 Whether the abuse of banks and papermoney is a just  objection against the use thereof? And whether

such abuse might  not easily be prevented? 

220 Whether national banks are not found useful in Venice,  Holland, and Hamburg? And whether it is not

possible to contrive  one that may be useful also in Ireland? 

221 Whether the banks of Venice and Amsterdam are not in the  hands of the public? 

222 Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves in the  nature of those banks? And what reason

can be assigned why  Ireland should not reap the benefit of such public banks as well  as other countries? 

223 Whether a bank of national credit, supported by public funds  and secured by Parliament, be a chimera or

impossible thing? And  if not, what would follow from the supposal of such a bank? 


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224 Whether the currency of a credit so well secured would not be  of great advantage to our trade and

manufactures? 

225 Whether the notes of such public bank would not have a more  general circulation than those of private

banks, as being less  subject to frauds and hazards? 

226 Whether it be not agreed that paper hath in many respects the  advantage above coin, as being of more

dispatch in payments, more  easily transferred, preserved, and recovered when lost? 

227 Whether, besides these advantages, there be not an evident  necessity for circulating credit by paper, from

the defect of  coin in this kingdom? 

228 Whether it be rightly remarked by some that, as banking  brings no treasure into the kingdom like trade,

private wealth  must sink as the bank riseth? And whether whatever causeth  industry to flourish and circulate

may not be said to increase  our treasure? 

229 Whether the ruinous effects of Mississippi, South Sea,1 and  such schemes were not owing to an abuse of

paper money or credit,  in making it a means for idleness and gaming, instead of a motive  and help to

industry? 

230 Whether the rise of the bank of Amsterdam was not purely  casual, for the security and dispatch of

payments? And whether  the good effects thereof, in supplying the place of coin, and  promoting a ready

circulation of industry and commerce may not be  a lesson to us, to do that by design which others fell upon

by  chance? 

231 Whether plenty of small cash be not absolutely necessary for  keeping up a circulation among the people;

that is, whether  copper be not more necessary than gold? 

232 Whether that which increaseth the stock of a nation be not a  means of increasing its trade? And whether

that which increaseth  the current credit of a nation may not be said to increase its  stock? 

233 Whether the credit of the pubic funds be not a mine of gold  to England? And whether any step that

should lessen this credit  ought not to be dreaded? 

234 Whether such credit be not the principal advantage that  England hath over France? I may add, over every

other country in  Europe? 

235 Whether by this the public is not become possessed of the  wealth of foreigners as well as natives? And

whether England be  not in some sort the treasury of Christendom? 

236 Whether, as our current domestic credit grew, industry would  not grow likewise; and if industry, our

manufactures; and if  these, our foreign credit? 

237 Whether foreign demands may not be answered by our exports  without drawing cash out of the

kingdom? 

238 Whether as industry increased, our manufactures would not  flourish; and as these flourished, whether

better returns would  not be made from estates to their landlords, both within and  without the kingdom? 

239 Whether the sure way to supply people with tools and  materials, and to set them at work, be not a free

circulation of  money, whether silver or paper? 


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240 Whether in New England all trade and business is not as much  at a stand, upon a scarcity of

papermoney, as with us from the  want of specie? 

241 Whether it be certain that the quantity of silver in the bank  of Amsterdam be greater now than at first; but

whether it be not  certain that there is a greater circulation of industry and  extent of trade, more people, ships,

houses, and commodities of  all sorts, more power by sea and land? 

242 Whether money, lying dead in the bank of Amsterdam, would not  be as useless as in the mine? 

243 Whether our visible security in land could be doubted? And  whether there be anything like this in the

bank of Amsterdam? 

244 Whether it be just to apprehend danger from trusting a  national bank with power to extend its credit, to

circulate notes  which it shall be felony to counterfeit, to receive goods on  loans, to purchase lands, to sell also

or alienate them, and to  deal in bills of exchange; when these powers are no other than  have been trusted for

many years with the bank of England,  although in truth but a private bank? 

245 Whether the objection from monopolies and an overgrowth of  power, which are made against private

banks, can possibly hold  against a national one? 

246 Whether the evil effects which of late years have attended  papermoney and credit in Europe did not

spring from  subscriptions, shares, dividends, and stockjobbing? 

247 Whether the great evils attending papermoney in the British  Plantations of America have not sprung

from the overrating their  lands, and issuing paper without discretion, and from the  legislators breaking their

own rules in favour of themselves,  thus sacrificing the public to their private benefit? And whether  a little

sense and honesty might not easily prevent all such  inconveniences? 

248 Whether the subject of freethinking in religion be not  exhausted? And whether it be not high time for

our freethinkers  to turn their thoughts to the improvement of their country? 

249 Whether it must not be ruinous for a nation to sit down to  game, be it with silver or with paper? 

250 Whether, therefore, the circulating paper, in the late  ruinous schemes of France and England, was the true

evil, and not  rather the circulating thereof without industry? And whether the  bank of Amsterdam, where

industry had been for so many years  subsisted and circulated by transfers on paper, doth not clearly  decide

this point? 

251 Whether there are not to be seen in America fair, towns,  wherein the people are well lodged, fed, and

clothed, without a  beggar in their streets, although there be not one grain of gold  or silver current among

them? 

252 Whether these people do not exercise all arts and trades,  build ships and navigate them to all parts of the

world, purchase  lands, till and reap the fruits of them, buy and sell, educate  and provide for their children?

Whether they do not even indulge  themselves in foreign vanities? 

253 Whether, whatever inconveniences those people may have  incurred from not observing either rules or

bounds in their paper  money, yet it be not certain that they are in a more flourishing  condition, have larger

and better built towns, more plenty, more  industry, more arts and civility, and a more extensive commerce,

than when they had gold and silver current among them? 


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254 Whether a view of the ruinous effects of absurd schemes and  credit mismanaged, so as to produce

gaming and madness instead of  industry, can be any just objection against a national bank  calculated purely

to promote industry? 

255 Whether a scheme for the welfare of this nation should not  take in the whole inhabitants? And whether it

be not a vain  attempt, to project the flourishing of our Protestant gentry,  exclusive of the bulk of the natives? 

256 Whether an oath, testifying allegiance to the king, and  disclaiming the pope's authority in temporals, may

not be justly  required of the Roman Catholics? And whether, in common prudence  or policy, any priest

should be tolerated who refuseth to take  it? 

257 Whether there is any such thing as a body of inhabitants, in  any Roman Catholic country under the sun,

that profess an  absolute submission to the pope's orders in matters of an  indifferent nature, or that in such

points do not think it their  duty to obey the civil government? 

258 Whether since the peace of Utrecht, mass was not celebrated  and the sacraments administered in divers

dioceses of Sicily,  notwithstanding the Pope's interdict? 

259 Whether a sum which would go but a little way towards  erecting hospitals for maintaining and educating

the children of  the native Irish might not go far in binding them out apprentices  to Protestant masters, for

husbandry, useful trades, and the  service of families? 

260 Whether there be any instance of a people's being converted  in a Christian sense, otherwise than by

preaching to them and  instructing them in their own language? 

261 Whether catechists in the Irish tongue may not easily be  procured and subsisted? And whether this would

not be the most  practicable means for converting the natives? 

262 Whether it be not of great advantage to the Church of Rome,  that she hath clergy suited to all ranks of

men, in gradual  subordination from cardinals down to mendicants? 

263 Whether her numerous poor clergy are not very useful in  missions, and of much influence with the

people? 

264 Whether, in defect of able missionaries, persons conversant  in low life, and speaking the Irish tongue, if

well instructed in  the first principles of religion, and in the popish controversy,  though for the rest on a level

with the parish clerks, or the  schoolmasters of charityschools, may not be fit to mix with and  bring over

our poor illiterate natives to the Established Church?  Whether it is not to be wished that some parts of our

liturgy and  homilies were publicly read in the Irish language? And whether,  in these views, it may not be

right to breed up some of the  better sort of children in the charityschools, and qualify them  for missionaries,

catechists, and readers? 

265 Whether a squire possessed of land to the value of a thousand  pounds per annum, or a merchant worth

twenty thousand pounds in  cash, would have most power to do good or evil upon any  emergency? And

whether the suffering Roman Catholics to purchase  forfeited lands would not be good policy, as tending to

unite  their interest with that of the government? 

266 Whether the seaports of Galway, Limerick, Cork, and  Waterford are not to be looked on as keys of this

kingdom? And  whether the merchants are not possessed of these keys; and who  are the most numerous

merchants in those cities? 


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267 Whether a merchant cannot more speedily raise a sum, more  easily conceal or transfer his effects, and

engage in any  desperate design with more safety, than a landed man, whose  estate is a pledge for his

behaviour? 

268 Whether a wealthy merchant bears not great sway among the  populace of a trading city? And whether

power be not ultimately  lodged in the people? 

269 Whether, as others have supposed an Atlantis or Utopia, we  also may not suppose an Hyperborean island

inhabited by  reasonable creatures? 

270 Whether an indifferent person, who looks into all hands, may  not be a better judge of the game than a

party who sees only his  own? 

271 Whether there be any country in Christendom more capable of  improvement than Ireland? 

272 Whether we are not as far before other nations with respect  to natural advantages, as we are behind them

with respect to arts  and industry? 

273 Whether we do not live in a most fertile soil and temperate  climate, and yet whether our people in

general do not feel great  want and misery? 

274 Whether my countrymen are not readier at finding excuses than  remedies? 

275 Whether the wealth and prosperity of our country do not hang  by a hair, the probity of one banker, the

caution of another, and  the lives of all? 

276 Whether we have not been sufficiently admonished of this by  some late events? 

277 Whether a national bank would not at once secure our  properties, put an end to usury, facilitate

commerce, supply the  want of coin, and produce ready payments in all parts of the  kingdom? 

278 Whether the use or nature of money, which all men so eagerly  pursue, be yet sufficiently understood or

considered by all? 

279 What doth Aristotle mean by saying   "Coin seems to be something trivial."  De repub., ix. 9? 

280 Whether mankind are not governed by Citation rather than by  reason? 

281 Whether there be not a measure or limit, within which gold  and silver are useful, and beyond which they

may be hurtful? 

282 Whether that measure be not the circulating of industry? 

283 Whether a discovery of the richest gold mine that ever was,  in the heart of this kingdom, would be a real

advantagetous? 

284 Whether it would not tempt foreigners to prey upon us? 

285 Whether it would not render us a lazy, proud, and dastardly  people? 


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286 Whether every man who had money enough would not be a  gentleman? And whether a nation of

gentlemen would not be a  wretched nation? 

287 Whether all things would not bear a high price? And whether  men would not increase their fortunes

without being the better  for it? 

288 Whether the same evils would be apprehended from papermoney  under an honest and thrifty

regulation? 

289 Whether, therefore, a national bank would not be more  beneficial than even a mine of gold? 

290 Whether without private banks what little business and  industry there is would not stagnate? But whether

it be not a  mighty privilege for a private person to be able to create a  hundred pounds with a dash of his pen? 

291 Whether the wise state of Venice was not the first that  conceived the advantage of a national bank? 

292 Whether the great exactness and integrity with which this  bank is managed be not the chief support of

that republic? 

293 Whether the bank of Amsterdam was not begun about one hundred  and thirty years ago, and whether at

this day its stock be not  conceived to amount to three thousand tons of gold, or thirty  millions sterling? 

294 Whether all payments of contracts for goods in gross, and  letters of exchange, must not be made by

transfers in the  bankbooks, provided the sum exceed three hundred florins? 

295 Whether it be not owing to this bank that the city of  Amsterdam, without the least confusion, hazard, or

trouble,  maintains and every day promotes so general and quick a  circulation of industry? 

296 Whether it be not the greatest help and spur to commerce that  property can be so readily conveyed and so

well secured by a  compte en banc, that is, by only writing one man's name for  another's in the bankbook? 

297 Whether, at the beginning of the last century, those who had  lent money to the public during the war with

Spain were not  satisfied by the sole expedient of placing their names in a  compte en banc, with liberty to

transfer their claims? 

298 Whether the example of those easy transfers in the compte en  banc, thus casually erected, did not tempt

other men to become  creditors to the public, in order to profit by the same secure  and expeditious method of

keeping and transferring their wealth? 

299 Whether this compte en banc hath not proved better than a  mine of gold to Amsterdam? 

300 Whether that city may not be said to owe her greatness to the  unpromising accident of her having been in

debt more than she was  able to Pay? 

301 Whether it be known that any State from such small  beginnings, in so short a time, ever grew to so great

wealth and  power as the province of Holland hath done; and whether the bank  of Amsterdam hath not been

the real cause of such extraordinary  growth? 

