Title:   Protagoras

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Author:   Plato

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Protagoras

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Table of Contents

Protagoras ............................................................................................................................................................1

Plato.........................................................................................................................................................1

INTRODUCTION...................................................................................................................................1

PROTAGORAS .......................................................................................................................................7


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Protagoras

Plato

translated by B. Jowett.

INTRODUCTION. 

PROTAGORAS  

INTRODUCTION.

The Protagoras, like several of the Dialogues of Plato, is put into  the  mouth of Socrates, who describes a

conversation which had taken  place  between himself and the great Sophist at the house of  Callias'the man

who  had spent more upon the Sophists than all the  rest of the world'and in  which the learned Hippias and

the  grammarian Prodicus had also shared, as  well as Alcibiades and  Critias, both of whom said a few

wordsin the  presence of a  distinguished company consisting of disciples of Protagoras  and of  leading

Athenians belonging to the Socratic circle.  The dialogue  commences with a request on the part of

Hippocrates that Socrates  would  introduce him to the celebrated teacher.  He has come before the  dawn had

risenso fervid is his zeal.  Socrates moderates his  excitement and  advises him to find out 'what Protagoras

will make of  him,' before he  becomes his pupil. 

They go together to the house of Callias; and Socrates, after  explaining  the purpose of their visit to

Protagoras, asks the  question, 'What he will  make of Hippocrates.'  Protagoras answers,  'That he will make

him a better  and a wiser man.'  'But in what will  he be better?'Socrates desires to  have a more precise

answer.  Protagoras replies, 'That he will teach him  prudence in affairs  private and public; in short, the science

or knowledge  of human life.' 

This, as Socrates admits, is a noble profession; but he is or  rather would  have been doubtful, whether such

knowledge can be taught,  if Protagoras had  not assured him of the fact, for two reasons:  (1)  Because the

Athenian  people, who recognize in their assemblies the  distinction between the  skilled and the unskilled in

the arts, do not  distinguish between the  trained politician and the untrained; (2)  Because the wisest and best

Athenian citizens do not teach their sons  political virtue.  Will  Protagoras answer these objections? 

Protagoras explains his views in the form of an apologue, in which,  after  Prometheus had given men the arts,

Zeus is represented as  sending Hermes to  them, bearing with him Justice and Reverence.  These  are not, like

the  arts, to be imparted to a few only, but all men are  to be partakers of  them.  Therefore the Athenian people

are right in  distinguishing between  the skilled and unskilled in the arts, and not  between skilled and  unskilled

politicians. (1) For all men have the  political virtues to a  certain degree, and are obliged to say that  they have

them, whether they  have them or not.  A man would be thought  a madman who professed an art  which he did

not know; but he would be  equally thought a madman if he did  not profess a virtue which he had  not.  (2) And

that the political virtues  can be taught and acquired,  in the opinion of the Athenians, is proved by  the fact that

they  punish evildoers, with a view to prevention, of course  mere  retribution is for beasts, and not for men.

(3) Again, would  parents  who teach her sons lesser matters leave them ignorant of the common  duty of

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citizens?  To the doubt of Socrates the best answer is the  fact,  that the education of youth in virtue begins

almost as soon as  they can  speak, and is continued by the state when they pass out of  the parental  control.  (4)

Nor need we wonder that wise and good  fathers sometimes have  foolish and worthless sons.  Virtue, as we

were  saying, is not the private  possession of any man, but is shared by  all, only however to the extent of

which each individual is by nature  capable.  And, as a matter of fact, even  the worst of civilized  mankind will

appear virtuous and just, if we compare  them with  savages.  (5) The error of Socrates lies in supposing that

there  are  no teachers of virtue, whereas all men are teachers in a degree.  Some,  like Protagoras, are better

than others, and with this result we ought  to  be satisfied. 

Socrates is highly delighted with the explanation of Protagoras.  But he  has still a doubt lingering in his mind.

Protagoras has  spoken of the  virtues:  are they many, or one? are they parts of a  whole, or different  names of

the same thing?  Protagoras replies that  they are parts, like the  parts of a face, which have their several

functions, and no one part is  like any other part.  This admission,  which has been somewhat hastily made,  is

now taken up and  crossexamined by Socrates: 

'Is justice just, and is holiness holy?  And are justice and  holiness  opposed to one another?''Then justice is

unholy.'  Protagoras would  rather say that justice is different from holiness,  and yet in a certain  point of view

nearly the same.  He does not,  however, escape in this way  from the cunning of Socrates, who  inveigles him

into an admission that  everything has but one opposite.  Folly, for example, is opposed to wisdom;  and folly is

also opposed  to temperance; and therefore temperance and  wisdom are the same.  And  holiness has been

already admitted to be nearly  the same as justice.  Temperance, therefore, has now to be compared with

justice. 

Protagoras, whose temper begins to get a little ruffled at the  process to  which he has been subjected, is aware

that he will soon be  compelled by the  dialectics of Socrates to admit that the temperate is  the just.  He

therefore defends himself with his favourite weapon;  that is to say, he  makes a long speech not much to the

point, which  elicits the applause of  the audience. 

Here occurs a sort of interlude, which commences with a declaration  on the  part of Socrates that he cannot

follow a long speech, and  therefore he must  beg Protagoras to speak shorter.  As Protagoras  declines to

accommodate  him, he rises to depart, but is detained by  Callias, who thinks him  unreasonable in not allowing

Protagoras the  liberty which he takes himself  of speaking as he likes.  But  Alcibiades answers that the two

cases are not  parallel.  For Socrates  admits his inability to speak long; will Protagoras  in like manner

acknowledge his inability to speak short? 

Counsels of moderation are urged first in a few words by Critias,  and then  by Prodicus in balanced and

sententious language:  and  Hippias proposes an  umpire.  But who is to be the umpire? rejoins  Socrates; he

would rather  suggest as a compromise that Protagoras  shall ask and he will answer, and  that when Protagoras

is tired of  asking he himself will ask and Protagoras  shall answer.  To this the  latter yields a reluctant assent. 

Protagoras selects as his thesis a poem of Simonides of Ceos, in  which he  professes to find a contradiction.

First the poet says, 

'Hard is it to become good,' 

and then reproaches Pittacus for having said, 'Hard is it to be  good.'  How  is this to be reconciled?  Socrates,

who is familiar with  the poem, is  embarrassed at first, and invokes the aid of Prodicus,  the countryman of

Simonides, but apparently only with the intention of  flattering him into  absurdities.  First a distinction is

drawn between  (Greek) to be, and  (Greek) to become:  to become good is difficult; to  be good is easy.  Then

the word difficult or hard is explained to mean  'evil' in the Cean dialect.  To all this Prodicus assents; but

when  Protagoras reclaims, Socrates slily  withdraws Prodicus from the fray,  under the pretence that his assent


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was  only intended to test the wits  of his adversary.  He then proceeds to give  another and more elaborate

explanation of the whole passage.  The  explanation is as follows: 

The Lacedaemonians are great philosophers (although this is a fact  which is  not generally known); and the

soul of their philosophy is  brevity, which  was also the style of primitive antiquity and of the  seven sages.

Now  Pittacus had a saying, 'Hard is it to be good:'  and  Simonides, who was  jealous of the fame of this saying,

wrote a poem  which was designed to  controvert it.  No, says he, Pittacus; not 'hard  to be good,' but 'hard to

become good.'  Socrates proceeds to argue in  a highly impressive manner  that the whole composition is

intended as  an attack upon Pittacus.  This,  though manifestly absurd, is accepted  by the company, and meets

with the  special approval of Hippias, who  has however a favourite interpretation of  his own, which he is

requested by Alcibiades to defer. 

The argument is now resumed, not without some disdainful remarks of  Socrates on the practice of

introducing the poets, who ought not to be  allowed, any more than flutegirls, to come into good society.

Men's  own  thoughts should supply them with the materials for discussion.  A  few  soothing flatteries are

addressed to Protagoras by Callias and  Socrates,  and then the old question is repeated, 'Whether the virtues

are one or  many?'  To which Protagoras is now disposed to reply, that  four out of the  five virtues are in some

degree similar; but he still  contends that the  fifth, courage, is unlike the rest.  Socrates  proceeds to undermine

the  last stronghold of the adversary, first  obtaining from him the admission  that all virtue is in the highest

degree good: 

The courageous are the confident; and the confident are those who  know  their business or profession:  those

who have no such knowledge  and are  still confident are madmen.  This is admitted.  Then, says  Socrates,

courage is knowledgean inference which Protagoras evades  by drawing a  futile distinction between the

courageous and the  confident in a fluent  speech. 

Socrates renews the attack from another side:  he would like to  know  whether pleasure is not the only good,

and pain the only evil?  Protagoras  seems to doubt the morality or propriety of assenting to  this; he would

rather say that 'some pleasures are good, some pains  are evil,' which is  also the opinion of the generality of

mankind.  What does he think of  knowledge?  Does he agree with the common  opinion that knowledge is

overcome by passion? or does he hold that  knowledge is power?  Protagoras  agrees that knowledge is

certainly a  governing power. 

This, however, is not the doctrine of men in general, who maintain  that  many who know what is best, act

contrary to their knowledge under  the  influence of pleasure.  But this opposition of good and evil is  really the

opposition of a greater or lesser amount of pleasure.  Pleasures are evils  because they end in pain, and pains

are goods  because they end in  pleasures.  Thus pleasure is seen to be the only  good; and the only evil is  the

preference of the lesser pleasure to  the greater.  But then comes in  the illusion of distance.  Some art of

mensuration is required in order to  show us pleasures and pains in  their true proportion.  This art of

mensuration is a kind of  knowledge, and knowledge is thus proved once more  to be the governing  principle

of human life, and ignorance the origin of  all evil:  for no  one prefers the less pleasure to the greater, or the

greater pain to  the less, except from ignorance.  The argument is drawn out  in an  imaginary 'dialogue within a

dialogue,' conducted by Socrates and  Protagoras on the one part, and the rest of the world on the other.

Hippias and Prodicus, as well as Protagoras, admit the soundness of  the  conclusion. 

Socrates then applies this new conclusion to the case of  couragethe only  virtue which still holds out

against the assaults of  the Socratic  dialectic.  No one chooses the evil or refuses the good  except through

ignorance.  This explains why cowards refuse to go to  war:because they  form a wrong estimate of good,

and honour, and  pleasure.  And why are the  courageous willing to go to war?because  they form a right

estimate of  pleasures and pains, of things terrible  and not terrible.  Courage then is  knowledge, and cowardice

is  ignorance.  And the five virtues, which were  originally maintained to  have five different natures, after


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having been  easily reduced to two  only, at last coalesce in one.  The assent of  Protagoras to this last  position is

extracted with great difficulty. 

Socrates concludes by professing his disinterested love of the  truth, and  remarks on the singular manner in

which he and his  adversary had changed  sides.  Protagoras began by asserting, and  Socrates by denying, the

teachableness of virtue, and now the latter  ends by affirming that virtue  is knowledge, which is the most

teachable of all things, while Protagoras  has been striving to show  that virtue is not knowledge, and this is

almost  equivalent to saying  that virtue cannot be taught.  He is not satisfied  with the result,  and would like to

renew the enquiry with the help of  Protagoras in a  different order, asking (1) What virtue is, and (2) Whether

virtue can  be taught.  Protagoras declines this offer, but commends  Socrates'  earnestness and his style of

discussion. 