302 Whether the success of those public banks in Venice,  Amsterdam and Hamburg would not naturally

produce in other States  an inclination to the same methods? 


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303 Whether it be possible for a national bank to subsist and  maintain its credit under a French government? 

304 Whether our natural appetites, as well as powers, are not  limited to their respective ends and uses? But

whether artificial  appetites may not be infinite? 

305 Whether the simple getting of money, or passing it from hand  to hand without industry, be an object

worthy of a wise  government? 

306 Whether, if money be considered as an end, the appetite  thereof be not infinite? But whether the ends of

money itself be  not bounded? 

307 Whether the total sum of all other powers, be it of enjoyment  or action, which belong to man, or to all

mankind together, is  not in truth a very narrow and limited quantity? But whether  fancy is not boundless? 

308 Whether this capricious tyrant, which usurps the place of  reason, doth not most cruelly torment and

delude those poor men,  the usurers, stockjobbers, and projectors, of content to  themselves from heaping up

riches, that is, from gathering  counters, from multiplying figures, from enlarging denominations,  without

knowing what they would be at, and without having a  proper regard to the use or end or nature of things? 

309 Whether the ignis fatuus of fancy doth not kindle immoderate  desires, and lead men into endless pursuits

and wild labyrinths? 

310 Whether counters be not referred to other things, which, so  long as they keep pace and proportion with

the counters, it must  be owned the counters are useful; but whether beyond that to  value or covet counters be

not direct folly? 

311 Whether the public aim ought not to be, that men's industry  should supply their present wants, and the

overplus be converted  into a stock of power? 

312 Whether the better this power is secured, and the more easily  it is transferred, industry be not so much

the more encouraged? 

313 Whether money, more than is expedient for those purposes, be  not upon the whole hurtful rather than

beneficial to a State? 

314 Whether the promoting of industry should not be always in  view, as the true and sole end, the rule and

measure, of a  national bank? And whether all deviations from that object should  not be carefully avoided? 

315 Whether it may not be useful, for supplying manufactures and  trade with stock, for regulating exchange,

for quickening  commerce, for putting spirit into the people? 

316 Whether we are sufficiently sensible of the peculiar security  there is in having a bank that consists of

land and paper, one of  which cannot be exported, and the other is in no danger of being  exported? 

317 Whether it be not delightful to complain? And whether there  be not many who had rather utter their

complaints than redress  their evils? 

318 Whether, if 'the crown of the wise be their riches' (Prov.,  xiv.24), we are not the foolishest people in

Christendom? 

319 Whether we have not all the while great civil as well as  natural advantages? 


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320 Whether there be any people who have more leisure to  cultivate the arts of peace, and study the public

weal? 

321 Whether other nations who enjoy any share of freedom, and  have great objects in view, be not

unavoidably embarrassed and  distracted by factions? But whether we do not divide upon  trifles, and whether

our parties are not a burlesque upon  politics? 

322 Whether it be not an advantage that we are not embroiled in  foreign affairs, that we hold not the balance

of Europe, that we  are protected by other fleets and armies, that it is the true  interest of a powerful people,

from whom we are descended, to  guard us on all sides? 

323 Whether England doth not really love us and wish well to us,  as bone of her bone, and flesh of her flesh?

And whether it be  not our part to cultivate this love and affection all manner of  ways? 

324 What seaports or foreign trade have the Swisses; and yet how  warm are those people, and how well

provided? 

325 Whether there may not be found a people who so contrive as to  be impoverished by their trade? And

whether we are not that  people? 

326 Whether it would not be better for this island, if all our  fine folk of both sexes were shipped off, to

remain in foreign  countries, rather than that they should spend their estates at  home in foreign luxury, and

spread the contagion thereof through  their native land? 

327 Whether our gentry understand or have a notion of  magnificence, and whether for want thereof they do

not affect  very wretched distinctions? 

328 Whether there be not an art or skill in governing human  pride, so as to render it subservient to the pubic

aim? 

329 Whether the great and general aim of the public should not be  to employ the people? 

330 What right an eldest son hath to the worst education? 

331 Whether men's counsels are not the result of their knowledge  and their principles? 

332 Whether there be not labour of the brains as well as of the  hands, and whether the former is beneath a

gentleman? 

333 Whether the public be more interested to protect the property  acquired by mere birth than that which is

the Mediate fruit of  learning and virtue? 

334 Whether it would not be a poor and illjudged project to  attempt to promote the good of the community,

by invading the  rights of one part thereof, or of one particular order of men? 

335 Whether there be a more wretched, and at the same time a more  unpitied case, than for men to make

precedents for their own  undoing? 

336 Whether to determine about the rights and properties of men  by other rules than the law be not

dangerous? 


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337 Whether those men who move the cornerstones of a  constitution may not pull an old house on their own

heads? 

338 Whether there be not two general methods whereby men become  sharers in the national stock of wealth

or power, industry and  inheritance? And whether it would be wise in a civil society to  lessen that share which

is allotted to merit and industry? 

339 Whether all ways of spending a fortune be of equal benefit to  the public, and what sort of men are aptest

to run into an  improper expense? 

340 If the revenues allotted for the encouragement of religion  and learning were made hereditary in the hands

of a dozen lay  lords and as many overgrown commoners, whether the public would  be much the better for it? 

341 Whether the Church's patrimony belongs to one tribe alone;  and whether every man's son, brother, or

himself, may not, if he  please, be qualified to share therein? 

342 What is there in the clergy to create a jealousy in the  public? Or what would the public lose by it, if every

squire in  the land wore a black coat, said his prayers, and was obliged to  reside? 

343 Whether there be anything perfect under the sun? And whether  it be not with the world as with a

particular State, and with a  State or body politic as with the human body, which lives and  moves under

various indispositions, perfect health being seldom  or never to be found? 

344 Whether, nevertheless, men should not in all things aim at  perfection? And, therefore, whether any wise

and good man would  be against applying remedies? But whether it is not natural to  wish for a benevolent

physician?  345 Whether the public happiness be not proposed by the  legislature, and whether such happiness

doth not contain that of  the individuals? 

346 Whether, therefore, a legislator should be content with a  vulgar share of knowledge? Whether he should

not be a person of  reflexion and thought, who hath made it his study to understand  the true nature and interest

of mankind, how to guide men's  humours and passions, how to incite their active powers, how to  make their

several talents cooperate to the mutual benefit of  each other, and the general good of the whole? 

347 Whether it doth not follow that above all things a  gentleman's care should be to keep his own faculties

sound and  entire? 

348 Whether the natural phlegm of this island needs any  additional stupefier? 

349 Whether all spirituous liquors are not in truth opiates? 

350 Whether our men of business are not generally very grave by  fifty? 

351 Whether all men have not faculties of mind or body which may  be employed for the public benefit? 

352 Whether the main point be not to multiply and employ our  people? 

353 Whether hearty food and warm clothing would not enable and  encourage the lower sort to labour? 

354 Whether, in such a soil as ours, if there was industry, there  could be want? 


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355 Whether the way to make men industrious be not to let them  taste the fruits of their industry? And

whether the labouring ox  should be muzzled? 

356 Whether our landlords are to be told that industry and  numbers would raise the value of their lands, or

that one acre  about the Tholsel is worth ten thousand acres in Connaught? 

357 Whether our old native Irish are not the most indolent and  supine people in Christendom? 

358 Whether they are yet civilized, and whether their habitations  and furniture are not more sordid than those

of the savage  Americans? 

359 Whether it be not a sad circumstance to live among lazy  beggars? And whether, on the other hand, it

would not be  delightful to live in a country swarming, like China, with busy  people? 

360 Whether we should not cast about, by all manner of means, to  excite industry, and to remove whatever

hinders it? And whether  every one should not lend a helping hand? 

361 Whether vanity itself should not be engaged in this good  work? And whether it is not to be wished that

the finding of  employment for themselves and others were a fashionable  distinction among the ladies? 

362 Whether idleness be the mother or the daughter of spleen? 

363 Whether it may not be worth while to publish the conversation  of Ischomachus and his wife in

Xenophon, for the use of our  ladies? 

364 Whether it is true that there have been, upon a time, one  hundred millions of people employed in China,

without the woollen  trade, or any foreign commerce? 

365 Whether the natural inducements to sloth are not greater in  the Mogul's country than in Ireland, and yet

whether, in that  suffocating and dispiriting climate, the Banyans are not all,  men, women, and children,

constantly employed? 

366 Whether it be not true that the great Mogul's subjects might  undersell us even in our own markets, and

clothe our people with  their stuffs and calicoes, if they were imported duty free? 

367 Whether there can be a greater reproach on the leading men  and the patriots of a country, than that the

people should want  employment? And whether methods may not be found to employ even  the lame and the

blind, the dumb, the deaf, and the maimed, in  some or other branch of our manufactures? 

368 Whether much may not be expected from a biennial consultation  of so many wise men about the public

good? 

369 Whether a tax upon dirt would not be one way of encouraging  industry? 

370 Whether it would be a great hardship if every parish were  obliged to find work for their poor? 

371 Whether children especially should not be inured to labour  betimes? 

372 Whether there should not be erected, in each province, an  hospital for orphans and foundlings, at the

expense of old  bachelors? 


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373 Whether it be true that in the Dutch workhouses things are so  managed that a child four years old may

earn its own livelihood? 

374 What a folly is it to build fine houses, or establish  lucrative posts and large incomes, under the notion of

providing  for the poor? 

375 Whether the poor, grown up and in health, need any other  provision but their own industry, under public

inspection? 

376 Whether the poortax in England hath lessened or increased  the number of the poor? 

377 Whether workhouses should not be made at the least expense,  with clay floors, and walls of rough stone,

without plastering,  ceiling, or glazing? 

378 Whether it be an impossible attempt to set our people at  work, or whether industry be a habit which, like

other habits,  may by time and skill be introduced among any people? 

379 Whether all manner of means should not be employed to possess  the nation in general with an aversion

and contempt for idleness  and all idle folk? 

380 Whether it would be a hardship on people destitute of all  things, if the public furnished them with

necessaries which they  should be obliged to earn by their labour? 

381 Whether other nations have not found great benefit from the  use of slaves in repairing high roads, making

rivers navigable,  draining bogs, erecting public buildings, bridges, and  manufactures? 

382 Whether temporary servitude would not be the best cure for  idleness and beggary? 

383 Whether the public hath not a right to employ those who  cannot or who will not find employment for

themselves? 

384 Whether all sturdy beggars should not be seized and made  slaves to the public for a certain term of

years? 

385 Whether he who is chained in a jail or dungeon hath not, for  the time, lost his liberty? And if so, whether

temporary slavery  be not already admitted among us? 

386 Whether a state of servitude, wherein he should be well  worked, fed, and clothed, would not be a

preferment to such a  fellow? 

387 Whether criminals in the freest country may not forfeit their  liberty, and repair the damage they have

done the public by hard  labour? 

388 What the word 'servant' signifies in the New Testament? 

389 Whether the view of criminals chained in pairs and kept at  hard labour would not be very edifying to the

multitude? 

390 Whether the want of such an institution be not plainly seen  in England, where the disbelief of a future

state hardeneth  rogues against the fear of death, and where, through the great  growth of robbers and

housebreakers, it becomes every day more  necessary? 


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391 Whether it be not easier to prevent than to remedy, and  whether we should not profit by the example of

others? 

392 Whether felons are not often spared, and therefore  encouraged, by the compassion of those who should

prosecute.  them? 

393 Whether many that would not take away the life of a thief may  not nevertheless be willing to bring him

to a more adequate  punishment? 

394 Whether the most indolent would be fond of idleness, if they  regarded it as the sure road to hard labour? 

395 Whether the industry of the lower part of our people doth not  much depend on the expense of the upper? 

396 What would be the consequence if our gentry affected to  distinguish themselves by fine houses rather

than fine clothes? 

397 Whether any people in Europe are so meanly provided with  houses and furniture, in proportion to their

incomes, as the men  of estates in Ireland? 

398 Whether building would not peculiarly encourage all other  arts in this kingdom? 

399 Whether smiths, masons, bricklayers, plasterers, carpenters,  joiners, tilers, plumbers, and glaziers would

not all find  employment if the humour of building prevailed? 

400 Whether the ornaments and furniture of a good house do not  employ a number of all sorts of artificers, in

iron, wood,  marble, brass, pewter, copper, wool, flax, and divers other  materials? 

401 Whether in buildings and gardens a great number of  daylabourers do not find employment? 

402 Whether by these means much of that sustenance and wealth of  this nation which now goes to foreigners

would not be kept at  home, and nourish and circulate among our own people? 

403 Whether, as industry produced good living, the number of  hands and mouths would not be increased; and

in proportion  thereunto, whether there would not be every day more occasion for  agriculture? And whether

this article alone would not employ a  world of people? 

404 Whether such management would not equally provide for the  magnificence of the rich, and the

necessities of the poor? 

405 Whether an expense in building and improvements doth not  remain at home, pass to the heir, and adorn

the public? And  whether any of those things can be said of claret? 

406 Whether fools do not make fashions, and wise men follow them? 

407 Whether, for one who hurts his fortune by improvements,  twenty do not ruin themselves by foreign

luxury? 

408 Whether in proportion as Ireland was improved and beautified  by fine seats, the number of absentees

would not decrease? 


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409 Whether he who employs men in buildings and manufactures doth  not put life in the country, and

whether the neighbourhood round  him be not observed to thrive? 

410 Whether money circulated on the landlord's own lands, and  among his own tenants, doth not return into

his own pocket? 

411 Whether every squire that made his domain swarm with busy  hands, like a beehive or anthill, would

not serve his own  interest, as well as that of his country? 

412 Whether a gentleman who hath seen a little of the world, and  observed how men live elsewhere, can

contentedly sit down in a  cold, damp, sordid habitation, in the midst of a bleak country,  inhabited by thieves

and beggars? 

413 Whether, on the other hand, a handsome seat amidst  wellimproved lands, fair villages, and a thriving

neighbourhood  may not invite a man to dwell on his own estate, and quit the  life of an insignificant saunterer

about town for that of a  useful countrygentleman? 

414 Whether it would not be of use and ornament if the towns  throughout this kingdom were provided with

decent churches,  townhouses, workhouses, marketplaces, and paved streets, with  some order taken for

cleanliness? 

415 Whether, if each of these towns were addicted to some  peculiar manufacture, we should not find that the

employing many  hands together on the same work was the way to perfect our  workmen? And whether all

these things might not soon be provided  by a domestic industry, if money were not wanting? 

416 Whether money could ever be wanting to the demands of  industry, if we had a national bank? 

417 Whether the fable of Hercules and the carter ever suited any  nation like this nation of Ireland? 

418 Whether it be not a new spectacle under the sun, to behold,  in such a climate and such a soil, and under

such a gentle  government, so many roads untrodden, fields untilled, houses  desolate, and hands unemployed? 

419 Whether there is any country in Christendom, either kingdom  or republic, depending or independent, free

or enslaved, which  may not afford us a useful lesson? 

420 Whether the frugal Swisses have any other commodities but  their butter and cheese and a few cattle, for

exportation;  whether, nevertheless, the single canton of Berne hath not in her  public treasury two millions

sterling? 

421 Whether that small town of Berne, with its scanty barren  territory, in a mountainous corner, without

seaports, without  manufactures, without mines, be not rich by mere dint of  frugality? 

422 Whether the Swisses in general have not sumptuary laws,  prohibiting the use of gold, jewels, silver, silk,

and lace in  their apparel, and indulging the women only to wear silk on  festivals, weddings, and public

solemnities? 

423 Whether there be not two ways of growing rich, sparing and  getting? But whether the lazy spendthrift

must not be doubly  poor? 

424 Whether money circulating be not the life of industry; and  whether the want thereof doth not render a

State gouty and  inactive? 


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425 But whether, if we had a national bank, and our present cash  (small as it is) were put into the most

convenient shape, men  should hear any public complaints for want of money? 

426 Whether all circulation be not alike a circulation of credit,  whatsoever medium (metal or paper) is

employed, and whether gold  be any more than credit for so much power? 

427 Whether the wealth of the richest nations in Christendom doth  not consist in paper vastly more than in

gold and silver? 

428 Whether Lord Clarendon doth not aver of his own knowledge,  that the Prince of Orange, with the best

credit, and the  assistance of the richest men in Amsterdam, was above ten days  endeavouring to raise £20,000

in specie, without being able to  raise half the sum in all that time? (See Clarendon's History,  BK. XII) 

429 Supposing there had been hitherto no such thing as a bank,  and the question were now first proposed,

whether it would be  safer to circulate unlimited bills in a private credit, or bills  to a limited value on the

public credit of the community, what  would men think? 

430 Whether the maxim, 'What is everybody's business is  nobody's,' prevails in any country under the sun

more than in  Ireland? 

431 Whether the united stock of a nation be not the best  security? And whether anything but the ruin of the

State can  produce a national bankruptcy? 

432 Whether the total sum of the public treasure, power, and  wisdom, all cooperating, be not most likely to

establish a bank  of credit, sufficient to answer the ends, relieve the wants, and  satisfy the scruples of all

people? 

433 Whether London is not to be considered as the metropolis of  Ireland? And whether our wealth (such as it

is) doth not  circulate through London and throughout all England, as freely as  that of any part of his Majesty's

dominions? 

434 Whether therefore it be not evidently the interest of the  people of England to encourage rather than to

oppose a national  bank in this kingdom, as well as every other means for advancing  our wealth which shall

not impair their own? 

435 Whether it is not our interest to be useful to them rather  than rival them; and whether in that case we may

not be sure of  their good offices? 

436 Whether we can propose to thrive so long as we entertain a  wrongheaded distrust of England? 

437 Whether, as a national bank would increase our industry, and  that our wealth, England may not be a

proportionable gainer; and  whether we should not consider the gains of our mothercountry as  some

accession to our own?  438 Whether there be any difficulty in comprehending that the  whole wealth of the

nation is in truth the stock of a national  bank? And whether any more than the right comprehension of this  be

necessary to make all men easy with regard to its credit? 

439 Whether the prejudices about gold and silver are not strong,  but whether they are not still prejudices? 

440 Whether paper doth not by its stamp and signature acquire a  local value, and become as precious and as

scarce as gold? And  whether it be not much fitter to circulate large sums, and  therefore preferable to gold? 


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441 Whether it doth not much import to have a right conception of  money? And whether its true and just idea

be not that of a  ticket, entitling to power, and fitted to record and transfer  such power? 

442 Though the bank of Amsterdam doth very rarely, if at all, pay  out money, yet whether every man

possessed of specie be not ready  to convert it into paper, and act as cashier to the bank? And  whether, from

the same motive, every monied man throughout this  kingdom would not be cashier to our national bank? 

443 Whether we may not obtain that as friends which it is in vain  to hope for as rivals? 

444 Whether in every instance by which we prejudice England, we  do not in a greater degree prejudice

ourselves? 

445 Whether in the rude original of society the first step was  not the exchanging of commodities; the next a

substituting of  metals by weight as the common medium of circulation; after this  the making use of coin;

lastly, a further refinement by the use  of paper with proper marks and signatures? And whether this, as  it is

the last, so it be not the greatest improvement? 

446 Whether we are not in fact the only people who may be said to  starve in the midst of plenty? 

447 Whether there can be a worse sign than that people should  quit their country for a livelihood? Though

men often leave their  country for health, or pleasure, or riches, yet to leave it  merely for a livelihood, whether

this be not exceeding bad, and  sheweth some peculiar mismanagement? 

448 Whether, in order to redress our evils, artificial helps are  not most wanted in a land where industry is

most against the  natural grain of the people? 

449 Whether, although the prepossessions about gold and silver  have taken deep root, yet the example of our

Colonies in America  doth not make it as plain as daylight that they are not so  necessary to the wealth of a

nation as the vulgar of all ranks  imagine? 

450 Whether it be not evident that we may maintain a much greater  inward and outward commerce, and be

five times richer than we  are, nay, and our bills abroad be of far greater credit, though  we had not one ounce

of gold or silver in the whole island? 

451 Whether wrongheaded maxims, customs, and fashions are not  sufficient to destroy any people which

hath so few resources as  the inhabitants of Ireland. 

452 Whether it would not be a horrible thing to see our matrons  make dress and play their chief concern? 

453 Whether our ladies might not as well endow monasteries as  wear Flanders lace? And whether it be not

true that Popish nuns  are maintained by Protestant contributions? 

454 Whether England, which hath a free trade, whatever she remits  for foreign luxury with one hand, doth

not with the other receive  much more from abroad? Whether, nevertheless, this nation would  not be a gainer,

if our women would content themselves with the  same moderation in point of expense as the English ladies? 

455 But whether it be not a notorious truth that our Irish ladies  are on a foot, as to dress, with those of five

times their  fortune in England? 

456 Whether it be not even certain that the matrons of this  forlorn country send out a greater proportion of its

wealth, for  fine apparel, than any other females on the whole surface of this  terraqueous globe? 


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457 Whether the expense, great as it is, be the greatest evil;  but whether this folly may not produce many

other follies, an  entire derangement of domestic life, absurd manners, neglect of  duties, bad mothers, a

general corruption in both sexes? 

458 Whether the first beginning of expedients do not always meet  with prejudices? And whether even the

prejudices of a people  ought not to be respected? 

459 Whether a national bank be not the true philosopher's stone  in a State? 

460 Whether all regulations of coin should not be made with a  view to encourage industry, and a circulation

of commerce,  throughout the kingdom? 

461 Whether to oil the wheels of commerce be not a common  benefit? And whether this be not done by

avoiding fractions and  multiplying small silver? 

462 Whether, all things considered, a general raising the value  of gold and silver be not so far from bringing

greater quantities  thereof into the kingdom that it would produce a direct contrary  effect, inasmuch as less, in

that case, would serve, and  therefore less be wanted? And whether men do not import a  commodity in

proportion to the demand or want of it? 

463 Whether the lowering of our gold would not create a fever in  the State? And whether a fever be not

sometimes a cure, but  whether it be not the last cure a man would choose? 

464 Whether raising the value of a particular species will not  tend to multiply such species, and to lessen

others in proportion  thereunto? And whether a much less quantity of cash in silver  would not, in reality,

enrich the nation more than a much greater  in gold? 

465 Whether, ceteris paribus, it be not true that the prices of  things increase as the quantity of money

increaseth, and are  diminished as that is diminished? And whether, by the quantity of  money is not to be

understood the amount of the denominations,  all contracts being nominal for pounds, shillings, and pence,

and  not for weights of gold or silver? 

466 Whether our exports do not consist of such necessaries as  other countries cannot well be without? 

467 Whether upon the circulation of a national bank more land  would not be tilled, more hands employed,

and consequently more  commodities exported? 

468 Whether silver and small money be not that which circulates  the quickest, and passeth through all hands,

on the road, in the  market, at the shop? 

469 Whether, all things considered, it would not be better for a  kingdom that its cash consisted of half a

million in small  silver, than of five times that sum in gold? 

470 Whether there be not every day five hundred lesser payments  made for one that requires gold? 

471 Whether Spain, where gold bears the highest value, be not the  laziest, and China, where it bears the

lowest, be not the most  industrious country in the known world? 

472 Whether it be not evidently the interest of every State, that  its money should rather circulate than

stagnate? 


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473 Whether the principal use of cash be not its ready passing  from hand to hand, to answer common

occasions of the common  people, and whether common occasions of all sorts of people are  not small ones? 

474 Whether business at fairs and markets is not often at a stand  and often hindered, even though the seller

hath his commodities  at hand and the purchaser his gold, yet for want of change? 

475 As wealth is really power, and coin a ticket conveying power,  whether those tickets which are the fittest

for that use ought  not to be preferred? 

476 Whether those tickets which singly transfer small shares of  power, and, being multiplied, large shares,

are not fitter for  common use than those which singly transfer large shares? 

477 Whether the public is not more benefited by a shilling that  circulates than a pound that lies dead? 

478 Whether sixpence twice paid be not as good as a shilling once  paid? 

479 Whether the same shilling circulating in a village may not  supply one man with bread, another with

stockings, a third with a  knife, a fourth with paper, a fifth with nails, and so answer  many wants which must

otherwise have remained unsatisfied? 

480 Whether facilitating and quickening the circulation of power  to supply wants be not the promoting of

wealth and industry among  the lower people? And whether upon this the wealth of the great  doth not depend? 

481 Whether, without the proper means of circulation, it be not  vain to hope for thriving manufacturers and a

busy people? 

482 Whether four pounds in small cash may not circulate and  enliven an Irish market, which many

fourpound pieces would  permit to stagnate? 

483 Whether a man that could move nothing less than a  hundredpound weight would not be much at a loss

to supply his  wants; and whether it would not be better for him to be less  strong and more active? 

484 Whether the natural body can be in a state of health and  vigour without a due circulation of the

extremities, even? And  whether the political body, any in the fingers and toes more than  the natural, can

thrive without a proportionable circulation  through the minutest and most inconsiderable parts thereof? 