The Protagoras is often supposed to be full of difficulties.  These  are  partly imaginary and partly real.  The

imaginary ones are (1)  Chronological,which were pointed out in ancient times by Athenaeus,  and  are

noticed by Schleiermacher and others, and relate to the  impossibility  of all the persons in the Dialogue

meeting at any one  time, whether in the  year 425 B.C., or in any other.  But Plato, like  all writers of fiction,

aims only at the probable, and shows in many  Dialogues (e.g. the Symposium  and Republic, and already in

the Laches)  an extreme disregard of the  historical accuracy which is sometimes  demanded of him.  (2) The

exact  place of the Protagoras among the  Dialogues, and the date of composition,  have also been much

disputed.  But there are no criteria which afford any  real grounds for  determining the date of composition; and

the affinities of  the  Dialogues, when they are not indicated by Plato himself, must always to  a great extent

remain uncertain.  (3) There is another class of  difficulties, which may be ascribed to preconceived notions of

commentators, who imagine that Protagoras the Sophist ought always to  be in  the wrong, and his adversary

Socrates in the right; or that in  this or that  passagee.g. in the explanation of good as  pleasurePlato is

inconsistent  with himself; or that the Dialogue  fails in unity, and has not a proper  beginning, middle, and

ending.  They seem to forget that Plato is a  dramatic writer who throws his  thoughts into both sides of the

argument,  and certainly does not aim  at any unity which is inconsistent with freedom,  and with a natural or

even wild manner of treating his subject; also that  his mode of  revealing the truth is by lights and shadows,

and faroff and  opposing  points of view, and not by dogmatic statements or definite  results. 

The real difficulties arise out of the extreme subtlety of the  work, which,  as Socrates says of the poem of

Simonides, is a most  perfect piece of art.  There are dramatic contrasts and interests,  threads of philosophy

broken  and resumed, satirical reflections on  mankind, veils thrown over truths  which are lightly suggested,

and all  woven together in a single design, and  moving towards one end. 

In the introductory scene Plato raises the expectation that a  'great  personage' is about to appear on the stage;

perhaps with a  further view of  showing that he is destined to be overthrown by a  greater still, who makes  no

pretensions.  Before introducing  Hippocrates to him, Socrates thinks  proper to warn the youth against  the

dangers of 'influence,' of which the  invidious nature is  recognized by Protagoras himself.  Hippocrates readily

adopts the  suggestion of Socrates that he shall learn of Protagoras only  the  accomplishments which befit an

Athenian gentleman, and let alone his  'sophistry.'  There is nothing however in the introduction which leads  to

the inference that Plato intended to blacken the character of the  Sophists;  he only makes a little merry at their

expense. 

The 'great personage' is somewhat ostentatious, but frank and  honest.  He  is introduced on a stage which is

worthy of himat the  house of the rich  Callias, in which are congregated the noblest and  wisest of the

Athenians.  He considers openness to be the best policy,  and particularly mentions his  own liberal mode of

dealing with his  pupils, as if in answer to the  favourite accusation of the Sophists  that they received pay.  He

is  remarkable for the good temper which he  exhibits throughout the discussion  under the trying and often

sophistical crossexamination of Socrates.  Although once or twice  ruffled, and reluctant to continue the

discussion,  he parts company on  perfectly good terms, and appears to be, as he says of  himself, the  'least


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jealous of mankind.' 

Nor is there anything in the sentiments of Protagoras which impairs  this  pleasing impression of the grave and

weighty old man.  His real  defect is  that he is inferior to Socrates in dialectics.  The  opposition between him

and Socrates is not the opposition of good and  bad, true and false, but of  the old art of rhetoric and the new

science of interrogation and argument;  also of the irony of Socrates  and the selfassertion of the Sophists.

There is quite as much truth  on the side of Protagoras as of Socrates; but  the truth of Protagoras  is based on

common sense and common maxims of  morality, while that of  Socrates is paradoxical or transcendental, and

though full of meaning  and insight, hardly intelligible to the rest of  mankind.  Here as  elsewhere is the usual

contrast between the Sophists  representing  average public opinion and Socrates seeking for increased

clearness  and unity of ideas.  But to a great extent Protagoras has the  best of  the argument and represents the

better mind of man. 

For example:  (1) one of the noblest statements to be found in  antiquity  about the preventive nature of

punishment is put into his  mouth; (2) he is  clearly right also in maintaining that virtue can be  taught (which

Socrates  himself, at the end of the Dialogue, is  disposed to concede); and also (3)  in his explanation of the

phenomenon that good fathers have bad sons; (4)  he is right also in  observing that the virtues are not like the

arts, gifts  or attainments  of special individuals, but the common property of all:  this, which in  all ages has

been the strength and weakness of ethics and  politics, is  deeply seated in human nature; (5) there is a sort of

half  truth in  the notion that all civilized men are teachers of virtue; and more  than a halftruth (6) in

ascribing to man, who in his outward  conditions is  more helpless than the other animals, the power of

selfimprovement; (7)  the religious allegory should be noticed, in  which the arts are said to be  given by

Prometheus (who stole them),  whereas justice and reverence and the  political virtues could only be  imparted

by Zeus; (8) in the latter part of  the Dialogue, when  Socrates is arguing that 'pleasure is the only good,'

Protagoras deems  it more in accordance with his character to maintain that  'some  pleasures only are good;'

and admits that 'he, above all other men,  is  bound to say "that wisdom and knowledge are the highest of

human  things."' 

There is no reason to suppose that in all this Plato is depicting  an  imaginary Protagoras; he seems to be

showing us the teaching of the  Sophists under the milder aspect under which he once regarded them.  Nor is

there any reason to doubt that Socrates is equally an  historical character,  paradoxical, ironical, tiresome, but

seeking for  the unity of virtue and  knowledge as for a precious treasure; willing  to rest this even on a

calculation of pleasure, and irresistible here,  as everywhere in Plato, in  his intellectual superiority. 

The aim of Socrates, and of the Dialogue, is to show the unity of  virtue.  In the determination of this question

the identity of virtue  and knowledge  is found to be involved.  But if virtue and knowledge  are one, then virtue

can be taught; the end of the Dialogue returns to  the beginning.  Had  Protagoras been allowed by Plato to

make the  Aristotelian distinction, and  say that virtue is not knowledge, but is  accompanied with knowledge;

or to  point out with Aristotle that the  same quality may have more than one  opposite; or with Plato himself in

the Phaedo to deny that good is a mere  exchange of a greater pleasure  for a lessthe unity of virtue and the

identity of virtue and  knowledge would have required to be proved by other  arguments. 

The victory of Socrates over Protagoras is in every way complete  when their  minds are fairly brought

together.  Protagoras falls before  him after two  or three blows.  Socrates partially gains his object in  the first

part of  the Dialogue, and completely in the second.  Nor  does he appear at any  disadvantage when subjected

to 'the question' by  Protagoras.  He succeeds  in making his two 'friends,' Prodicus and  Hippias, ludicrous by

the way; he  also makes a long speech in defence  of the poem of Simonides, after the  manner of the Sophists,

showing,  as Alcibiades says, that he is only  pretending to have a bad memory,  and that he and not Protagoras

is really a  master in the two styles of  speaking; and that he can undertake, not one  side of the argument  only,

but both, when Protagoras begins to break down.  Against the  authority of the poets with whom Protagoras

has ingeniously  identified  himself at the commencement of the Dialogue, Socrates sets up  the  proverbial


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philosophers and those masters of brevity the  Lacedaemonians.  The poets, the Laconizers, and Protagoras are

satirized at  the same time. 

Not having the whole of this poem before us, it is impossible for  us to  answer certainly the question of

Protagoras, how the two  passages of  Simonides are to be reconciled.  We can only follow the  indications

given  by Plato himself.  But it seems likely that the  reconcilement offered by  Socrates is a caricature of the

methods of  interpretation which were  practised by the Sophistsfor the following  reasons:  (1) The

transparent  irony of the previous interpretations  given by Socrates.  (2) The ludicrous  opening of the speech in

which  the Lacedaemonians are described as the true  philosophers, and Laconic  brevity as the true form of

philosophy, evidently  with an allusion to  Protagoras' long speeches.  (3) The manifest futility  and absurdity of

the explanation of (Greek), which is hardly consistent  with the  rational interpretation of the rest of the poem.

The opposition  of  (Greek) and (Greek) seems also intended to express the rival doctrines  of Socrates and

Protagoras, and is a facetious commentary on their  differences.  (4) The general treatment in Plato both of the

Poets and  the  Sophists, who are their interpreters, and whom he delights to  identify with  them.  (5) The

depreciating spirit in which Socrates  speaks of the  introduction of the poets as a substitute for original

conversation, which  is intended to contrast with Protagoras'  exaltation of the study of them  this again is

hardly consistent with  the serious defence of Simonides.  (6)  the marked approval of Hippias,  who is supposed

at once to catch the  familiar sound, just as in the  previous conversation Prodicus is  represented as ready to

accept any  distinctions of language however absurd.  At the same time Hippias is  desirous of substituting a

new interpretation  of his own; as if the  words might really be made to mean anything, and were  only to be

regarded as affording a field for the ingenuity of the  interpreter. 

This curious passage is, therefore, to be regarded as Plato's  satire on the  tedious and hypercritical arts of

interpretation which  prevailed in his own  day, and may be compared with his condemnation of  the same arts

when  applied to mythology in the Phaedrus, and with his  other parodies, e.g.  with the two first speeches in

the Phaedrus and  with the Menexenus.  Several lesser touches of satire may be observed,  such as the claim of

philosophy advanced for the Lacedaemonians, which  is a parody of the claims  advanced for the Poets by

Protagoras; the  mistake of the Laconizing set in  supposing that the Lacedaemonians are  a great nation

because they bruise  their ears; the farfetched notion,  which is 'really too bad,' that  Simonides uses the

Lesbian (?) word,  (Greek), because he is addressing a  Lesbian.  The whole may also be  considered as a satire

on those who spin  pompous theories out of  nothing.  As in the arguments of the Euthydemus and  of the

Cratylus,  the veil of irony is never withdrawn; and we are left in  doubt at last  how far in this interpretation of

Simonides Socrates is  'fooling,' how  far he is in earnest. 

All the interests and contrasts of character in a great dramatic  work like  the Protagoras are not easily

exhausted.  The impressiveness  of the scene  should not be lost upon us, or the gradual substitution  of Socrates

in the  second part for Protagoras in the first.  The  characters to whom we are  introduced at the beginning of

the Dialogue  all play a part more or less  conspicuous towards the end.  There is  Alcibiades, who is compelled

by the  necessity of his nature to be a  partisan, lending effectual aid to  Socrates; there is Critias assuming  the

tone of impartiality; Callias, here  as always inclining to the  Sophists, but eager for any intellectual repast;

Prodicus, who finds  an opportunity for displaying his distinctions of  language, which are  valueless and

pedantic, because they are not based on  dialectic;  Hippias, who has previously exhibited his superficial

knowledge  of  natural philosophy, to which, as in both the Dialogues called by his  name, he now adds the

profession of an interpreter of the Poets.  The  two  latter personages have been already damaged by the mock

heroic  description  of them in the introduction.  It may be remarked that  Protagoras is  consistently presented to

us throughout as the teacher  of moral and  political virtue; there is no allusion to the theories of  sensation

which  are attributed to him in the Theaetetus and elsewhere,  or to his denial of  the existence of the gods in a

wellknown fragment  ascribed to him; he is  the religious rather than the irreligious  teacher in this Dialogue.

Also  it may be observed that Socrates shows  him as much respect as is consistent  with his own ironical

character;  he admits that the dialectic which has  overthrown Protagoras has  carried himself round to a

conclusion opposed to  his first thesis.  The force of argument, therefore, and not Socrates or  Protagoras, has


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won the day. 

But is Socrates serious in maintaining (1) that virtue cannot be  taught;  (2) that the virtues are one; (3) that

virtue is the knowledge  of pleasures  and pains present and future?  These propositions to us  have an

appearance  of paradoxthey are really moments or aspects of  the truth by the help of  which we pass from

the old conventional  morality to a higher conception of  virtue and knowledge.  That virtue  cannot be taught is

a paradox of the  same sort as the profession of  Socrates that he knew nothing.  Plato means  to say that virtue

is not  brought to a man, but must be drawn out of him;  and cannot be taught  by rhetorical discourses or

citations from the poets.  The second  question, whether the virtues are one or many, though at first  sight

distinct, is really a part of the same subject; for if the virtues  are  to be taught, they must be reducible to a

common principle; and this  common principle is found to be knowledge.  Here, as Aristotle  remarks,  Socrates

and Plato outstep the truththey make a part of  virtue into the  whole.  Further, the nature of this knowledge,

which  is assumed to be a  knowledge of pleasures and pains, appears to us too  superficial and at  variance with

the spirit of Plato himself.  Yet, in  this, Plato is only  following the historical Socrates as he is  depicted to us in

Xenophon's  Memorabilia.  Like Socrates, he finds on  the surface of human life one  common bond by which

the virtues are  united,their tendency to produce  happiness,though such a principle  is afterwards

repudiated by him. 

It remains to be considered in what relation the Protagoras stands  to the  other Dialogues of Plato.  That it is

one of the earlier or  purely Socratic  worksperhaps the last, as it is certainly the  greatest of themis

indicated by the absence of any allusion to the  doctrine of reminiscence;  and also by the different attitude

assumed  towards the teaching and persons  of the Sophists in some of the later  Dialogues.  The Charmides,

Laches,  Lysis, all touch on the question of  the relation of knowledge to virtue,  and may be regarded, if not as

preliminary studies or sketches of the more  important work, at any  rate as closely connected with it.  The Io

and the  lesser Hippias  contain discussions of the Poets, which offer a parallel to  the  ironical criticism of

Simonides, and are conceived in a similar spirit.  The affinity of the Protagoras to the Meno is more doubtful.

For  there,  although the same question is discussed, 'whether virtue can be  taught,'  and the relation of Meno to

the Sophists is much the same as  that of  Hippocrates, the answer to the question is supplied out of the

doctrine of  ideas; the real Socrates is already passing into the  Platonic one.  At a  later stage of the Platonic

philosophy we shall  find that both the paradox  and the solution of it appear to have been  retracted.  The

Phaedo, the  Gorgias, and the Philebus offer further  corrections of the teaching of the  Protagoras; in all of

them the  doctrine that virtue is pleasure, or that  pleasure is the chief or  only good, is distinctly renounced. 

Thus after many preparations and oppositions, both of the  characters of men  and aspects of the truth,

especially of the popular  and philosophical  aspect; and after many interruptions and detentions  by the way,

which, as  Theodorus says in the Theaetetus, are quite as  agreeable as the argument,  we arrive at the great

Socratic thesis that  virtue is knowledge.  This is  an aspect of the truth which was lost  almost as soon as it was

found; and  yet has to be recovered by every  one for himself who would pass the limits  of proverbial and

popular  philosophy.  The moral and intellectual are  always dividing, yet they  must be reunited, and in the

highest conception  of them are  inseparable.  The thesis of Socrates is not merely a hasty  assumption,  but may

be also deemed an anticipation of some 'metaphysic of  the  future,' in which the divided elements of human

nature are reconciled. 

PROTAGORAS

PERSONS OF THE DIALOGUE:  Socrates, who is the narrator of the  Dialogue to his Companion.

Hippocrates, Alcibiades and Critias.  Protagoras, Hippias and Prodicus (Sophists).  Callias, a wealthy

Athenian. 

SCENE:  The House of Callias. 


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COMPANION: Where do you come from, Socrates?  And yet I need  hardly ask  the question, for I know that

you have been in chase of the  fair  Alcibiades.  I saw him the day before yesterday; and he had got a  beard  like

a man,and he is a man, as I may tell you in your ear.  But I thought  that he was still very charming. 

SOCRATES: What of his beard?  Are you not of Homer's  opinion, who says 

'Youth is most charming when the beard first appears'? 

And that is now the charm of Alcibiades. 

COMPANION: Well, and how do matters proceed?  Have you been  visiting him,  and was he gracious to

you? 

SOCRATES: Yes, I thought that he was very gracious; and  especially today,  for I have just come from

him, and he has been  helping me in an argument.  But shall I tell you a strange thing?  I  paid no attention to

him, and  several times I quite forgot that he was  present. 

COMPANION: What is the meaning of this?  Has anything  happened between you  and him?  For surely you

cannot have discovered a  fairer love than he is;  certainly not in this city of Athens. 

SOCRATES: Yes, much fairer. 

COMPANION: What do you meana citizen or a foreigner? 

SOCRATES: A foreigner. 

COMPANION: Of what country? 

SOCRATES: Of Abdera. 

COMPANION: And is this stranger really in your opinion a  fairer love than  the son of Cleinias? 

SOCRATES: And is not the wiser always the fairer, sweet  friend? 

COMPANION: But have you really met, Socrates, with some wise  one? 

SOCRATES: Say rather, with the wisest of all living men, if  you are  willing to accord that title to

Protagoras. 

COMPANION: What!  Is Protagoras in Athens? 

SOCRATES: Yes; he has been here two days. 

COMPANION: And do you just come from an interview with him? 

SOCRATES: Yes; and I have heard and said many things. 

COMPANION: Then, if you have no engagement, suppose that you  sit down and  tell me what passed, and

my attendant here shall give up  his place to you. 

SOCRATES: To be sure; and I shall be grateful to you for  listening. 


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COMPANION: Thank you, too, for telling us. 

SOCRATES: That is thank you twice over.  Listen then: 

Last night, or rather very early this morning, Hippocrates, the son  of  Apollodorus and the brother of Phason,

gave a tremendous thump with  his  staff at my door; some one opened to him, and he came rushing in  and

bawled  out:  Socrates, are you awake or asleep? 

I knew his voice, and said:  Hippocrates, is that you? and do you  bring any  news? 

Good news, he said; nothing but good. 

Delightful, I said; but what is the news? and why have you come  hither at  this unearthly hour? 

He drew nearer to me and said:  Protagoras is come. 

Yes, I replied; he came two days ago:  have you only just heard of  his  arrival? 

Yes, by the gods, he said; but not until yesterday evening. 

At the same time he felt for the trucklebed, and sat down at my  feet, and  then he said:  Yesterday quite late

in the evening, on my  return from Oenoe  whither I had gone in pursuit of my runaway slave  Satyrus, as I

meant to  have told you, if some other matter had not  come in the way;on my return,  when we had done

supper and were about  to retire to rest, my brother said  to me:  Protagoras is come.  I was  going to you at once,

and then I thought  that the night was far spent.  But the moment sleep left me after my  fatigue, I got up and

came  hither direct. 

I, who knew the very courageous madness of the man, said:  What is  the  matter?  Has Protagoras robbed you

of anything? 

He replied, laughing:  Yes, indeed he has, Socrates, of the wisdom  which he  keeps from me. 

But, surely, I said, if you give him money, and make friends with  him, he  will make you as wise as he is

himself. 

Would to heaven, he replied, that this were the case!  He might  take all  that I have, and all that my friends

have, if he pleased.  But that is why  I have come to you now, in order that you may speak  to him on my

behalf;  for I am young, and also I have never seen nor  heard him; (when he visited  Athens before I was but a

child;) and all  men praise him, Socrates; he is  reputed to be the most accomplished of  speakers.  There is no

reason why we  should not go to him at once, and  then we shall find him at home.  He  lodges, as I hear, with

Callias  the son of Hipponicus:  let us start. 

I replied:  Not yet, my good friend; the hour is too early.  But  let us  rise and take a turn in the court and wait

about there until  daybreak;  when the day breaks, then we will go.  For Protagoras is  generally at home,  and

we shall be sure to find him; never fear. 

Upon this we got up and walked about in the court, and I thought  that I  would make trial of the strength of his

resolution.  So I  examined him and  put questions to him.  Tell me, Hippocrates, I said,  as you are going to

Protagoras, and will be paying your money to him,  what is he to whom you  are going? and what will he make

of you?  If,  for example, you had thought  of going to Hippocrates of Cos, the  Asclepiad, and were about to

give him  your money, and some one had  said to you:  You are paying money to your  namesake Hippocrates,


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O  Hippocrates; tell me, what is he that you give him  money? how would  you have answered? 

I should say, he replied, that I gave money to him as a physician. 

And what will he make of you? 

A physician, he said. 

And if you were resolved to go to Polycleitus the Argive, or  Pheidias the  Athenian, and were intending to

give them money, and some  one had asked  you:  What are Polycleitus and Pheidias? and why do you  give

them this  money?how would you have answered? 

I should have answered, that they were statuaries. 

And what will they make of you? 

A statuary, of course. 

Well now, I said, you and I are going to Protagoras, and we are  ready to  pay him money on your behalf.  If

our own means are  sufficient, and we can  gain him with these, we shall be only too glad;  but if not, then we

are to  spend the money of your friends as well.  Now suppose, that while we are  thus enthusiastically pursuing

our  object some one were to say to us:  Tell  me, Socrates, and you  Hippocrates, what is Protagoras, and why

are you  going to pay him  money,how should we answer?  I know that Pheidias is a  sculptor, and  that

Homer is a poet; but what appellation is given to  Protagoras? how  is he designated? 

They call him a Sophist, Socrates, he replied. 

Then we are going to pay our money to him in the character of a  Sophist? 

Certainly. 

But suppose a person were to ask this further question:  And how  about  yourself?  What will Protagoras make

of you, if you go to see  him? 

He answered, with a blush upon his face (for the day was just  beginning to  dawn, so that I could see him):

Unless this differs in  some way from the  former instances, I suppose that he will make a  Sophist of me. 