485 If we had a mint for coining only shillings, sixpences, and  coppermoney, whether the nation would not

soon feel the good  effects thereof? 

486 Whether the greater waste by wearing of small coins would not  be abundantly overbalanced by their

usefulness? 

487 Whether it be not the industry of common people that feeds  the State, and whether it be possible to keep

this industry alive  without small money? 

488 Whether the want of this be not a great bar to our employing  the people in these manufactures which are

open to us, and do not  interfere with Great Britain? 

489 Whether therefore such want doth not drive men into the lazy  way of employing land under sheepwalk? 


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490 Whether the running of wool from Ireland can so effectually  be prevented as by encouraging other

business and manufactures  among our people? 

491 Whatever commodities Great Britain importeth which we might  supply, whether it be not her real interest

to import them from  us rather than from any other people? 

492 Whether the apprehension of many among us (who for that very  reason stick to their wool), that England

may hereafter prohibit,  limit, or discourage our linen trade, when it hath been once,  with great pains and

expense, thoroughly introduced and settled  in this land, be not altogether groundless and unjust? 

493 Whether it is possible for this country, which hath neither  mines of gold nor a free trade, to support for

any time the  sending out of specie? 

494 Whether in fact our payments are not made by bills? And  whether our foreign credit doth not depend on

our domestic  industry, and our bills on that credit? 

495 Whether, in order to mend it, we ought not first to know the  peculiar wretchedness of our state? And

whether there be any  knowing of this but by comparison? 

496 Whether there are not single market towns in England that  turn more money in buying and selling than

whole counties  (perhaps provinces) with us? 

497 Whether the small town of Birmingham alone doth not, upon an  average, circulate every week, one way

or other, to the value of  fifty thousand pounds? But whether the same crown may not be  often paid? 

498 Whether any kingdom in Europe be so good a customer at  Bordeaux as Ireland? 

499 Whether the police and economy of France be not governed by  wise councils? And whether any one

from this country, who sees  their towns, and manufactures, and commerce, will not wonder what  our senators

have been doing? 

500 What variety and number of excellent manufactures are to be  met with throughout the whole kingdom of

France? 

501 Whether there are not everywhere some or other mills for many  uses, forges and furnaces for ironwork,

looms for tapestry,  glasshouses, and so forth? 

502 What quantities of paper, stockings, hats; what manufactures  of wool, silk, linen, hemp, leather, wax,

earthenware, brass,  lead, tin,  

503 Whether the manufactures and commerce of the single town of  Lyons do not amount to a greater value

than all the manufactures  and all the trade of this kingdom taken together? 

504 Whether, in the anniversary fair at the small town of  Beaucaire upon the Rhone, there be not as much

money laid out as  the current cash of this kingdom amounts to? 

505 Whether the very shreds shorn from woollen cloth, which are  thrown away in Ireland, do not make a

beautiful tapestry in  France? 

506 Whether there be not French towns subsisted merely by making  pins? 


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507 Whether the coarse fingers of those very women, those same  peasants who one part of the year till the

ground and dress the  vineyards, are not another employed in making the finest French  point? 

508 Whether there is not a great number of idle fingers among the  wives and daughters of our peasants? 

509 Whether the French do not raise a trade from saffron, dyeing  drugs, and the like products, which may do

with us as well as  with them? 

510 Whether we may not have materials of our own growth to supply  all manufactures, as well as France,

except silk, and whether the  bulk of what silk even France manufactures be not imported? 

511 Whether it be possible for this country to grow rich, so long  as what is made by domestic industry is

spent in foreign luxury? 

512 Whether our natural Irish are not partly Spaniards and partly  Tartars, and whether they do not bear

signatures of their descent  from both these nations, which is also confirmed by all their  histories? 

513 Whether the Tartar progeny is not numerous in this land? And  whether there is an idler occupation under

the sun than to attend  flocks and herds of cattle? 

514 Whether the wisdom of the State should not wrestle with this  hereditary disposition of our Tartars, and

with a high hand  introduce agriculture? 

515 Whether once upon a time France did not, by her linen alone,  draw yearly from Spain about eight

millions of livres? 

516 Whether the French have not suffered in their linen trade  with Spain, by not making their cloth of due

breadth; and whether  any other people have suffered, and are still likely to suffer,  through the same

prevarication? 

517 Whether the Spaniards are not rich and lazy, and whether they  have not a particular inclination and

favour for the inhabitants  of this island? But whether a punctual people do not love  punctual dealers? 

518 Whether about fourteen years ago we had not come into a  considerable share of the linen trade with

Spain, and what put a  stop to this? 

519 Whether, if the linen manufacture were carried on in the  other provinces as well as in the North, the

merchants of Cork,  Limerick, and Galway would not soon find the way to Spain? 

520 Whether the woollen manufacture of England is not divided  into several parts or branches, appropriated

to particular  places, where they are only or principally manufactured; fine  cloths in Somersetshire, coarse in

Yorkshire, long ells at  Exeter, saies at Sudbury, crapes at Norwich, linseys at Kendal,  blankets at Witney, and

so forth? 

521 Whether the united skill, industry, and emulation of many  together on the same work be not the way to

advance it? And  whether it had been otherwise possible for England to have  carried on her woollen

manufacture to so great perfection? 

522 Whether it would not on many accounts be right if we observed  the same course with respect to our linen

manufacture; and that  diapers were made in one town or district, damasks in another,  sheeting in a third, fine

wearing linen in a fourth, coarse in a  fifth, in another cambrics, in another thread and stockings, in  others


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stamped linen, or striped linen, or tickings, or dyed  linen, of which last kinds there is so great a consumption

among  the seafaring men of all nations? 

523 Whether it may not be worth while to inform ourselves of the  different sorts of linen which are in request

among different  people? 

524 Whether we do not yearly consume of French wines about a  thousand tuns more than either Sweden or

Denmark, and yet whether  those nations pay ready money as we do? 

525 Whether it be not a custom for some thousands of Frenchmen to  go about the beginning of March into

Spain, and having tilled the  lands and gathered the harvest of Spain, to return home with  money in their

pockets about the end of November? 

526 Whether of late years our Irish labourers do not carry on the  same business in England to the great

discontent of many there?  But whether we have not much more reason than the people of  England to be

displeased at this commerce? 

527 Whether, notwithstanding the cash supposed to be brought into  it, any nation is, in truth, a gainer by such

traffic? 

528 Whether the industry of our people employed in foreign lands,  while our own are left uncultivated, be not

a great loss to the  country? 

529 Whether it would not be much better for us, if, instead of  sending our men abroad, we could draw men

from the neighbouring  countries to cultivate our own? 

530 Whether, nevertheless, we are not apt to think the money  imported by our labourers to be so much clear

gains to this  country, but whether a little reflexion and a little political  arithmetic may not shew us our

mistake? 

531 Whether our prejudices about gold and silver are not very apt  to infect or misguide our judgments and

reasonings about the  public weal? 

532 Whether it be not a good rule whereby to judge of the trade  of any city, and its usefulness, to observe

whether there is a  circulation through the extremities, and whether the people round  about are busy and

warm? 

533 Whether we had not, some years since, a manufacture of hats  at Athlone, and of earthenware at Arklow,

and what became of  those manufactures? 

534 Why we do not make tiles of our own, for flooring and  roofing, rather than bring them from Holland? 

535 What manufactures are there in France and Venice of  giltleather, how cheap and how splendid a

furniture? 

536 Whether we may not, for the same use, manufacture divers  things at home of more beauty and variety

than wainscot, which is  imported at such expense from Norway? 

537 Whether the use and the fashion will not soon make a  manufacture? 


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538 Whether, if our gentry used to drink mead and cider, we  should not soon have those liquors in the utmost

perfection and  plenty? 

539 Whether it be not wonderful that with such pastures, and so  many black cattle, we do not find ourselves

in cheese? 

540 Whether great profits may not be made by fisheries; but  whether those of our Irish who live by that

business do not  contrive to be drunk and unemployed one half of the year? 

541 Whether it be not folly to think an inward commerce cannot  enrich a State, because it doth not increase

its quantity of gold  and silver? And whether it is possible a country should? not  thrive, while wants are

supplied, and business goes on? 

542 Whether plenty of all the necessaries and comforts of life be  not real wealth? 

543 Whether Lyons, by the advantage of her midland situation and  the rivers Rhone and Saone, be not a great

magazine or mart for  inward commerce? And whether she doth not maintain a constant  trade with most parts

of France; with Provence for oils and dried  fruits, for wines and cloth with Languedoc, for stuffs with

Champagne, for linen with Picardy, Normandy, and Brittany, for  corn with Burgundy? 

544 Whether she doth not receive and utter all those commodities,  and raise a profit from the distribution

thereof, as well as of  her own manufactures, throughout the kingdom of France? 

545 Whether the charge of making good roads and navigable rivers  across the country would not be really

repaid by an inward  commerce? 

546 Whether, as our trade and manufactures increased, magazines  should not be established in proper places,

fitted by their  situation, near great roads and navigable rivers, lakes, or  canals, for the ready reception and

distribution of all sorts of  commodities from and to the several parts of the kingdom; and  whether the town of

Athlone, for instance, may not be fitly  situated for such a magazine, or centre of domestic commerce? 

547 Whether an inward trade would not cause industry to flourish,  and multiply the circulation of our coin,

and whether this may  not do as well as multiplying the coin itself? 

548 Whether the benefits of a domestic commerce are sufficiently  understood and attended to; and whether

the cause thereof be not  the prejudiced and narrow way of thinking about gold and silver? 

549 Whether there be any other more easy and unenvied method of  increasing the wealth of a people? 

550 Whether we of this island are not from our peculiar  circumstances determined to this very commerce

above any other,  from the number of necessaries and good things that we possess  within ourselves, from the

extent and variety of our soil, from  the navigable rivers and good roads which we have or may have, at  a less

expense than any people in Europe, from our great plenty  of materials for manufactures, and particularly

from the  restraints we lie under with regard to our foreign trade? 

551 Whether annual inventories should not be published of the  fairs throughout the kingdom, in order to

judge of the growth of  its commerce? 

552 Whether there be not every year more cash circulated at the  card tables of Dublin than at all the fairs of

Ireland? 


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553 Whether the wealth of a country will not bear proportion to  the skill and industry of its inhabitants? 

554 Whether foreign imports that tend to promote industry should  not be encouraged, and such as have a

tendency to promote luxury  should not be discouraged? 

555 Whether the annual balance of trade between Italy and Lyons  be not about four millions in favour of the

former, and yet,  whether Lyons be not a gainer by this trade? 

556 Whether the general rule, of determining the profit of a  commerce by its balance, doth not, like other

general rules,  admit of exceptions? 

557 Whether it would not be a monstrous folly to import nothing  but gold and silver, supposing we might do

it, from every foreign  part to which we trade? And yet, whether some men may not think  this foolish

circumstance a very happy one? 

558 But whether we do not all see the ridicule of the Mogul's  subjects, who take from us nothing but our

silver, and bury it  under ground, in order to make sure thereof against the  resurrection? 

559 Whether he must not be a wrongheaded patriot or politician,  whose ultimate view was drawing money

into a country, and keeping  it there? 

560 Whether it be not evident that not gold but industry causeth  a country to flourish? 

561 Whether it would not be a silly project in any nation to hope  to grow rich by prohibiting the exportation

of gold and silver? 

562 Whether there can be a greater mistake in politics than to  measure the wealth of the nation by its gold and

silver? 

563 Whether gold and silver be not a drug, where they do not  promote industry? Whether they be not even

the bane and undoing  of an idle people? 

564 Whether gold will not cause either industry or vice to  flourish? And whether a country, where it flowed

in without  labour, must not be wretched and dissolute like an island  inhabited by buccaneers? 

565 Whether arts and virtue are not likely to thrive, where money  is made a means to industry? But whether

money without this would  be a blessing to any people? 

566 Whether keeping cash at home, or sending it abroad, just as  it most serves to promote industry, be not the

real interest of  every nation? 

567 Whether commodities of all kinds do not naturally flow where  there is the greatest demand? Whether the

greatest demand for a  thing be not where it is of most use? Whether money, like other  things, hath not its

proper use? Whether this use be not to  circulate? Whether therefore there must not of course be money  where

there is a circulation of industry? 

568 Whether it is not a great point to know what we would be at?  And whether whole States, as well as

private persons, do not  often fluctuate for want of this knowledge? 

569 Whether gold may not be compared to Sejanus's horse, if we  consider its passage through the world, and

the fate of those  nations which have been successively possessed thereof? 