By the gods, I said, and are you not ashamed at having to appear  before the  Hellenes in the character of a

Sophist? 

Indeed, Socrates, to confess the truth, I am. 

But you should not assume, Hippocrates, that the instruction of  Protagoras  is of this nature:  may you not learn

of him in the same  way that you  learned the arts of the grammarian, or musician, or  trainer, not with the  view

of making any of them a profession, but  only as a part of education,  and because a private gentleman and

freeman ought to know them? 

Just so, he said; and that, in my opinion, is a far truer account  of the  teaching of Protagoras. 

I said:  I wonder whether you know what you are doing? 


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And what am I doing? 

You are going to commit your soul to the care of a man whom you  call a  Sophist.  And yet I hardly think that

you know what a Sophist  is; and if  not, then you do not even know to whom you are committing  your soul

and  whether the thing to which you commit yourself be good  or evil. 

I certainly think that I do know, he replied. 

Then tell me, what do you imagine that he is? 

I take him to be one who knows wise things, he replied, as his name  implies. 

And might you not, I said, affirm this of the painter and of the  carpenter  also:  Do not they, too, know wise

things?  But suppose a  person were to  ask us:  In what are the painters wise?  We should  answer:  In what

relates  to the making of likenesses, and similarly of  other things.  And if he were  further to ask:  What is the

wisdom of  the Sophist, and what is the  manufacture over which he presides?how  should we answer him? 

How should we answer him, Socrates?  What other answer could there  be but  that he presides over the art

which makes men eloquent? 

Yes, I replied, that is very likely true, but not enough; for in  the answer  a further question is involved:  Of

what does the Sophist  make a man talk  eloquently?  The player on the lyre may be supposed to  make a man

talk  eloquently about that which he makes him understand,  that is about playing  the lyre.  Is not that true? 

Yes. 

Then about what does the Sophist make him eloquent?  Must not he  make him  eloquent in that which he

understands? 

Yes, that may be assumed. 

And what is that which the Sophist knows and makes his disciple  know? 

Indeed, he said, I cannot tell. 

Then I proceeded to say:  Well, but are you aware of the danger  which you  are incurring?  If you were going to

commit your body to  some one, who  might do good or harm to it, would you not carefully  consider and ask

the  opinion of your friends and kindred, and  deliberate many days as to whether  you should give him the care

of  your body?  But when the soul is in  question, which you hold to be of  far more value than the body, and

upon  the good or evil of which  depends the wellbeing of your all,about this  you never consulted  either

with your father or with your brother or with  any one of us who  are your companions.  But no sooner does this

foreigner  appear, than  you instantly commit your soul to his keeping.  In the  evening, as you  say, you hear of

him, and in the morning you go to him,  never  deliberating or taking the opinion of any one as to whether you

ought  to intrust yourself to him or not;you have quite made up your mind  that  you will at all hazards be a

pupil of Protagoras, and are  prepared to  expend all the property of yourself and of your friends in  carrying out

at  any price this determination, although, as you admit,  you do not know him,  and have never spoken with

him:  and you call him  a Sophist, but are  manifestly ignorant of what a Sophist is; and yet  you are going to

commit  yourself to his keeping. 

When he heard me say this, he replied:  No other inference,  Socrates, can  be drawn from your words. 


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I proceeded:  Is not a Sophist, Hippocrates, one who deals  wholesale or  retail in the food of the soul?  To me

that appears to be  his nature. 

And what, Socrates, is the food of the soul? 

Surely, I said, knowledge is the food of the soul; and we must take  care,  my friend, that the Sophist does not

deceive us when he praises  what he  sells, like the dealers wholesale or retail who sell the food  of the body;

for they praise indiscriminately all their goods, without  knowing what are  really beneficial or hurtful:  neither

do their  customers know, with the  exception of any trainer or physician who may  happen to buy of them.  In

like manner those who carry about the wares  of knowledge, and make the  round of the cities, and sell or retail

them to any customer who is in want  of them, praise them all alike;  though I should not wonder, O my friend,

if  many of them were really  ignorant of their effect upon the soul; and their  customers equally  ignorant,

unless he who buys of them happens to be a  physician of the  soul.  If, therefore, you have understanding of

what is  good and evil,  you may safely buy knowledge of Protagoras or of any one;  but if not,  then, O my

friend, pause, and do not hazard your dearest  interests at  a game of chance.  For there is far greater peril in

buying  knowledge  than in buying meat and drink:  the one you purchase of the  wholesale  or retail dealer, and

carry them away in other vessels, and  before you  receive them into the body as food, you may deposit them at

home  and  call in any experienced friend who knows what is good to be eaten or  drunken, and what not, and

how much, and when; and then the danger of  purchasing them is not so great.  But you cannot buy the wares

of  knowledge  and carry them away in another vessel; when you have paid  for them you must  receive them

into the soul and go your way, either  greatly harmed or  greatly benefited; and therefore we should  deliberate

and take counsel with  our elders; for we are still  youngtoo young to determine such a matter.  And now let

us go, as we  were intending, and hear Protagoras; and when we  have heard what he  has to say, we may take

counsel of others; for not only  is Protagoras  at the house of Callias, but there is Hippias of Elis, and,  if I am

not mistaken, Prodicus of Ceos, and several other wise men. 

To this we agreed, and proceeded on our way until we reached the  vestibule  of the house; and there we

stopped in order to conclude a  discussion which  had arisen between us as we were going along; and we  stood

talking in the  vestibule until we had finished and come to an  understanding.  And I think  that the doorkeeper,

who was a eunuch,  and who was probably annoyed at the  great inroad of the Sophists, must  have heard us

talking.  At any rate,  when we knocked at the door, and  he opened and saw us, he grumbled:  They  are

Sophistshe is not at  home; and instantly gave the door a hearty bang  with both his hands.  Again we

knocked, and he answered without opening:  Did you not hear  me say that he is not at home, fellows?  But, my

friend, I  said, you  need not be alarmed; for we are not Sophists, and we are not come  to  see Callias, but we

want to see Protagoras; and I must request you to  announce us.  At last, after a good deal of difficulty, the man

was  persuaded to open the door. 

When we entered, we found Protagoras taking a walk in the cloister;  and  next to him, on one side, were

walking Callias, the son of  Hipponicus, and  Paralus, the son of Pericles, who, by the mother's  side, is his

half  brother, and Charmides, the son of Glaucon.  On the  other side of him were  Xanthippus, the other son of

Pericles,  Philippides, the son of Philomelus;  also Antimoerus of Mende, who of  all the disciples of Protagoras

is the  most famous, and intends to  make sophistry his profession.  A train of  listeners followed him; the

greater part of them appeared to be foreigners,  whom Protagoras had  brought with him out of the various

cities visited by  him in his  journeys, he, like Orpheus, attracting them his voice, and they  following (Compare

Rep.).  I should mention also that there were some  Athenians in the company.  Nothing delighted me more

than the  precision of  their movements:  they never got into his way at all; but  when he and those  who were

with him turned back, then the band of  listeners parted regularly  on either side; he was always in front, and

they wheeled round and took  their places behind him in perfect order. 

After him, as Homer says (Od.), 'I lifted up my eyes and saw'  Hippias the  Elean sitting in the opposite cloister

on a chair of  state, and around him  were seated on benches Eryximachus, the son of  Acumenus, and Phaedrus


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the  Myrrhinusian, and Andron the son of  Androtion, and there were strangers  whom he had brought with him

from  his native city of Elis, and some others:  they were putting to Hippias  certain physical and astronomical

questions,  and he, ex cathedra, was  determining their several questions to them, and  discoursing of them. 

Also, 'my eyes beheld Tantalus (Od.);' for Prodicus the Cean was at  Athens:  he had been lodged in a room

which, in the days of Hipponicus,  was a  storehouse; but, as the house was full, Callias had cleared this  out

and  made the room into a guestchamber.  Now Prodicus was still in  bed, wrapped  up in sheepskins and

bedclothes, of which there seemed to  be a great heap;  and there was sitting by him on the couches near,

Pausanias of the deme of  Cerameis, and with Pausanias was a youth  quite young, who is certainly  remarkable

for his good looks, and, if I  am not mistaken, is also of a fair  and gentle nature.  I thought that  I heard him

called Agathon, and my  suspicion is that he is the beloved  of Pausanias.  There was this youth,  and also there

were the two  Adeimantuses, one the son of Cepis, and the  other of Leucolophides,  and some others.  I was

very anxious to hear what  Prodicus was saying,  for he seems to me to be an allwise and inspired man;  but I

was not  able to get into the inner circle, and his fine deep voice  made an  echo in the room which rendered his

words inaudible. 

No sooner had we entered than there followed us Alcibiades the  beautiful,  as you say, and I believe you; and

also Critias the son of  Callaeschrus. 

On entering we stopped a little, in order to look about us, and  then walked  up to Protagoras, and I said:

Protagoras, my friend  Hippocrates and I have  come to see you. 

Do you wish, he said, to speak with me alone, or in the presence of  the  company? 

Whichever you please, I said; you shall determine when you have  heard the  purpose of our visit. 

And what is your purpose? he said. 

I must explain, I said, that my friend Hippocrates is a native  Athenian; he  is the son of Apollodorus, and of a

great and prosperous  house, and he is  himself in natural ability quite a match for anybody  of his own age.  I

believe that he aspires to political eminence; and  this he thinks that  conversation with you is most likely to

procure  for him.  And now you can  determine whether you would wish to speak to  him of your teaching alone

or  in the presence of the company. 

Thank you, Socrates, for your consideration of me.  For certainly a  stranger finding his way into great cities,

and persuading the flower  of  the youth in them to leave company of their kinsmen or any other

acquaintances, old or young, and live with him, under the idea that  they  will be improved by his conversation,

ought to be very cautious;  great  jealousies are aroused by his proceedings, and he is the subject  of many

enmities and conspiracies.  Now the art of the Sophist is, as  I believe, of  great antiquity; but in ancient times

those who  practised it, fearing this  odium, veiled and disguised themselves  under various names, some under

that  of poets, as Homer, Hesiod, and  Simonides, some, of hierophants and  prophets, as Orpheus and Musaeus,

and some, as I observe, even under the  name of gymnasticmasters, like  Iccus of Tarentum, or the more

recently  celebrated Herodicus, now of  Selymbria and formerly of Megara, who is a  firstrate Sophist.  Your

own Agathocles pretended to be a musician, but  was really an eminent  Sophist; also Pythocleides the Cean;

and there were  many others; and  all of them, as I was saying, adopted these arts as veils  or disguises  because

they were afraid of the odium which they would incur.  But that  is not my way, for I do not believe that they

effected their  purpose,  which was to deceive the government, who were not blinded by them;  and  as to the

people, they have no understanding, and only repeat what  their rulers are pleased to tell them.  Now to run

away, and to be  caught  in running away, is the very height of folly, and also greatly  increases  the

exasperation of mankind; for they regard him who runs  away as a rogue,  in addition to any other objections

which they have  to him; and therefore I  take an entirely opposite course, and  acknowledge myself to be a


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Sophist  and instructor of mankind; such an  open acknowledgement appears to me to be  a better sort of

caution than  concealment.  Nor do I neglect other  precautions, and therefore I  hope, as I may say, by the

favour of heaven  that no harm will come of  the acknowledgment that I am a Sophist.  And I  have been now

many  years in the professionfor all my years when added up  are many:  there is no one here present of

whom I might not be the father.  Wherefore I should much prefer conversing with you, if you want to  speak

with me, in the presence of the company. 