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570 Whether means are not so far useful as they answer the end?  And whether, in different circumstances, the

same ends are not  obtained by different means? 

571 If we are a poor nation, abounding with very poor people,  will it not follow that a far greater proportion

of our stock  should be in the smallest and lowest species than would suit with  England? 

572 Whether, therefore, it would not be highly expedient if our  money were coined of peculiar values, best

fitted to the  circumstances and uses of our own country; and whether any other  people could take umbrage at

our consulting our own convenience,  in an affair entirely domestic, and that lies within ourselves? 

573 Whether every man doth not know, and hath not long known,  that the want of a mint causeth many other

wants in this kingdom? 

574 What harm did England sustain about three centuries ago, when  silver was coined in this kingdom? 

575 What harm was it to Spain that her provinces of Naples and  Sicily had all along mints of their own? 

576 Whether it may not be presumed that our not having a  privilege which every other kingdom in the world

enjoys, be not  owing to our want of diligence and unanimity in soliciting for  it? 

577 Whether it be not the interest of England that we should  cultivate a domestic commerce among

ourselves? And whether it  could give them any possible jealousy, if our small sum of cash  was contrived to

go a little further, if there was a little more  life in our markets, a little more buying and selling in our  shops, a

little better provision for the backs and bellies of so  many forlorn wretches throughout the towns and villages

of this  island? 

578 Whether Great Britain ought not to promote the prosperity of  her Colonies, by all methods consistent

with her own? And whether  the Colonies themselves ought to wish or aim at it by others? 

579 Whether the remotest parts from the metropolis, and the  lowest of the people, are not to be regarded as

the extremities  and capillaries of the political body? 

580 Whether, although the capillary vessels are small, yet  obstructions in them do not produce great chronical

diseases? 

581 Whether faculties are not enlarged and improved by exercise? 

582 Whether the sum of the faculties put into act, or, in other  words, the united action of a whole people, doth

not constitute  the momentum of a State? 

583 Whether such momentum be not the real stock or wealth of a  State; and whether its credit be not

proportional thereunto? 

584 Whether in every wise State the faculties of the mind are not  most considered? 

585 Whether the momentum of a State doth not imply the whole  exertion of its faculties, intellectual and

corporeal; and  whether the latter without the former could act in concert? 

586 Whether the divided force of men, acting singly, would not be  a rope of sand? 


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587 Whether the particular motions of the members of a State, in  opposite directions, will not destroy each

other, and lessen the  momentum of the whole; but whether they must not conspire to  produce a great effect? 

588 Whether the ready means to put spirit into this State, to  fortify and increase its momentum, would not be

a national bank,  and plenty of small cash? 

589 Whether that which employs and exerts the force of a  community deserves not to be well considered and

well understood? 

590 Whether the immediate mover, the blood and spirits, be not  money, paper, or metal; and whether the soul

or will of the  community, which is the prime mover that governs and directs the  whole, be not the legislature? 

591 Supposing the inhabitants of a country quite sunk in sloth,  or even fast asleep, whether, upon the gradual

awakening and  exertion, first of the sensitive and locomotive faculties, next  of reason and reflexion, then of

justice and piety, the momentum  of such country or State would not, in proportion thereunto,  become still

more and more considerable? 

592 Whether that which in the growth is last attained, and is the  finishing perfection of a people, be not the

first thing lost in  their declension? 

593 Whether force be not of consequence, as it is exerted; and  whether great force without great wisdom may

not be a nuisance? 

594 Whether the force of a child, applied with art, may not  produce greater effects than that of a giant? And

whether a small  stock in the hands of a wise State may not go further, and  produce more considerable effects,

than immense sums in the hands  of a foolish one? 

595 Whose fault is it if poor Ireland still continues poor? 

QUERIES OMITTED 

Part I 

29 Whether, nevertheless, the damage would be very considerable,  if by degrees our money were brought

back to the English value  there to rest for ever? 

30 Whether the English crown did not formerly pass with us for  six shillings? And what inconvenience

ensued to the public upon  its reduction to the present value, and whether what hath been  may not be? 

52 Whether it be not a bull to call that making an interest,  whereby a man spendeth much and gaineth

nothing? 

55 Whether cunning be not one thing and good sense another? and  whether a cunning tradesman doth not

stand in his own light? 

62 Whether, consequently, the fine gentlemen, whose employment is  only to dress, drink, and play, be not a

pubic nuisance? 

73 Whether those specimens of our own manufacture, hung up in a  certain public place, do not sufficiently

declare such our  ignorance? and whether for the honour of the nation they ought  not to be removed? 


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201 Whether any nation ever was in greater want of such an  expedient than Ireland? 

209 Whether the public may not as well save the interest which it  now pays? 

210 What would happen if two of our banks should break at once?  And whether it be wise to neglect

providing against an event  which experience hath shewn us not to be impossible? 

211 Whether such an accident would not particularly affect the  bankers? And therefore whether a national

bank would not be a  security even to private bankers? 

212 Whether we may not easily avoid the inconveniencies attending  the papermoney of New England,

which were incurred by their  issuing too great a quantity of notes, by their having no silver  in bank to

exchange for notes, by their not insisting upon  repayment of the loans at the time prefixed, and especially by

their want of manufactures to answer their imports from Europe? 

213 Whether a combination of bankers might not do wonders, and  whether bankers know their own strength? 

214 Whether a bank in private hands might not even overturn a  government? and whether this was not the

case of the Bank of St.  George in Genoa? 

215 Whether we may not easily prevent the ill effects of such a  bank as Mr Law proposed for Scotland,

which was faulty in not  limiting the quantum of bills, and permitting all persons to take  out what bills they

pleased, upon the mortgage of lands, whence  by a glut of paper, the prices of things must rise? Whence also

the fortunes of men must increase in denomination, though not in  value; whence pride, idleness, and beggary? 

216 Whether such banks as those of England and Scotland might not  be attended with great inconveniences,

as lodging too much power  in the hands of private men, and giving handle for monopolies,  stockjobbing,

and destructive schemes? 

217 Whether the national bank, projected by an anonymous writer  in the latter end of Queen Anne's reign,

might not on the other  hand be attended with as great inconveniencies by lodging too  much power in the

Government? 

218 Whether the bank projected by Murray, though it partake, in  many useful particulars, with that of

Amsterdam, yet, as it  placeth too great power in the hands of a private society, might  not be dangerous to the

public? 

221 Whether those effects could have happened had there been no  stockjobbing? And whether

stockjobbing could at first have been  set on foot, without an imaginary foundation of some improvement  to

the stock by trade? Whether, therefore, when there are no such  prospects, or cheats, or private schemes

proposed, the same  effects can be justly feared? 

222 Whether by a national bank, be not properly understood a  bank, not only established by public authority

as the Bank of  England, but a bank in the hands of the public, wherein there are  no shares: whereof the public

alone is proprietor, and reaps all  the benefit? 

223 Whether, having considered the conveniencies of banking and  papercredit in some countries, and the

inconveniencies thereof  in others, we may not contrive to adopt the former, and avoid the  latter? 

224 Whether great evils, to which other schemes are liable, may  not be prevented, by excluding the managers

of the bank from a  share in the legislature? 


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226 Whether the bank proposed to be established in Ireland, under  the notion of a national bank, by the

voluntary subscription of  three hundred thousand pounds, to pay off the national debt, the  interest of which

sum to be paid the subscribers, subject to  certain terms of redemption, be not in reality a private bank, as

those of England and Scotland, which are national only in name,  being in the hands of particular persons, and

making dividends on  the money paid in by subscribers? 

228 Whether it is not worth while to reflect on the expedients  made use of by other nations, papermoney,

banknotes, public  funds, and credit in all its shapes, to examine what hath been  done and devised to add to

our own animadversions, and upon the  whole offer such hints as seem not unworthy the attention of the

public? 

230 Whether it may not be expedient to appoint certain funds or  stock for a national bank, under direction of

certain persons,  onethird whereof to be named by the Government, and onethird by  each House of

Parliament? 

231 Whether the directors should not be excluded from sitting in  either House, and whether they should not

be subject to the audit  and visitation of a standing committee of both Houses? 

232 Whether such committee of inspectors should not be changed  every two years, onehalf going out, and

another coming in by  ballot? 

233 Whether the notes ought not to be issued in lots, to be let  at interest on mortgaged lands, the whole

number of lots to be  divided among the four provinces, rateably to the number of  hearths in each? 

234 Whether it may not be expedient to appoint four  countinghouses, one in each province, for converting

notes into  specie? 

235 Whether a limit should not be fixed, which no person might  exceed, in taking out notes? 

236 Whether, the better to answer domestic circulation, it may  not be right to issue notes as low as twenty

shillings? 

237 Whether all the bills should be issued at once, or rather by  degrees, that so men may be gradually

accustomed and reconciled  to the bank? 

238 Whether the keeping of the cash, and the direction of the  bank, ought not to be in different hands, and

both under public  control? 

239 Whether the same rule should not alway be observed, of  lending out money or notes, only to half the

value of the  mortgaged land? and whether this value should not alway be rated  at the same number of years'

purchase as at first? 

240 Whether care should not be taken to prevent an undue rise of  the value of land? 

241 Whether the increase of industry and people will not of  course raise the value of land? And whether this

rise may not be  sufficient? 

242 Whether land may not be apt to rise on the issuing too great  plenty of notes? 

243 Whether this may not be prevented by the gradual and slow  issuing of notes, and by frequent sales of

lands? 


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244 Whether interest doth not measure the true value of land; for  instance, where money is at five per cent,

whether land is not  worth twenty years' purchase? 

245 Whether too small a proportion of money would not hurt the  landed man, and too great a proportion the

monied man? And  whether the quantum of notes ought not to bear proportion to the  pubic demand? And

whether trial must not shew what this demand  will be? 

246 Whether the exceeding this measure might not produce divers  bad effects, one whereof would be the loss

of our silver? 

247 Whether interest paid into the bank ought not to go on  augmenting its stock? 

248 Whether it would or would not be right to appoint that the  said interest be paid in notes only? 

249 Whether the notes of this national bank should not be  received in all payments into the exchequer? 

250 Whether on supposition that the specie should fail, the  credit would not, nevertheless, still pass, being

admitted in all  payments of the public revenue? 

251 Whether the pubic can become bankrupt so long as the notes  are issued on good security? 

252 Whether mismanagement, prodigal living, hazards by trade,  which often affect private banks, are equally

to be apprehended  in a pubic one? 

253 Whether as credit became current, and this raised the value  of land, the security must not of course rise? 

255 Whether by degrees, as business and people multiplied, more  bills may not be issued, without

augmenting the capital stock,  provided still, that they are issued on good security; which  further issuing of

new bills, not to be without consent of  Parliament? 

256 Whether such bank would not be secure? Whether the profits  accruing to the pubic would not be very

considerable? And whether  industry in private persons would not be supplied, and a general  circulation

encouraged? 

257 Whether such bank should, or should not, be allowed to issue  notes for money deposited therein? And, if

not, whether the  bankers would have cause to complain? 

258 Whether, if the public thrives, all particular persons must  not feel the benefit thereof, even the bankers

themselves? 

259 Whether, beside the bank company, there are not in England  many private wealthy bankers, and whether

they were more before  the erecting of that company? 

261 Whether we have not papermoney circulating among, whether,  therefore, we might not as well have

that us already which is  secured by the public, and whereof the pubic reaps the benefit? 

262 Whether there are not two general ways of circulating money,  to wit, play and traffic? and whether

stockjobbing is not to be  ranked under the former? 

263 Whether there are more than two things that might draw silver  out of the bank, when its credit was once

well established, to  wit, foreign demands and small payments at home? 


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264 Whether, if our trade with France were checked, the former of  these causes could be supposed to operate

at all? and whether the  latter could operate to any great degree? 

267 Whether papermoney or notes may not be issued from the  national bank, on the security of hemp, of

linen, or other  manufactures whereby the poor might be supported in their  industry? 

273 Whether banks raised by private subscription would be as  advantageous to the public as to the

subscribers? and whether  risks and frauds might not be more justly apprehended from them? 

276 Whether an argument from the abuse of things, against the use  of them, be conclusive? 

277 Whether he who is bred to a part be fitted to judge of the  whole? 

278 Whether interest be not apt to bias judgment? and whether  traders only are to be consulted about trade, or

bankers about  money? 

280 Whether any man hath a right to judge, that will not be at  the pains to distinguish? 

281 Whether there be not a wide difference between the profits  going to augment the national stock, and

being divided among  private sharers? And whether, in the former case, there can  possibly be any gaming or

stockjobbing? 