As I suspected that he would like to have a little display and  glorification in the presence of Prodicus and

Hippias, and would  gladly  show us to them in the light of his admirers, I said:  But why  should we  not

summon Prodicus and Hippias and their friends to hear  us? 

Very good, he said. 

Suppose, said Callias, that we hold a council in which you may sit  and  discuss.This was agreed upon, and

great delight was felt at the  prospect  of hearing wise men talk; we ourselves took the chairs and  benches, and

arranged them by Hippias, where the other benches had  been already placed.  Meanwhile Callias and

Alcibiades got Prodicus out  of bed and brought in him  and his companions. 

When we were all seated, Protagoras said:  Now that the company are  assembled, Socrates, tell me about the

young man of whom you were just  now  speaking. 

I replied:  I will begin again at the same point, Protagoras, and  tell you  once more the purport of my visit:  this

is my friend  Hippocrates, who is  desirous of making your acquaintance; he would  like to know what will

happen to him if he associates with you.  I  have no more to say. 

Protagoras answered:  Young man, if you associate with me, on the  very  first day you will return home a

better man than you came, and  better on  the second day than on the first, and better every day than  you were

on the  day before. 

When I heard this, I said:  Protagoras, I do not at all wonder at  hearing  you say this; even at your age, and

with all your wisdom, if  any one were  to teach you what you did not know before, you would  become better

no  doubt:  but please to answer in a different wayI  will explain how by an  example.  Let me suppose that

Hippocrates,  instead of desiring your  acquaintance, wished to become acquainted  with the young man

Zeuxippus of  Heraclea, who has lately been in  Athens, and he had come to him as he has  come to you, and

had heard  him say, as he has heard you say, that every day  he would grow and  become better if he associated

with him:  and then  suppose that he  were to ask him, 'In what shall I become better, and in  what shall I

grow?'Zeuxippus would answer, 'In painting.'  And suppose  that he  went to Orthagoras the Theban, and

heard him say the same thing,  and  asked him, 'In what shall I become better day by day?' he would reply,  'In

fluteplaying.'  Now I want you to make the same sort of answer to  this  young man and to me, who am asking

questions on his account.  When you say  that on the first day on which he associates with you he  will return

home a  better man, and on every day will grow in like  manner,in what,  Protagoras, will he be better? and

about what? 

When Protagoras heard me say this, he replied:  You ask questions  fairly,  and I like to answer a question

which is fairly put.  If  Hippocrates comes  to me he will not experience the sort of drudgery  with which other

Sophists  are in the habit of insulting their pupils;  who, when they have just  escaped from the arts, are taken

and driven  back into them by these  teachers, and made to learn calculation, and  astronomy, and geometry,

and  music (he gave a look at Hippias as he  said this); but if he comes to me,  he will learn that which he

comes  to learn.  And this is prudence in  affairs private as well as public;  he will learn to order his own house

in  the best manner, and he will  be able to speak and act for the best in the  affairs of the state. 


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Do I understand you, I said; and is your meaning that you teach the  art of  politics, and that you promise to

make men good citizens? 

That, Socrates, is exactly the profession which I make. 

Then, I said, you do indeed possess a noble art, if there is no  mistake  about this; for I will freely confess to

you, Protagoras, that  I have a  doubt whether this art is capable of being taught, and yet I  know not how  to

disbelieve your assertion.  And I ought to tell you  why I am of opinion  that this art cannot be taught or

communicated by  man to man.  I say that  the Athenians are an understanding people, and  indeed they are

esteemed to  be such by the other Hellenes.  Now I  observe that when we are met together  in the assembly, and

the matter  in hand relates to building, the builders  are summoned as advisers;  when the question is one of

shipbuilding, then  the shipwrights; and  the like of other arts which they think capable of  being taught and

learned.  And if some person offers to give them advice  who is not  supposed by them to have any skill in the

art, even though he be  goodlooking, and rich, and noble, they will not listen to him, but  laugh  and hoot at

him, until either he is clamoured down and retires  of himself;  or if he persist, he is dragged away or put out

by the  constables at the  command of the prytanes.  This is their way of  behaving about professors of  the arts.

But when the question is an  affair of state, then everybody is  free to have a saycarpenter,  tinker, cobbler,

sailor, passenger; rich and  poor, high and lowany  one who likes gets up, and no one reproaches him,  as in

the former  case, with not having learned, and having no teacher, and  yet giving  advice; evidently because

they are under the impression that  this sort  of knowledge cannot be taught.  And not only is this true of the

state, but of individuals; the best and wisest of our citizens are  unable  to impart their political wisdom to

others:  as for example,  Pericles, the  father of these young men, who gave them excellent  instruction in all that

could be learned from masters, in his own  department of politics neither  taught them, nor gave them teachers;

but they were allowed to wander at  their own free will in a sort of  hope that they would light upon virtue of

their own accord.  Or take  another example:  there was Cleinias the younger  brother of our friend  Alcibiades,

of whom this very same Pericles was the  guardian; and he  being in fact under the apprehension that Cleinias

would  be corrupted  by Alcibiades, took him away, and placed him in the house of  Ariphron  to be educated;

but before six months had elapsed, Ariphron sent  him  back, not knowing what to do with him.  And I could

mention numberless  other instances of persons who were good themselves, and never yet  made any  one else

good, whether friend or stranger.  Now I,  Protagoras, having these  examples before me, am inclined to think

that  virtue cannot be taught.  But  then again, when I listen to your words,  I waver; and am disposed to think

that there must be something in what  you say, because I know that you have  great experience, and learning,

and invention.  And I wish that you would,  if possible, show me a  little more clearly that virtue can be taught.

Will  you be so good? 

That I will, Socrates, and gladly.  But what would you like?  Shall  I, as  an elder, speak to you as younger men

in an apologue or myth, or  shall I  argue out the question? 

To this several of the company answered that he should choose for  himself. 

Well, then, he said, I think that the myth will be more  interesting. 

Once upon a time there were gods only, and no mortal creatures.  But when  the time came that these also

should be created, the gods  fashioned them  out of earth and fire and various mixtures of both  elements in the

interior  of the earth; and when they were about to  bring them into the light of day,  they ordered Prometheus

and  Epimetheus to equip them, and to distribute to  them severally their  proper qualities.  Epimetheus said to

Prometheus:  'Let me distribute,  and do you inspect.'  This was agreed, and Epimetheus  made the  distribution.

There were some to whom he gave strength without  swiftness, while he equipped the weaker with swiftness;

some he armed,  and  others he left unarmed; and devised for the latter some other  means of  preservation,

making some large, and having their size as a  protection, and  others small, whose nature was to fly in the air

or  burrow in the ground;  this was to be their way of escape.  Thus did he  compensate them with the  view of


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preventing any race from becoming  extinct.  And when he had  provided against their destruction by one

another, he contrived also a  means of protecting them against the  seasons of heaven; clothing them with  close

hair and thick skins  sufficient to defend them against the winter  cold and able to resist  the summer heat, so

that they might have a natural  bed of their own  when they wanted to rest; also he furnished them with  hoofs

and hair  and hard and callous skins under their feet.  Then he gave  them  varieties of food,herb of the soil to

some, to others fruits of  trees, and to others roots, and to some again he gave other animals as  food.  And

some he made to have few young ones, while those who were  their  prey were very prolific; and in this

manner the race was  preserved.  Thus  did Epimetheus, who, not being very wise, forgot that  he had distributed

among the brute animals all the qualities which he  had to give,and when  he came to man, who was still

unprovided, he  was terribly perplexed.  Now  while he was in this perplexity,  Prometheus came to inspect the

distribution, and he found that the  other animals were suitably furnished,  but that man alone was naked  and

shoeless, and had neither bed nor arms of  defence.  The appointed  hour was approaching when man in his turn

was to go  forth into the  light of day; and Prometheus, not knowing how he could  devise his  salvation, stole

the mechanical arts of Hephaestus and Athene,  and  fire with them (they could neither have been acquired nor

used without  fire), and gave them to man.  Thus man had the wisdom necessary to the  support of life, but

political wisdom he had not; for that was in the  keeping of Zeus, and the power of Prometheus did not extend

to  entering  into the citadel of heaven, where Zeus dwelt, who moreover  had terrible  sentinels; but he did enter

by stealth into the common  workshop of Athene  and Hephaestus, in which they used to practise  their

favourite arts, and  carried off Hephaestus' art of working by  fire, and also the art of Athene,  and gave them to

man.  And in this  way man was supplied with the means of  life.  But Prometheus is said  to have been

afterwards prosecuted for theft,  owing to the blunder of  Epimetheus. 

Now man, having a share of the divine attributes, was at first the  only one  of the animals who had any gods,

because he alone was of  their kindred; and  he would raise altars and images of them.  He was  not long in

inventing  articulate speech and names; and he also  constructed houses and clothes and  shoes and beds, and

drew sustenance  from the earth.  Thus provided, mankind  at first lived dispersed, and  there were no cities.  But

the consequence  was that they were  destroyed by the wild beasts, for they were utterly weak  in comparison  of

them, and their art was only sufficient to provide them  with the  means of life, and did not enable them to

carry on war against the  animals:  food they had, but not as yet the art of government, of  which the  art of war

is a part.  After a while the desire of  selfpreservation  gathered them into cities; but when they were  gathered

together, having no  art of government, they evil intreated  one another, and were again in  process of

dispersion and destruction.  Zeus feared that the entire race  would be exterminated, and so he  sent Hermes to

them, bearing reverence and  justice to be the ordering  principles of cities and the bonds of friendship  and

conciliation.  Hermes asked Zeus how he should impart justice and  reverence among  men:Should he

distribute them as the arts are  distributed; that is  to say, to a favoured few only, one skilled individual  having

enough  of medicine or of any other art for many unskilled ones?  'Shall this  be the manner in which I am to

distribute justice and reverence  among  men, or shall I give them to all?'  'To all,' said Zeus; 'I should  like them

all to have a share; for cities cannot exist, if a few only  share  in the virtues, as in the arts.  And further, make a

law by my  order, that  he who has no part in reverence and justice shall be put  to death, for he  is a plague of

the state.' 

And this is the reason, Socrates, why the Athenians and mankind in  general,  when the question relates to

carpentering or any other  mechanical art,  allow but a few to share in their deliberations; and  when any one

else  interferes, then, as you say, they object, if he be  not of the favoured  few; which, as I reply, is very

natural.  But when  they meet to deliberate  about political virtue, which proceeds only by  way of justice and

wisdom,  they are patient enough of any man who  speaks of them, as is also natural,  because they think that

every man  ought to share in this sort of virtue,  and that states could not exist  if this were otherwise.  I have

explained  to you, Socrates, the reason  of this phenomenon. 

And that you may not suppose yourself to be deceived in thinking  that all  men regard every man as having a

share of justice or honesty  and of every  other political virtue, let me give you a further proof,  which is this.  In


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other cases, as you are aware, if a man says that  he is a good flute  player, or skilful in any other art in which

he  has no skill, people either  laugh at him or are angry with him, and  his relations think that he is mad  and go

and admonish him; but when  honesty is in question, or some other  political virtue, even if they  know that he

is dishonest, yet, if the man  comes publicly forward and  tells the truth about his dishonesty, then, what  in the

other case was  held by them to be good sense, they now deem to be  madness.  They say  that all men ought to

profess honesty whether they are  honest or not,  and that a man is out of his mind who says anything else.

Their notion  is, that a man must have some degree of honesty; and that if  he has  none at all he ought not to be

in the world. 

I have been showing that they are right in admitting every man as a  counsellor about this sort of virtue, as

they are of opinion that  every man  is a partaker of it.  And I will now endeavour to show  further that they do

not conceive this virtue to be given by nature,  or to grow spontaneously,  but to be a thing which may be

taught; and  which comes to a man by taking  pains.  No one would instruct, no one  would rebuke, or be angry

with those  whose calamities they suppose to  be due to nature or chance; they do not  try to punish or to

prevent  them from being what they are; they do but pity  them.  Who is so  foolish as to chastise or instruct the

ugly, or the  diminutive, or the  feeble?  And for this reason.  Because he knows that  good and evil of  this kind

is the work of nature and of chance; whereas if  a man is  wanting in those good qualities which are attained by

study and  exercise and teaching, and has only the contrary evil qualities, other  men  are angry with him, and

punish and reprove himof these evil  qualities one  is impiety, another injustice, and they may be described

generally as the  very opposite of political virtue.  In such cases any  man will be angry  with another, and

reprimand him,clearly because he  thinks that by study  and learning, the virtue in which the other is

deficient may be acquired.  If you will think, Socrates, of the nature  of punishment, you will see at  once that

in the opinion of mankind  virtue may be acquired; no one punishes  the evildoer under the  notion, or for the

reason, that he has done wrong,  only the  unreasonable fury of a beast acts in that manner.  But he who

desires  to inflict rational punishment does not retaliate for a past wrong  which cannot be undone; he has

regard to the future, and is desirous  that  the man who is punished, and he who sees him punished, may be

deterred from  doing wrong again.  He punishes for the sake of  prevention, thereby clearly  implying that virtue

is capable of being  taught.  This is the notion of all  who retaliate upon others either  privately or publicly.  And

the Athenians,  too, your own citizens,  like other men, punish and take vengeance on all  whom they regard as

evil doers; and hence, we may infer them to be of the  number of those  who think that virtue may be acquired

and taught.  Thus  far, Socrates,  I have shown you clearly enough, if I am not mistaken, that  your  countrymen

are right in admitting the tinker and the cobbler to advise  about politics, and also that they deem virtue to be

capable of being  taught and acquired. 

There yet remains one difficulty which has been raised by you about  the  sons of good men.  What is the

reason why good men teach their  sons the  knowledge which is gained from teachers, and make them wise  in

that, but do  nothing towards improving them in the virtues which  distinguish themselves?  And here, Socrates,

I will leave the apologue  and resume the argument.  Please to consider:  Is there or is there not  some one

quality of which all  the citizens must be partakers, if there  is to be a city at all?  In the  answer to this question

is contained  the only solution of your difficulty;  there is no other.  For if there  be any such quality, and this

quality or  unity is not the art of the  carpenter, or the smith, or the potter, but  justice and temperance and

holiness and, in a word, manly virtueif this  is the quality of which  all men must be partakers, and which is

the very  condition of their  learning or doing anything else, and if he who is  wanting in this,  whether he be a

child only or a grownup man or woman,  must be taught  and punished, until by punishment he becomes

better, and he  who rebels  against instruction and punishment is either exiled or condemned  to  death under the

idea that he is incurableif what I am saying be true,  good men have their sons taught other things and not

this, do consider  how  extraordinary their conduct would appear to be.  For we have shown  that  they think

virtue capable of being taught and cultivated both in  private  and public; and, notwithstanding, they have their

sons taught  lesser  matters, ignorance of which does not involve the punishment of  death:  but  greater things,

of which the ignorance may cause death and  exile to those  who have no training or knowledge of themaye,

and  confiscation as well as  death, and, in a word, may be the ruin of  familiesthose things, I say,  they are


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supposed not to teach  them,not to take the utmost care that they  should learn.  How  improbable is this,

Socrates! 

Education and admonition commence in the first years of childhood,  and last  to the very end of life.  Mother

and nurse and father and  tutor are vying  with one another about the improvement of the child as  soon as ever

he is  able to understand what is being said to him:  he  cannot say or do anything  without their setting forth to

him that this  is just and that is unjust;  this is honourable, that is dishonourable;  this is holy, that is unholy; do

this and abstain from that.  And if  he obeys, well and good; if not, he is  straightened by threats and  blows, like

a piece of bent or warped wood.  At  a later stage they  send him to teachers, and enjoin them to see to his

manners even more  than to his reading and music; and the teachers do as  they are  desired.  And when the boy

has learned his letters and is  beginning to  understand what is written, as before he understood only what  was

spoken, they put into his hands the works of great poets, which he  reads sitting on a bench at school; in these

are contained many  admonitions, and many tales, and praises, and encomia of ancient  famous  men, which he

is required to learn by heart, in order that he  may imitate  or emulate them and desire to become like them.

Then,  again, the teachers  of the lyre take similar care that their young  disciple is temperate and  gets into no

mischief; and when they have  taught him the use of the lyre,  they introduce him to the poems of  other

excellent poets, who are the lyric  poets; and these they set to  music, and make their harmonies and rhythms

quite familiar to the  children's souls, in order that they may learn to be  more gentle, and  harmonious, and

rhythmical, and so more fitted for speech  and action;  for the life of man in every part has need of harmony

and  rhythm.  Then they send them to the master of gymnastic, in order that  their  bodies may better minister to

the virtuous mind, and that they may  not  be compelled through bodily weakness to play the coward in war or

on  any other occasion.  This is what is done by those who have the means,  and  those who have the means are

the rich; their children begin to go  to school  soonest and leave off latest.  When they have done with  masters,

the state  again compels them to learn the laws, and live  after the pattern which they  furnish, and not after

their own fancies;  and just as in learning to write,  the writingmaster first draws lines  with a style for the use

of the young  beginner, and gives him the  tablet and makes him follow the lines, so the  city draws the laws,

which were the invention of good lawgivers living in  the olden time;  these are given to the young man, in

order to guide him in  his conduct  whether he is commanding or obeying; and he who transgresses  them is  to

be corrected, or, in other words, called to account, which is a  term used not only in your country, but also in

many others, seeing  that  justice calls men to account.  Now when there is all this care  about virtue  private and

public, why, Socrates, do you still wonder  and doubt whether  virtue can be taught?  Cease to wonder, for the

opposite would be far more  surprising. 

But why then do the sons of good fathers often turn out ill?  There  is  nothing very wonderful in this; for, as I

have been saying, the  existence  of a state implies that virtue is not any man's private  possession.  If so  and

nothing can be truerthen I will further ask  you to imagine, as an  illustration, some other pursuit or branch

of  knowledge which may be  assumed equally to be the condition of the  existence of a state.  Suppose  that

there could be no state unless we  were all fluteplayers, as far as  each had the capacity, and everybody  was

freely teaching everybody the art,  both in private and public, and  reproving the bad player as freely and

openly as every man now teaches  justice and the laws, not concealing them  as he would conceal the  other

arts, but imparting themfor all of us have  a mutual interest  in the justice and virtue of one another, and this

is the  reason why  every one is so ready to teach justice and the laws;suppose, I  say,  that there were the

same readiness and liberality among us in teaching  one another fluteplaying, do you imagine, Socrates, that

the sons of  good  fluteplayers would be more likely to be good than the sons of  bad ones?  I  think not.  Would

not their sons grow up to be  distinguished or  undistinguished according to their own natural  capacities as

fluteplayers,  and the son of a good player would often  turn out to be a bad one, and the  son of a bad player

to be a good  one, all fluteplayers would be good  enough in comparison of those who  were ignorant and

unacquainted with the  art of fluteplaying?  In like  manner I would have you consider that he who  appears to

you to be the  worst of those who have been brought up in laws  and humanities, would  appear to be a just man

and a master of justice if he  were to be  compared with men who had no education, or courts of justice, or

laws,  or any restraints upon them which compelled them to practise virtue  with the savages, for example,


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whom the poet Pherecrates exhibited on  the  stage at the last year's Lenaean festival.  If you were living  among

men  such as the manhaters in his Chorus, you would be only too  glad to meet  with Eurybates and

Phrynondas, and you would sorrowfully  long to revisit  the rascality of this part of the world.  You,  Socrates,

are discontented,  and why?  Because all men are teachers of  virtue, each one according to his  ability; and you

say Where are the  teachers?  You might as well ask, Who  teaches Greek?  For of that too  there will not be any

teachers found.  Or  you might ask, Who is to  teach the sons of our artisans this same art which  they have

learned  of their fathers?  He and his fellowworkmen have taught  them to the  best of their ability,but who

will carry them further in  their arts?  And you would certainly have a difficulty, Socrates, in  finding a  teacher

of them; but there would be no difficulty in finding a  teacher  of those who are wholly ignorant.  And this is

true of virtue or of  anything else; if a man is better able than we are to promote virtue  ever  so little, we must

be content with the result.  A teacher of this  sort I  believe myself to be, and above all other men to have the

knowledge which  makes a man noble and good; and I give my pupils their  money'sworth, and  even more, as

they themselves confess.  And  therefore I have introduced the  following mode of payment:When a man  has

been my pupil, if he likes he  pays my price, but there is no  compulsion; and if he does not like, he has  only to

go into a temple  and take an oath of the value of the instructions,  and he pays no more  than he declares to be

their value. 

Such is my Apologue, Socrates, and such is the argument by which I  endeavour to show that virtue may be

taught, and that this is the  opinion  of the Athenians.  And I have also attempted to show that you  are not to

wonder at good fathers having bad sons, or at good sons  having bad fathers,  of which the sons of Polycleitus

afford an  example, who are the companions  of our friends here, Paralus and  Xanthippus, but are nothing in

comparison  with their father; and this  is true of the sons of many other artists.  As  yet I ought not to say  the

same of Paralus and Xanthippus themselves, for  they are young and  there is still hope of them. 

Protagoras ended, and in my ear 

'So charming left his voice, that I the while  Thought him still  speaking; still stood fixed to hear (Borrowed by

Milton,  "Paradise  Lost".).' 