289 Whether, therefore, it doth not greatly concern the State,  that our Irish natives should be converted, and

the whole nation  united in the same religion, the same allegiance, and the same  interest? and how this may

most probably be effected? 

291 Whether there have not been Popish recusants? and, if so,  whether it would be right to object against the

foregoing oath,  that all would take it, and none think themselves bound by it? 

292 Whether those of the Church of Rome, in converting the Moors  of Spain or the Protestants of France,

have not set us an example  which might justify a similar treatment of themselves, if the  laws of Christianity

allowed thereof? 

293 Whether compelling men to a profession of faith is not the  worst thing in Popery, and, consequently,

whether to copy after  the Church of Rome therein, were not to become Papists ourselves  in the worst sense? 

294 Whether, nevertheless, we may not imitate the Church of Rome,  in certain places, where Jews are

tolerated, by obliging our  Irish Papists, at stated times, to hear Protestant sermons? and  whether this would

not make missionaries in the Irish tongue  useful? 

295 Whether the mere act of hearing, without making any  profession of faith, or joining in any part of

worship, be a  religious act; and, consequently, whether their being obliged to  hear, may not consist with the

toleration of Roman Catholics? 

296 Whether, if penal laws should be thought oppressive, we may  not at least be allowed to give premiums?

And whether it would be  wrong, if the public encouraged Popish families to become  hearers, by paying their

hearthmoney for them? 

297 Whether in granting toleration, we ought not to distinguish  between doctrines purely religious, and such

as affect the State? 


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298 Whether the case be not very different in regard to a man who  only eats fish on Fridays, says his prayers

in Latin, or believes  transubstantiation, and one who professeth in temporals a  subjection to foreign powers,

who holdeth himself absolved from  all obedience to his natural prince and the laws of his country?  who is

even persuaded, it may be meritorious to destroy the  powers that are? 

299 Whether, therefore, a distinction should not be made between  mere Papists and recusants? And whether

the latter can expect the  same protection from the Government as the former? 

300 Whether our Papists in this kingdom can complain, if they are  allowed to be as much Papists as the

subjects of France or of the  Empire? 

303 Whether every plea of conscience is to be regarded? Whether,  for instance, the German Anabaptists,

Levellers, or Fifth  Monarchy men would be tolerated on that pretence? 

304 Whether Popish children bred in charity schools, when bound  out in apprenticeship to Protestant masters,

do generally  continue Protestants? 

306 Whether if the parents are overlooked, there can be any great  hopes of success in converting the

children? 

312 Whether there be any nation of men governed by reason? And  yet, if there was not, whether this would

be a good argument  against the use of reason in pubic affairs? 

315 Whether one, whose end is to make his countrymen think, may  not gain his end, even though they should

not think as he doth? 

316 Whether he, who only asks, asserts? and whether any man can  fairly confute the querist? 

317 Whether the interest of a part will not always be preferred  to that of the whole? 

Part II 

5 Whether it can be reasonably hoped, that our state will mend,  so long as property is insecure among us? 

6 Whether in that case the wisest government, or the best laws  can avail. us? 

7 Whether a few mishaps to particular persons may not throw this  nation into the utmost confusion? 

8 Whether the public is not even on the brink of being undone by  private accidents? 

11 Whether therefore it be not high time to open our eyes? 

24 Whether private ends are not prosecuted with more attention  and vigour than the public? And yet, whether

all private ends are  not included in the pubic? 

25 Whether banking be not absolutely necessary to the pubic weal? 

26 Whether even our private banks, though attended with such  hazards as we all know them to be, are not of

singular use in  defect of a national bank? 


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28 Whether the mystery of banking did not derive its original  from the Italians? Whether this acute people

were not, upon a  time, bankers over all Europe? Whether that business was not  practised by some of their

noblest families who made immense  profits by it, and whether to that the house of Medici did not  originally

owe its greatness? 

30 Whether at Venice all payments of bills of exchange and  merchants' contracts are not made in the national

or pubic bank,  the greatest affairs being transacted only by writing the names  of the parties, one as debtor the

other as creditor in the  bankbook? 

31 Whether nevertheless it was not found expedient to provide a  chest of ready cash for answering all

demands that should happen  to be made on account of payments in detail? 

32 Whether this offer of ready cash, instead of transfers in the  bank, hath not been found to augment rather

than diminish the  stock thereof? 

33 Whether at Venice, the difference in the value of bank money  above other money be not fixed at twenty

per cent? 

34 Whether the bank of Venice be not shut up four times in the  year twenty days each time? 

35 Whether by means of this bank the public be not mistress of a  million and a half sterling? 

37 Whether we may not hope for as much skill and honesty in a  Protestant Irish Parliament as in a Popish

Senate of Venice? 

39 Whether besides coined money, there be not also great  quantities of ingots or bars of gold and silver

lodged in this  bank? 

41 Whether it be not true, that the bank of Amsterdam never makes  payments in cash? 

42 Whether, nevertheless, it be not also true, that no man who  hath credit in the bank can want money from

particular persons,  who are willing to become creditors in his stead? 

43 Whether any man thinks himself the poorer, because his money  is in the. bank? 

44 Whether the creditors of the bank of Amsterdam are not at  liberty to withdraw their money when they

please, and whether  this liberty doth not make them less desirous to use it? 

45 Whether this bank be not shut up twice in the year for ten or  fifteen days, during which time the accounts

are balanced? 

53 Whether we are by nature a more stupid people than the Dutch?  And yet whether these things are

sufficiently considered by our  patriots? 

54 Whether anything less than the utter subversion of those  Republics can break the banks of Venice and

Amsterdam? 

55 Whether at Hamburgh the citizens have not the management of  the bank, without the meddling or

inspection of the Senate? 


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56 Whether the directors be not four principal burghers chosen by  plurality of voices, whose business is to

see the rules observed,  and furnish the cashiers with money? 

57 Whether the bookkeepers are not obliged to balance their  accounts every week, and exhibit them to the

controllers or  directors? 

58 Whether any besides the citizens are admitted to have compte  en banc at Hamburgh? 

59 Whether there be not a certain limit, under which no sum can  be entered into the bank? 

60 Whether each particular person doth not pay a fee in order to  be admitted to a compte en banc at

Hamburgh and Amsterdam? 

61 Whether the effects lodged in the bank of Hamburgh are liable  to be seized for debt or forfeiture? 

62 Whether this bank doth not lend money upon pawns at low  interest and only for half a year, after which

term, in default  of payment, the pawns are punctually sold by auction? 

63 Whether the bookkeepers of the bank of Hamburgh are not  obliged upon oath never to reveal what sums

of money are paid in  or out of the bank, or what effects any particular person has  therein? 

64 Whether, therefore, it be possible to know the state or stock  of this bank; and yet whether it be not of the

greatest  reputation and most established credit throughout the North? 

66 Whether an absolute monarchy be so apt to gain credit, and  whether the vivacity of some humours could

so well suit with the  slow steps and discreet management which a bank requires? 

67 Whether the bank called the general bank of France, contrived  by Mr Law, and established by letters

patent in May, 1716, was  not in truth a particular and not a national bank, being in the  hands of a particular

company privileged and protected by the  Government? 

68 Whether the Government did not order that the notes of this  bank should pass on a par with ready money

in all payments of the  revenue? 

69 Whether this bank was not obliged to issue only such notes as  were payable at sight? 

70 Whether it was not made a capital crime to forge the notes of  this bank? 

71 Whether this bank was not restrained from trading either by  sea or land, and from taking up money upon

interest? 

72 Whether the original stock thereof was not six millions of  livres, divided into actions of a thousand crowns

each? 

73 Whether the proprietors were not to hold general assemblies  twice in the year, for the regulating of their

affairs? 

74 Whether the accompts of this bank were not balanced twice  every year? 

75 Whether there were not two chests belonging to this bank, the  one called the general chest containing their

specie, their bills  and their copper plates for the printing of those bills, under  the custody of three locks,


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whereof the keys were kept by the  director, the inspector and treasurer. also another called, the  ordinary

chest, containing part of the stock not exceeding two  hundred thousand crowns, under the key of the

treasurer? 

76 Whether out of this last mentioned sum, each particular  cashier was not to be intrusted with a share not

exceeding the  value of twenty thousand crowns at a time, and that under good  security? 

77 Whether the Regent did not reserve to himself the power of  calling this bank to account, so often as he

should think good,  and of appointing the inspector? 

78 Whether in the beginning of the year 1719 the French King did  not convert the general bank of France into

a Banque Royale,  having himself purchased the stock of the company and taken it  into his own hands, and

appointed the Duke of Orleans chief  manager thereof? 

79 Whether from that time, all matters relating to the bank were  not transacted in the name, and by the sole

authority, of the  king? 

80 Whether his Majesty did not undertake to receive and keep the  cash of all particular persons, subjects, or

foreigners, in his  said Royale Banque, without being paid for that trouble? And  whether it was not declared,

that such cash should not be liable  to seizure on any pretext, not even on the king's own account? 

81 Whether the treasurer alone did not sign all the bills,  receive all the stock paid into the bank, and keep

account of all  the ingoings and outgoings? 

82 Whether there were not three registers for the enregistering  of the bills kept in the Banque Royale, one by

the inspector,  another by the controller, and a third by the treasurer? 

83 Whether there was not also a fourth register, containing the  profits of the bank, which was visited, at least

once a week, by  the inspector and controller? 

84 Whether, beside the general bureau or compter in the city of  Paris, there were not also appointed five more

in the towns of  Lyons, Tours, Rochelle, Orleans, and Amiens, each whereof was  provided with two chests,

one of specie for discharging bills at  sight, and another of bank bills to be issued as there should be  demand? 

85 Whether, in the above mentioned towns, it was not prohibited  to make payments in silver, exceeding the

sum of six hundred  livres? 

86 Whether all creditors were not empowered to demand payment in  bank bills instead of specie? 

87 Whether, in a short compass of time, this bank did not undergo  many new changes and regulations by

several successive acts of  council? 

88 Whether the untimely, repeated, and boundless fabrication of  bills did not precipitate the ruin of this bank? 

89 Whether it be not true, that before the end of July, 1719,  they had fabricated four hundred millions of

livres in  banknotes, to which they added the sum of one hundred and twenty  millions more on the twelfth of

September following, also the  same sum of one hundred and twenty millions on the twentyfourth  of 3

October, and again on the twentyninth of December, in the  same year, the farther sum of three hundred and

sixty millions,  making the whole, from an original stock of six millions, mount,  within the compass of one

year, to a thousand millions of livres? 


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90 Whether on the twentyeighth of February, 1720, the king did  not make an union of the bank with the

united company of the East  and West Indies, which from that time had the administration and  profits of the

Banque Royale? 

91 Whether the king did not still profess himself responsible for  the value of the bank bills, and whether the

company were not  responsible to his Majesty for their management? 

92 Whether sixteen hundred millions of livres, lent to his  majesty by the company, was not a sufficient

pledge to indemnify  the king? 

93 Whether the new directors were not prohibited to make any more  bills without an act of council? 

94 Whether the chests and books of the Banque were not subjected  to the joint inspection of a Counsellor of

State, and the Prevot  des Marchands, assisted by two Echevins, a judge, and a consul,  who had power to visit

when they would and without warning? 

95 Whether in less than two years the actions or shares of the  Indian Company (first established for

Mississippi, and afterwards  increased by the addition of other compares and further? and  whether this

privileges) did not rise to near 2000 per cent must  be ascribed to real advantages of trade, or to mere frenzy? 

96 Whether, from first to last, there were not fabricated bank  bills, of one kind or other, to the value of more

than two  thousand and six hundred millions of livres, or one hundred and  thirty millions sterling? 

97 Whether the credit of the bank did not decline from its union  with the Indian Company? 

98 Whether, notwithstanding all the abovementioned extraordinary  measures, the bank bills did not still

pass at par with gold and  silver to May, 1720, when the French king thought fit, by a new  act of council, to

make a reduction of their value, which proved  a fatal blow, the effects whereof, though soon retracted, no

subsequent skill or management could ever repair? 

99 Whether, what no reason, reflexion, or foresight could do,  this simple matter of fact (the most powerful

argument with the  multitude) did not do at once, to wit, open the eyes of the  people? 

100 Whether the dealers in that sort of ware had ever troubled  their heads with the nature of credit, or the true

use and end of  banks, but only considered their bills and actions as things, to  which the general demand gave

a price? 

101 Whether the Government was not in great perplexity to  contrive expedients for the getting rid of those

bank bills,  which had been lately multiplied with such an unlimited passion? 