At length, when the truth dawned upon me, that he had really  finished, not  without difficulty I began to

collect myself, and  looking at Hippocrates, I  said to him:  O son of Apollodorus, how  deeply grateful I am to

you for  having brought me hither; I would not  have missed the speech of Protagoras  for a great deal.  For I

used to  imagine that no human care could make men  good; but I know better now.  Yet I have still one very

small difficulty  which I am sure that  Protagoras will easily explain, as he has already  explained so much.  If a

man were to go and consult Pericles or any of our  great speakers  about these matters, he might perhaps hear

as fine a  discourse; but  then when one has a question to ask of any of them, like  books, they  can neither

answer nor ask; and if any one challenges the least  particular of their speech, they go ringing on in a long

harangue,  like  brazen pots, which when they are struck continue to sound unless  some one  puts his hand upon

them; whereas our friend Protagoras can  not only make a  good speech, as he has already shown, but when he

is  asked a question he  can answer briefly; and when he asks he will wait  and hear the answer; and  this is a

very rare gift.  Now I, Protagoras,  want to ask of you a little  question, which if you will only answer, I  shall be

quite satisfied.  You  were saying that virtue can be  taught;that I will take upon your  authority, and there is

no one to  whom I am more ready to trust.  But I  marvel at one thing about which  I should like to have my

mind set at rest.  You were speaking of Zeus  sending justice and reverence to men; and several  times while

you were  speaking, justice, and temperance, and holiness, and  all these  qualities, were described by you as if

together they made up  virtue.  Now I want you to tell me truly whether virtue is one whole, of  which  justice

and temperance and holiness are parts; or whether all these  are only the names of one and the same thing:  that

is the doubt which  still lingers in my mind. 

There is no difficulty, Socrates, in answering that the qualities  of which  you are speaking are the parts of

virtue which is one. 


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And are they parts, I said, in the same sense in which mouth, nose,  and  eyes, and ears, are the parts of a face;

or are they like the  parts of  gold, which differ from the whole and from one another only  in being larger  or

smaller? 

I should say that they differed, Socrates, in the first way; they  are  related to one another as the parts of a face

are related to the  whole  face. 

And do men have some one part and some another part of virtue?  Or  if a man  has one part, must he also have

all the others? 

By no means, he said; for many a man is brave and not just, or just  and not  wise. 

You would not deny, then, that courage and wisdom are also parts of  virtue? 

Most undoubtedly they are, he answered; and wisdom is the noblest  of the  parts. 

And they are all different from one another? I said. 

Yes. 

And has each of them a distinct function like the parts of the  face;the  eye, for example, is not like the ear,

and has not the same  functions; and  the other parts are none of them like one another,  either in their

functions, or in any other way?  I want to know  whether the comparison  holds concerning the parts of virtue.

Do they  also differ from one another  in themselves and in their functions?  For that is clearly what the simile

would imply. 

Yes, Socrates, you are right in supposing that they differ. 

Then, I said, no other part of virtue is like knowledge, or like  justice,  or like courage, or like temperance, or

like holiness? 

No, he answered. 

Well then, I said, suppose that you and I enquire into their  natures.  And  first, you would agree with me that

justice is of the  nature of a thing,  would you not?  That is my opinion:  would it not  be yours also? 

Mine also, he said. 

And suppose that some one were to ask us, saying, 'O Protagoras,  and you,  Socrates, what about this thing

which you were calling  justice, is it just  or unjust?'and I were to answer, just:  would  you vote with me or

against  me? 

With you, he said. 

Thereupon I should answer to him who asked me, that justice is of  the  nature of the just:  would not you? 

Yes, he said. 

And suppose that he went on to say:  'Well now, is there also such  a thing  as holiness?'we should answer,

'Yes,' if I am not mistaken? 


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Yes, he said. 

Which you would also acknowledge to be a thingshould we not say  so? 

He assented. 

'And is this a sort of thing which is of the nature of the holy, or  of the  nature of the unholy?'  I should be angry

at his putting such a  question,  and should say, 'Peace, man; nothing can be holy if holiness  is not holy.'  What

would you say?  Would you not answer in the same  way? 

Certainly, he said. 

And then after this suppose that he came and asked us, 'What were  you  saying just now?  Perhaps I may not

have heard you rightly, but  you seemed  to me to be saying that the parts of virtue were not the  same as one

another.'  I should reply, 'You certainly heard that said,  but not, as you  imagine, by me; for I only asked the

question;  Protagoras gave the answer.'  And suppose that he turned to you and  said, 'Is this true, Protagoras?

and  do you maintain that one part of  virtue is unlike another, and is this your  position?'how would you

answer him? 

I could not help acknowledging the truth of what he said, Socrates. 

Well then, Protagoras, we will assume this; and now supposing that  he  proceeded to say further, 'Then

holiness is not of the nature of  justice,  nor justice of the nature of holiness, but of the nature of  unholiness;

and  holiness is of the nature of the not just, and  therefore of the unjust, and  the unjust is the unholy':  how

shall we  answer him?  I should certainly  answer him on my own behalf that  justice is holy, and that holiness is

just; and I would say in like  manner on your behalf also, if you would  allow me, that justice is  either the same

with holiness, or very nearly the  same; and above all  I would assert that justice is like holiness and  holiness is

like  justice; and I wish that you would tell me whether I may  be permitted  to give this answer on your behalf,

and whether you would  agree with  me. 

He replied, I cannot simply agree, Socrates, to the proposition  that  justice is holy and that holiness is just, for

there appears to  me to be a  difference between them.  But what matter? if you please I  please; and let  us

assume, if you will I, that justice is holy, and  that holiness is just. 

Pardon me, I replied; I do not want this 'if you wish' or 'if you  will'  sort of conclusion to be proven, but I want

you and me to be  proven:  I  mean to say that the conclusion will be best proven if  there be no 'if.' 

Well, he said, I admit that justice bears a resemblance to  holiness, for  there is always some point of view in

which everything  is like every other  thing; white is in a certain way like black, and  hard is like soft, and the

most extreme opposites have some qualities  in common; even the parts of the  face which, as we were saying

before,  are distinct and have different  functions, are still in a certain  point of view similar, and one of them is

like another of them.  And  you may prove that they are like one another on  the same principle  that all things

are like one another; and yet things  which are like in  some particular ought not to be called alike, nor things

which are  unlike in some particular, however slight, unlike. 

And do you think, I said in a tone of surprise, that justice and  holiness  have but a small degree of likeness? 

Certainly not; any more than I agree with what I understand to be  your  view. 

Well, I said, as you appear to have a difficulty about this, let us  take  another of the examples which you

mentioned instead.  Do you  admit the  existence of folly? 


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I do. 

And is not wisdom the very opposite of folly? 

That is true, he said. 

And when men act rightly and advantageously they seem to you to be  temperate? 

Yes, he said. 

And temperance makes them temperate? 

Certainly. 

And they who do not act rightly act foolishly, and in acting thus  are not  temperate? 

I agree, he said. 

Then to act foolishly is the opposite of acting temperately? 

He assented. 

And foolish actions are done by folly, and temperate actions by  temperance? 

He agreed. 

And that is done strongly which is done by strength, and that which  is  weakly done, by weakness? 

He assented. 

And that which is done with swiftness is done swiftly, and that  which is  done with slowness, slowly? 

He assented again. 

And that which is done in the same manner, is done by the same; and  that  which is done in an opposite

manner by the opposite? 

He agreed. 

Once more, I said, is there anything beautiful? 

Yes. 

To which the only opposite is the ugly? 

There is no other. 

And is there anything good? 

There is. 


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To which the only opposite is the evil? 

There is no other. 

And there is the acute in sound? 

True. 

To which the only opposite is the grave? 

There is no other, he said, but that. 

Then every opposite has one opposite only and no more? 

He assented. 

Then now, I said, let us recapitulate our admissions.  First of all  we  admitted that everything has one opposite

and not more than one? 

We did so. 

And we admitted also that what was done in opposite ways was done  by  opposites? 

Yes. 

And that which was done foolishly, as we further admitted, was done  in the  opposite way to that which was

done temperately? 

Yes. 

And that which was done temperately was done by temperance, and  that which  was done foolishly by folly? 

He agreed. 

And that which is done in opposite ways is done by opposites? 

Yes. 

And one thing is done by temperance, and quite another thing by  folly? 

Yes. 

And in opposite ways? 

Certainly. 

And therefore by opposites:then folly is the opposite of  temperance? 

Clearly. 

And do you remember that folly has already been acknowledged by us  to be  the opposite of wisdom? 


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He assented. 

And we said that everything has only one opposite? 

Yes. 

Then, Protagoras, which of the two assertions shall we renounce?  One says  that everything has but one

opposite; the other that wisdom  is distinct  from temperance, and that both of them are parts of  virtue; and that

they  are not only distinct, but dissimilar, both in  themselves and in their  functions, like the parts of a face.

Which of  these two assertions shall  we renounce?  For both of them together are  certainly not in harmony;

they  do not accord or agree:  for how can  they be said to agree if everything is  assumed to have only one

opposite and not more than one, and yet folly,  which is one, has  clearly the two oppositeswisdom and

temperance?  Is not  that true,  Protagoras?  What else would you say? 

He assented, but with great reluctance. 

Then temperance and wisdom are the same, as before justice and  holiness  appeared to us to be nearly the

same.  And now, Protagoras, I  said, we must  finish the enquiry, and not faint.  Do you think that an  unjust man

can be  temperate in his injustice? 

I should be ashamed, Socrates, he said, to acknowledge this, which  nevertheless many may be found to

assert. 

And shall I argue with them or with you? I replied. 

I would rather, he said, that you should argue with the many first,  if you  will. 

Whichever you please, if you will only answer me and say whether  you are of  their opinion or not.  My object

is to test the validity of  the argument;  and yet the result may be that I who ask and you who  answer may both

be put  on our trial. 

Protagoras at first made a show of refusing, as he said that the  argument  was not encouraging; at length, he

consented to answer. 

Now then, I said, begin at the beginning and answer me.  You think  that  some men are temperate, and yet

unjust? 

Yes, he said; let that be admitted. 

And temperance is good sense? 

Yes. 

And good sense is good counsel in doing injustice? 

Granted. 

If they succeed, I said, or if they do not succeed? 

If they succeed. 


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And you would admit the existence of goods? 

Yes. 

And is the good that which is expedient for man? 

Yes, indeed, he said:  and there are some things which may be  inexpedient,  and yet I call them good. 

I thought that Protagoras was getting ruffled and excited; he  seemed to be  setting himself in an attitude of

war.  Seeing this, I  minded my business,  and gently said: 

When you say, Protagoras, that things inexpedient are good, do you  mean  inexpedient for man only, or

inexpedient altogether? and do you  call the  latter good? 

Certainly not the last, he replied; for I know of many  thingsmeats,  drinks, medicines, and ten thousand

other things, which  are inexpedient for  man, and some which are expedient; and some which  are neither

expedient nor  inexpedient for man, but only for horses;  and some for oxen only, and some  for dogs; and some

for no animals,  but only for trees; and some for the  roots of trees and not for their  branches, as for example,

manure, which is  a good thing when laid  about the roots of a tree, but utterly destructive  if thrown upon the

shoots and young branches; or I may instance olive oil,  which is  mischievous to all plants, and generally most

injurious to the  hair of  every animal with the exception of man, but beneficial to human  hair  and to the human

body generally; and even in this application (so  various and changeable is the nature of the benefit), that

which is  the  greatest good to the outward parts of a man, is a very great evil  to his  inward parts:  and for this

reason physicians always forbid  their patients  the use of oil in their food, except in very small  quantities, just

enough  to extinguish the disagreeable sensation of  smell in meats and sauces. 