102 Whether notes to the value of about ninety millions were not  sunk by being paid off in specie, with the

cash of the Compagnie  des Indes, with that of the bank, and that of the Hotels des  Monnoyes? Whether five

hundred and thirty millions were not  converted into annuities at the royal treasury? Whether several  hundred

millions more in bank bills were not extinguished and  replaced by annuities on the City of Paris, on taxes

throughout  the provinces,  

103 Whether, after all other shifts, the last and grand resource  for exhausting that ocean, was not the erecting

of a compte en  banc in several towns of France? 

104 Whether, when the imagination of a people is thoroughly  wrought upon and heated by their own

example, and the arts of  designing men, this doth not produce a sort of enthusiasm which  takes place of


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reason, and is the most dangerous distemper in a  State? 

105 Whether this epidemical madness should not be always before  the eyes of a legislature, in the framing of

a national bank? 

106 Whether, therefore, it may not be fatal to engraft trade on a  national bank, or to propose dividends on the

stock thereof? 

108 Whether it may not be as useful a lesson to consider the bad  management of some as the good

management of others? 

109 Whether the rapid and surprising success of the schemes of  those who directed the French bank did not

turn their brains? 

110 Whether the best institutions may not be made subservient to  bad ends? 

111 Whether, as the aim of industry is power, and the aim of a  bank is to circulate and secure this power to

each individual, it  doth not follow that absolute power in one hand is inconsistent  with a lasting and a

flourishing bank? 

115 Whether the mistaking of the means for the end was not a  fundamental error in the French councils? 

123 Whether there should not be a constant care to keep the bills  at par? 

124 Whether, therefore, bank bills should at any time be  multiplied but as trade and business were also

multiplied? 

125 Whether it was not madness in France to mint bills and  actions, merely to humour the people and rob

them of their cash? 

126 Whether we may not profit by their mistakes, and as some  things are to be avoided, whether there may

not be others worthy  of imitation in the conduct of our neighbours? 

127 Whether the way be not clear and open and easy, and whether  anything but the will is wanting to our

legislature? 

128 Whether jobs and tricks are not detested on all hands, but  whether it be not the joint interest of prince and

people to  promote industry? 

129 Whether, all things considered, a national bank be not the  most practicable, sure, and speedy method to

mend our affairs,  and cause industry to flourish among us? 

130 Whether a compte en banc or current bank bills would best  answer our occasions? 

131 Whether a public compte en banc, where effects are received,  and accounts kept with particular persons,

be not an excellent  expedient for a great city? 

132 What effect a general compte en banc would have in the  metropolis of this kingdom with one in each

province subordinate  thereunto? 


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133 Whether it may not be proper for a great kingdom to unite  both expedients, to wit, bank notes and a

compte en banc? 

134 Whether, nevertheless, it would be advisable to begin with  both at once, or rather to proceed first with

the bills, and  afterwards, as business multiplied, and money or effects flowed  in, to open the compte en banc? 

135 Whether, for greater security, double books of compte en banc  should not be kept in different places an d

hands? 

136 Whether it would not be right to build the compters and  public treasuries, where books and bank notes

are kept, without  wood, all arched and floored with brick or stone, having chests  also and cabinets of iron? 

137 Whether divers registers of the bank notes should not be kept  in different hands? 

138 Whether there should not be great discretion in the uttering  of bank notes, and whether the attempting to

do things per saltum  be not often the way to undo them? 

139 Whether the main art be not by slow degrees and cautious  measures to reconcile the bank to the public, to

wind it  insensibly into the affections of men, and interweave it with the  constitution? 

141 Whether a national bank may not prevent the drawing of specie  out of the country (where it circulates in

small payments), to be  shut up in the chests of particular persons? 

143 Whether tenants or debtors could have cause to complain of  our monies being reduced to the English

value if it were withal  multiplied in the same, or in a greater proportion? and whether  this would not be the

consequence of a nation al bank? 

144 If there be an open sure way to thrive, without hazard to  ourselves or prejudice to our neighbours, what

should hinder us  from putting it in practice? 

145 Whether in so numerous a Senate, as that of this kingdom, it  may not be easie to find men of pure hands

and clear heads fit to  contrive and model a public bank? 

146 Whether a view of the precipice be not sufficient, or whether  we must tumble headlong before we are

roused? 

147 Whether in this drooping and dispirited country, men are  quite awake? 

156 Whether, if we do not reap the benefits that may be made of  our country and government, want of will in

the lower people, or  want of wit in the upper, be most in fault? 

165 Whether an assembly of freethinkers, petit maitres, and smart  fellows, would not make an admirable

Senate? 

175 Whether there be really among us any parents so silly, as to  encourage drinking in their children? 

176 Whence it is, that our ladies are more alive, and bear age so  much better than our gentlemen? 

185 Whether this be altogether their own fault? 


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197 Whether it may not be right to appoint censors in every  parish to observe and make returns of the idle

hands? 

198 Whether a register or history of the idleness and industry of  a people would be an useless thing? 

199 Whether we are apprized, of all the uses that may be made of  political arithmetic? 

207 Why the workhouse in Dublin, with so good an endowment,  should yet be of so little use? and whether

this may not be owing  to that very endowment? 

208 Whether that income might not, by this time, have gone  through the whole kingdom, and erected a dozen

workhouses in  every county? 

210 Whether the tax on chairs or hackney coaches be not paid,  rather by the country gentlemen, than the

citizens of Dublin? 

227 Whether there should not be a difference between the  treatment of criminals and that of other slaves? 

251 Whether when a motion was made once upon a time to establish  a private bank in this kingdom by public

authority, divers  gentlemen did not shew themselves forward to embark in that  design? 

252 Whether it may not now be hoped that our patriots will be as  forward to examine and consider the

proposal of a public bank  calculated only for the public good? 

253 Whether any people upon earth shew a more early zeal for the  service of their country, greater eagerness

to bear a part in the  legislature, or a more general parturiency with respect to  politics and public counsels? 

254 Whether, nevertheless, a light and ludicrous vein be not the  reigning humour; but whether there was ever

greater cause to be  serious? 

Part III 

13 Whether the whole city of Amsterdam would not have been  troubled to have brought together twenty

thousand pounds in one  room? 

14 Whether it be not absolutely necessary that there must be a  bank and must be a trust? And, if so, whether it

be not the most  safe and prudent course to have a national bank and trust the  legislature? 

15 Whether objections against trust in general avail, when it is  allowed there must be a trust, and the only

question is where to  place this trust, whether in the legislature or in private hands? 

16 Whether it can be expected that private persons should have  more regard to the public than the public

itself? 

17 Whether, if there be hazards from mismanagement, those may not  be provided against in the framing of a

pubic bank; but whether  any provision can be made against the mismanagement of private  banks that are

under no check, control, or inspection? 

18 Whatever may be said for the sake of objecting, yet, whether  it be not false in fact, that men would prefer

a private security  to a public security? 


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19 Whether a national bank ought to be considered as a new  experiment; and whether it be not a motive to try

this scheme  that it hath been already tried with success in other countries? 

20 If power followeth money, whether this can be anywhere more  properly and securely placed, than in the

same hands wherein the  supreme power is already placed? 

21 Whether there be more danger of abuse in a private than in a  public management? 

22 Whether the proper usual remedy for abuses of private banks be  not to bring them before Parliament, and

subject them to the  inspection of a committee; and whether it be not more prudent to  prevent than to redress

an evil? 

24 Whether experience and example be not the plainest proof; and  whether any instance can be assigned

where a national bank hath  not been attended with great advantage to the public? 

25 Whether the evils apprehended from a national bank are not  much more to be apprehended from private

banks; but whether men  by custom are not familiarized and reconciled to common dangers,  which are

therefore thought less than they really are? 

26 Whether it would not be very hard to suppose all sense,  honesty, and public spirit were in the keeping of

only a few  private men, and the public was not fit to be trusted? 

27 Whether it be not ridiculous to suppose a legislature should  be afraid to trust itself? 

28 But, whether a private interest be not generally supported and  pursued with more zeal than a public? 

30 Whether, nevertheless, the community of danger, which lulls  private men asleep, ought not to awaken the

public? 

31 Whether there be not less security where there are more  temptations and fewer checks? 

32 If a man is to risk his fortune, whether it be more prudent to  risk it on the credit of private men, or in that

of the great  assembly of the nation? 

33 Where is it most reasonable to expect wise and punctual  dealing, whether in a secret impenetrable recess,

where credit  depends on secrecy, or in a public management regulated and  inspected by Parliament? 

34 Whether a supine security be not catching, and whether numbers  running the same risk, as they lessen the

caution, may not  increase the danger? 

35 What real objection lies against a national bank erected by  the legislature, and in the management of

public deputies,  appointed and inspected by the legislature? 

36 What have we to fear from such a bank, which may not be as  well feared without it? 

37 How, why, by what means, or for what end, should it become an  instrument of oppression? 

38 Whether we can possibly be on a more precarious foot than we  are already? Whether it be not in the power

of any particular  person at once to disappear and convey himself into foreign  parts? or whether there can be

any security in an estate of land  when the demands upon it are unknown? 


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39 Whether the establishing of a national bank, if we suppose a  concurrence of the government, be not very

practicable? 

40 But, whether though a scheme be never so evidently practicable  and useful to the pubic, yet, if conceived

to interfere with a  private interest, it be not forthwith in danger of appearing  doubtful, difficult, and

impracticable? 

41 Whether the legislative body hath not already sufficient power  to hurt, if they may be supposed capable of

it, and whether a  bank would give them any new power? 

42 What should tempt the pubic to defraud itself? 

43 Whether, if the legislature destroyed the public, it would not  be felo de se; and whether it be reasonable to

suppose it bent on  its own destruction? 

44 Whether the objection to a pubic national bank, from want of  secrecy, be not in truth an argument for it? 

45 Whether the secrecy of private banks be not the very thing  that renders them so hazardous? and whether,

without that, there  could have been of late so many sufferers? 

46 Whether when all objections are answered it be still incumbent  to answer surmises? 

47 Whether it were just to insinuate that gentlemen would be  against any proposal they could not turn into a

job? 

48 Suppose the legislature passed their word for any private  banker, and regularly visited his books, would

not money lodged  in his bank be therefore reckoned more secure? 

49 In a country where the legislative body is not fit to be  trusted, what security can there be for trusting any

one else? 

50 If it be not ridiculous to question whether the pubic can find  cash to circulate bills of a limited value when

private bankers  are supposed to find enough to circulate them to an unlimited  value? 

53 Whether those hazards that in a greater degree attend private  banks can be admitted as objections against a

public one? 

54 Whether that which is an objection to everything be an  objection to anything; and whether the possibility

of an abuse be  not of that kind? 

55 Whether, in fact, all things are not more or less abused, and  yet notwithstanding such abuse, whether many

things are not upon  the whole expedient and useful? 

56 Whether those things that are subject to the most general  inspection are not the least subject to abuse? 

57 Whether, for private ends, it may not be sometimes expedient  to object novelty to things that have been

often tried,  difficulty to the plainest things, and hazard to the safest? 

58 Whether some men will not be apt to argue as if the question  was between money and credit, and not (as

in fact it is) which  ought to be preferred, private credit or public credit? 


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59 Whether they will not prudently overlook the evils felt, or to  be feared, on one side? 

60 Whether, therefore, those that would make an impartial  judgment ought not to be on their guard, keeping

both prospects  always in view, balancing the inconveniencies on each side and  considering neither

absolutely? 

61 Whether wilful mistakes, examples without a likeness, and  general addresses to the passions are not often

more successful  than arguments? 

62 Whether there be not an art to puzzle plain cases as well as  to explain obscure ones? 

63 Whether private men are not often an overmatch for the  public; want of weight being made up for by

activity? 

64 If we suppose neither sense nor honesty in our leaders or  representatives, whether we are not already

undone, and so have  nothing further to fear? 

65 Suppose a power in the government to hurt the pubic by means  of a national bank, yet what should give

them the will to do  this? Or supposing a will to do mischief, yet how could a  national bank, modelled and

administered by Parliament, put it in  their power? 

66 Whether even a wicked will entrusted with power can be  supposed to abuse it for no end? 

67 Whether it be not much more probable that those who maketh  such objections do not believe them? 

68 Whether it be not vain to object that our fellowsubjects of  Great Britain would malign or obstruct our

industry when it is  exerted in a way which cannot interfere with their own? 

69 Whether it is to be supposed they should take delight in the  dirt and nakedness and famine of our people,

or envy them shoes  for their feet and beef for their belies? 

70 What possible handle or inclination could our having a  national bank give other people to distress us? 

71 Whether it be not ridiculous to conceive that a project for  cloathing and feeding our natives should give

any umbrage to  England? 

72 Whether such unworthy surmises are not the pure effect of  spleen? 

78 Whether the Protestant colony in this kingdom can ever forget  what they owe to England? 

79 Whether there ever was in any part of the world a country in  such wretched circumstances, and which, at

the same time, could  be so easily remedied, and nevertheless the remedy not applied? 

80 What must become of a people that can neither see the plainest  things nor do the easiest? 

81 Be the money lodged in the bank what it will, yet whether an  Act to make good deficiencies would not

remove all scruples? 

82 If it be objected that a national bank must lower interest,  and therefore hurt the monied man, whether the

same objection  would not hold as strong against multiplying our gold and silver? 


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83 But whether a bank that utters bills, with the sole view of  promoting the public weal, may not so

proportion their quantity  as to avoid several inconveniencies which might attend private  banks? 

85 Whether anything be more reasonable than that the pubic, which  makes the whole profit of the bank,

should engage to make good  its credit? 

88 Whether, in order to make men see and feel, it be not often  necessary to inculcate the same thing, and

place it in different  lights? 

90 Whether the managers and officers of a national bank ought to  be considered otherwise than as the

cashiers and clerks of  private banks? Whether they are not in effect as little trusted,  have as little power, are

as much limited by rules, and as liable  to inspection? 

91 Whether the mistaking this point may not create some prejudice  against a national bank, as if it depended

on the credit, or  wisdom, or honesty, of private men, rather than on the pubic,  which is really the sole

proprietor and director thereof, and as  such obliged to support it? 

93 Whether a national bank would not be the great means and  motive for employing our poor in

manufactures? 

94 Whether money, though lent out only to the rich, would not  soon circulate among the poor? And whether

any man borrows but  with an intent to circulate? 

95 Whether both government and people would not in the event be  gainers by a national bank? And whether

anything but wrong  conceptions of its nature can make those that wish well to either  averse from it? 

96 Whether it may not be right to think, and to have it thought,  that England and Ireland, prince and people,

have one and the  same interest? 

97 Whether, if we had more means to set on foot such manufactures  and such commerce as consists with the

interest of England, there  would not of course be less sheepwalk, and less wool exported to  foreign

countries? And whether a national bank would not supply  such means? 

102 Whether business in general doth not languish among us?  Whether our land is not untilled? Whether its

inhabitants are not  upon the wing? 

104 Whether our circumstances do not call aloud for some present  remedy? And whether that remedy be not

in our power? 

106 Whether, of all the helps to industry that ever were  invented, there be any more secure, more easy, and

more effectual  than a national bank? 

107 Whether medicines do not recommend themselves by experience,  even though their reasons be obscure?

But whether reason and fact  are not equally clear in favour of this political medicine? 

117 Whether therefore a tax on all gold and silver in apparel, on  all foreign laces and silks, may not raise a

fund for the bank,  and at the same time have other salutary effects on the public? 

118 But, if gentlemen had rather tax themselves in another way,  whether an additional tax of ten shillings the

hogshead on wines  may not supply a sufficient fund for the national bank, all  defects to be made good by

Parliament? 


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119 Whether upon the whole it may not be right to appoint a  national bank? 

120 Whether the stock and security of such bank would not be, in  truth, the national stock, or the total sum of

the wealth of this  kingdom? 

121 Whether, nevertheless, there should not be a particular fund  for present use in answering bills and

circulating credit? 

122 Whether for this end any fund may not suffice, provided an  Act be passed for making good deficiencies? 

123 Whether the sole proprietor of such bank should not be the  public, and the sole director the legislature? 

124 Whether the managers, officers, and cashiers should not be  servants of the pubic, acting by orders and

limited by rules of  the legislature? 

125 Whether there should not be a standing number of inspectors,  onethird men in great office, the rest

members of both houses,  half whereof to go out, and half to come in every session? 

126 Whether those inspectors should not, all in a body, visit  twice a year, and three as often as they pleased? 

127 Whether the general bank should not be in Dubin, and  subordinate banks or compters one in each

province of Munster,  Ulster, and Connaught? 

128 Whether there should not be such provisions of stamps,  signatures, checks, strong boxes, and all other

measures for  securing the bank notes and cash, as are usual in other banks? 

129 Whether these ten or a dozen last queries may not easily be  converted into heads of a bill? 

130 Whether any one concerns himself about the security or funds  of the banks of Venice or Amsterdam?

And whether in a little time  the case would not be the same as to our bank? 

133 Whether it be not the most obvious remedy for all the  inconveniencies we labour under with regard to

our coin? 

134 Whether it be not agreed on all hands that our coin is on  very bad foot, and calls for some present

remedy? 

135 Whether the want of silver hath not introduced a sort of  traffic for change, which is purchased at no

inconsiderable  discount to the great obstruction of our domestic commerce? 

136 Whether, though it be evident silver is wanted, it be yet so  evident which is the best way of providing for

this want? Whether  by lowering the gold, or raising the silver, or partly one,  partly the other? 

137 Whether a partial raising of one species be not, in truth,  wanting a premium to our bankers for importing

such species? And  what that species is which deserves most to be encouraged? 

138 Whether it be not just that all gold should be alike rated  according to its weight and fineness? 

139 Whether this may be best done by lowering some certain  species of gold, or by raising others, or by

joining both methods  together? 


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141 Whether the North and the South have not, in truth, one and  the same interest in this matter? 

143 But, whether a pubic benefit ought to be obtained by unjust  methods, and therefore, whether any

reduction of coin should be  thought of which may hurt the properties of private men? 

144 Whether those parts of the kingdom where commerce doth most  abound would not be the greatest

gainers by having our coin  placed on a right foot? 

145 Whether, in case a reduction of coin be thought expedient,  the uttering of bank bills at the same time may

not prevent the  inconveniencies of such a reduction? 

146 But, whether any pubic expediency could countervail a real  pressure on those who are least able to bear

it, tenants and  debtors? 

147 Whether, nevertheless, the political body, as well as the  natural, must not sometimes be worse in order to

be better? 

150 What if our other gold were raised to a par with Portugal  gold, and the value of silver in general raised

with regard to  that of gold? 

151 Whether the pubic ends may or may not be better answered by  such augmentation, than by a reduction of

our coin? 

152 Provided silver is multiplied, be it by raising or  diminishing the value of our coin, whether the great end

is not  answered? 

154 Whether, if a reduction be thought necessary, the obvious  means to prevent all hardships and injustice be

not a national  bank? 

155 Upon supposition that the cash of this kingdom was five  hundred thousand pounds, and by lowering the

various species each  onefifth of its value the whole sum was reduced to four hundred  thousand pounds,

whether the difficulty of getting money, and  consequently of paying rents, would not be increased in the

proportion of five to four? 

156 Whether such difficulty would not be a great and unmerited  distress on all the tenants in the nation? But

if at the same  time with the aforesaid reduction there were uttered one hundred  thousand pounds additional to

the former current stock, whether  such difficulty or inconvenience would then be felt? 

158 Whether in any foreign market, twopence advance in a  kilderkin of corn could greatly affect our trade? 

159 Whether in regard of the far greater changes and fluctuations  of prices from the difference of seasons and

other accidents,  that small rise should seem considerable? 

162 Whether, setting aside the assistance of a national bank, it  will be easy to reduce or lower our coin

without some hardship  (at least for the present) on a great number of particular  persons? 

163 Whether, nevertheless, the scheme of a national bank doth not  entirely stand clear of this question; and

whether such bank may  not completely subsist and answer its ends, although there should  be no alteration at

all made in the value of our coin? 


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164 Whether, if the ill state of our coin be not redressed, that  scheme would not be still more necessary,

inasmuch as a national  bank, by putting new life and vigour into our commerce, may  prevent our feeling the

ill effects of the want of such redress? 

165 Whether men united by interest are not often divided by  opinion; and whether such difference in opinion

be not an effect  of misapprehension? 

166 Whether two things are not manifest, first, that some  alteration in the value of our coin is highly

expedient,  secondly, that whatever alteration is made, the tenderest care  should be had of the properties of the

people, and even a regard  paid to their prejudices? 

167 Whether our taking the coin of another nation for more than  it is worth be not, in reality and in event, a

cheat upon  ourselves? 

168 Whether a particular coin overrated will not be sure to flow  in upon us from other countries beside that

where it is coined? 

169 Whether, in case the wisdom of the nation shall think fit to  alter our coin, without erecting a national

bank, the rule for  lessening or avoiding present inconvenience should not be so to  order matters, by raising

the silver and depressing the gold, as  that the total sum of coined cash within the kingdom shall, in

denomination, remain the same, or amount to the same nominal  value, after the change that it did before? 

170 Whether all inconvenience ought not to be lessened as much as  may be; but after, whether it would be

prudent, for the sake of a  small inconvenience, to obstruct a much greater good? And whether  it may not

sometimes happen that an inconvenience which in fancy  and general discourse seems great shall, when

accurately  inspected and cast up, appear inconsiderable? 

171 Whether in public councils the sum of things, here and there,  present and future, ought not to be

regarded? 

176 Money being a ticket which entitles to power and records the  title, whether such power avails otherWise

than as it is exerted  into act? 

180 Whether beside that value of money which is rated by weight,  there be not also another value consisting

in its aptness to  circulate? 

204 Whether there be any woollen manufacture in Birmingham? 

205 Whether bad management may not be worse than slavery? And  whether any part of Christendom be in a

more languishing  condition than this kingdom? 

212 Whether it be not true, that within the compass of one year  there flowed from the South Sea, when that

commerce was open,  into the single town of St. Malo's, a sum in gold and silver  equal to four times the whole

specie of this kingdom? And whether  that same part of France doth not at present draw from Cadiz,  upwards

of two hundred thousand pounds per annum? 

214 Whether it be true that the Dutch make ten millions of  livres, every return of the flota and galleons, by

their sales at  the Indies and at Cadiz? 

215 Whether it be true that England makes at least one hundred  thousand pounds per annum by the single

article of hats sold in  Spain? 


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217 Whether the toys of Thiers do not employ five thousand  families? 

218 Whether there be not a small town Or two in France which  supply all Spain with cards? 

222 Whether, about twentyfive years ago, they did not first  attempt to make porcelain in France; and

whether, in a few years,  they did not make it so well, as to rival that which comes from  China? 

226 Whether part of the profits of the bank should not be  employed in erecting manufactures of several kinds,

which are not  likely to be set on foot and carried on to perfection without  great stock, public encouragement,

general regulations, and the  concurrence of many hands? 

230 Whether it were not to be wished that our people shewed their  descent from Spain, rather by their honour

and honesty than their  pride, and if so, whether they might not easily insinuate  themselves into a larger share

of the Spanish trade? 

235 Whether we may not, with common industry and common honesty,  undersell any nation in Europe? 

242 Whether they are not the Swiss that make hay and gather in  the harvest throughout Alsatia? 

269 Whether commissioners of trade or other proper persons should  not be appointed to draw up plans of our

commerce both foreign  and domestic, and lay them at the beginning of every session  before the Parliament? 

270 Whether registers of industry should not be kept, and the  pubic from time to time acquainted what new

manufactures are  introduced, what increase or decrease of old ones? 

286 Whether therefore Mississippi, South Sea, and such like  schemes were not calculated for pubic ruin? 

289 Whether all such princes and statesmen are not greatly  deceived who imagine that gold and silver, any

way got, will  enrich a country? 

292 Whether the effect is not to be considered more than the kind  or quantity of money? 

299 Whether those who have the interests of this kingdom at  heart, and are concerned in the councils thereof,

ought not to  make the most humble and earnest representations to his Majesty,  that he may vouchsafe to grant

us that favour, the want of which  is ruinous to our domestic industry, and the having of which  would interfere

with no interest of our fellowsubjects? 

301 Whether his most gracious Majesty hath ever been addressed on  this head in a proper manner, and had

the case fairly stated for  his royal consideration, and if not, whether we may not blame  ourselves? 

302 If his Majesty would be pleased to grant us a mint, whether  the consequences thereof may not prove a

valuable consideration  to the crown? 

311 Whether every kind of employment or business, as it implies  more skill and exercise of the higher

powers, be not more valued? 

316 Whether private endeavours without assistance from the public  are likely to advance our manufactures

and commerce to any great  degree? But whether, as bills uttered from a national bank upon  private mortgages

would facilitate the purchases and projects of  private men, even so the same bills uttered on the public

security alone may not answer pubic ends in promoting new works  and manufactures throughout the

kingdom? 


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323 Whether as many as wish well to their country ought not to  aim at increasing its momentum? 


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