When he had given this answer, the company cheered him.  And I  said:  Protagoras, I have a wretched

memory, and when any one makes a  long speech  to me I never remember what he is talking about.  As then,  if

I had been  deaf, and you were going to converse with me, you would  have had to raise  your voice; so now,

having such a bad memory, I will  ask you to cut your  answers shorter, if you would take me with you. 

What do you mean? he said:  how am I to shorten my answers? shall I  make  them too short? 

Certainly not, I said. 

But short enough? 

Yes, I said. 

Shall I answer what appears to me to be short enough, or what  appears to  you to be short enough? 

I have heard, I said, that you can speak and teach others to speak  about  the same things at such length that

words never seemed to fail,  or with  such brevity that no one could use fewer of them.  Please  therefore, if you

talk with me, to adopt the latter or more  compendious method. 

Socrates, he replied, many a battle of words have I fought, and if  I had  followed the method of disputation

which my adversaries desired,  as you  want me to do, I should have been no better than another, and  the name

of  Protagoras would have been nowhere. 

I saw that he was not satisfied with his previous answers, and that  he  would not play the part of answerer any

more if he could help; and  I  considered that there was no call upon me to continue the  conversation; so  I said:


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Protagoras, I do not wish to force the  conversation upon you if  you had rather not, but when you are willing

to argue with me in such a way  that I can follow you, then I will  argue with you.  Now you, as is said of  you

by others and as you say  of yourself, are able to have discussions in  shorter forms of speech  as well as in

longer, for you are a master of  wisdom; but I cannot  manage these long speeches:  I only wish that I could.

You, on the  other hand, who are capable of either, ought to speak shorter  as I beg  you, and then we might

converse.  But I see that you are  disinclined,  and as I have an engagement which will prevent my staying to

hear you  at greater length (for I have to be in another place), I will  depart;  although I should have liked to

have heard you. 

Thus I spoke, and was rising from my seat, when Callias seized me  by the  right hand, and in his left hand

caught hold of this old cloak  of mine.  He  said:  We cannot let you go, Socrates, for if you leave  us there will

be an  end of our discussions:  I must therefore beg you  to remain, as there is  nothing in the world that I should

like better  than to hear you and  Protagoras discourse.  Do not deny the company  this pleasure. 

Now I had got up, and was in the act of departure.  Son of  Hipponicus, I  replied, I have always admired, and

do now heartily  applaud and love your  philosophical spirit, and I would gladly comply  with your request, if I

could.  But the truth is that I cannot.  And  what you ask is as great an  impossibility to me, as if you bade me

run  a race with Crison of Himera,  when in his prime, or with some one of  the long or day course runners.  To

such a request I should reply that  I would fain ask the same of my own  legs; but they refuse to comply.  And

therefore if you want to see Crison  and me in the same stadium,  you must bid him slacken his speed to mine,

for  I cannot run quickly,  and he can run slowly.  And in like manner if you  want to hear me and  Protagoras

discoursing, you must ask him to shorten his  answers, and  keep to the point, as he did at first; if not, how can

there  be any  discussion?  For discussion is one thing, and making an oration is  quite another, in my humble

opinion. 

But you see, Socrates, said Callias, that Protagoras may fairly  claim to  speak in his own way, just as you

claim to speak in yours. 

Here Alcibiades interposed, and said:  That, Callias, is not a true  statement of the case.  For our friend Socrates

admits that he cannot  make  a speechin this he yields the palm to Protagoras:  but I should  be  greatly

surprised if he yielded to any living man in the power of  holding  and apprehending an argument.  Now if

Protagoras will make a  similar  admission, and confess that he is inferior to Socrates in  argumentative  skill,

that is enough for Socrates; but if he claims a  superiority in  argument as well, let him ask and answernot,

when a  question is asked,  slipping away from the point, and instead of  answering, making a speech at  such

length that most of his hearers  forget the question at issue (not that  Socrates is likely to forgetI  will be

bound for that, although he may  pretend in fun that he has a  bad memory).  And Socrates appears to me to be

more in the right than  Protagoras; that is my view, and every man ought to  say what he  thinks. 

When Alcibiades had done speaking, some oneCritias, I  believewent on to  say:  O Prodicus and Hippias,

Callias appears to  me to be a partisan of  Protagoras:  and this led Alcibiades, who loves  opposition, to take the

other side.  But we should not be partisans  either of Socrates or of  Protagoras; let us rather unite in entreating

both of them not to break up  the discussion. 

Prodicus added:  That, Critias, seems to me to be well said, for  those who  are present at such discussions

ought to be impartial  hearers of both the  speakers; remembering, however, that impartiality  is not the same as

equality, for both sides should be impartially  heard, and yet an equal meed  should not be assigned to both of

them;  but to the wiser a higher meed  should be given, and a lower to the  less wise.  And I as well as Critias

would beg you, Protagoras and  Socrates, to grant our request, which is,  that you will argue with one  another

and not wrangle; for friends argue  with friends out of  goodwill, but only adversaries and enemies wrangle.

And then our  meeting will be delightful; for in this way you, who are the  speakers,  will be most likely to win

esteem, and not praise only, among us  who  are your audience; for esteem is a sincere conviction of the


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hearers'  souls, but praise is often an insincere expression of men uttering  falsehoods contrary to their

conviction.  And thus we who are the  hearers  will be gratified and not pleased; for gratification is of the  mind

when  receiving wisdom and knowledge, but pleasure is of the body  when eating or  experiencing some other

bodily delight.  Thus spoke  Prodicus, and many of  the company applauded his words. 

Hippias the sage spoke next.  He said:  All of you who are here  present I  reckon to be kinsmen and friends and

fellowcitizens, by  nature and not by  law; for by nature like is akin to like, whereas law  is the tyrant of

mankind, and often compels us to do many things which  are against nature.  How great would be the disgrace

then, if we, who  know the nature of things,  and are the wisest of the Hellenes, and as  such are met together in

this  city, which is the metropolis of wisdom,  and in the greatest and most  glorious house of this city, should

have  nothing to show worthy of this  height of dignity, but should only  quarrel with one another like the

meanest of mankind!  I do pray and  advise you, Protagoras, and you,  Socrates, to agree upon a compromise.

Let us be your peacemakers.  And do  not you, Socrates, aim at this  precise and extreme brevity in discourse, if

Protagoras objects, but  loosen and let go the reins of speech, that your  words may be grander  and more

becoming to you.  Neither do you, Protagoras,  go forth on the  gale with every sail set out of sight of land into

an ocean  of words,  but let there be a mean observed by both of you.  Do as I say.  And let  me also persuade

you to choose an arbiter or overseer or president;  he  will keep watch over your words and will prescribe their

proper length. 

This proposal was received by the company with universal approval;  Callias  said that he would not let me off,

and they begged me to  choose an arbiter.  But I said that to choose an umpire of discourse  would be unseemly;

for if  the person chosen was inferior, then the  inferior or worse ought not to  preside over the better; or if he

was  equal, neither would that be well;  for he who is our equal will do as  we do, and what will be the use of

choosing him?  And if you say, 'Let  us have a better then,'to that I  answer that you cannot have any one

who is wiser than Protagoras.  And if  you choose another who is not  really better, and whom you only say is

better, to put another over  him as though he were an inferior person would  be an unworthy  reflection on him;

not that, as far as I am concerned, any  reflection  is of much consequence to me.  Let me tell you then what I

will  do in  order that the conversation and discussion may go on as you desire.  If  Protagoras is not disposed to

answer, let him ask and I will answer;  and  I will endeavour to show at the same time how, as I maintain, he

ought to  answer:  and when I have answered as many questions as he  likes to ask, let  him in like manner

answer me; and if he seems to be  not very ready at  answering the precise question asked of him, you and  I

will unite in  entreating him, as you entreated me, not to spoil the  discussion.  And this  will require no special

arbiterall of you  shall be arbiters. 

This was generally approved, and Protagoras, though very much  against his  will, was obliged to agree that he

would ask questions;  and when he had put  a sufficient number of them, that he would answer  in his turn those

which  he was asked in short replies.  He began to  put his questions as follows: 

I am of opinion, Socrates, he said, that skill in poetry is the  principal  part of education; and this I conceive to

be the power of  knowing what  compositions of the poets are correct, and what are not,  and how they are  to be

distinguished, and of explaining when asked the  reason of the  difference.  And I propose to transfer the

question  which you and I have  been discussing to the domain of poetry; we will  speak as before of virtue,  but

in reference to a passage of a poet.  Now Simonides says to Scopas the  son of Creon the Thessalian: 

'Hardly on the one hand can a man become truly good, built  foursquare in  hands and feet and mind, a work

without a flaw.' 

Do you know the poem? or shall I repeat the whole? 

There is no need, I said; for I am perfectly well acquainted with  the ode,  I have made a careful study of it. 


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Very well, he said.  And do you think that the ode is a good  composition,  and true? 

Yes, I said, both good and true. 

But if there is a contradiction, can the composition be good or  true? 

No, not in that case, I replied. 

And is there not a contradiction? he asked.  Reflect. 

Well, my friend, I have reflected. 

And does not the poet proceed to say, 'I do not agree with the word  of  Pittacus, albeit the utterance of a wise

man:  Hardly can a man be  good'?  Now you will observe that this is said by the same poet. 

I know it. 

And do you think, he said, that the two sayings are consistent? 

Yes, I said, I think so (at the same time I could not help fearing  that  there might be something in what he

said).  And you think  otherwise? 

Why, he said, how can he be consistent in both?  First of all,  premising as  his own thought, 'Hardly can a man

become truly good';  and then a little  further on in the poem, forgetting, and blaming  Pittacus and refusing to

agree with him, when he says, 'Hardly can a  man be good,' which is the very  same thing.  And yet when he

blames  him who says the same with himself, he  blames himself; so that he must  be wrong either in his first or

his second  assertion. 

Many of the audience cheered and applauded this.  And I felt at  first giddy  and faint, as if I had received a

blow from the hand of an  expert boxer,  when I heard his words and the sound of the cheering;  and to confess

the  truth, I wanted to get time to think what the  meaning of the poet really  was.  So I turned to Prodicus and

called  him.  Prodicus, I said, Simonides  is a countryman of yours, and you  ought to come to his aid.  I must

appeal  to you, like the river  Scamander in Homer, who, when beleaguered by  Achilles, summons the  Simois

to aid him, saying: 

'Brother dear, let us both together stay the force of the hero  (Il.).' 

And I summon you, for I am afraid that Protagoras will make an end  of  Simonides.  Now is the time to

rehabilitate Simonides, by the  application  of your philosophy of synonyms, which enables you to  distinguish

'will' and  'wish,' and make other charming distinctions  like those which you drew just  now.  And I should like

to know whether  you would agree with me; for I am  of opinion that there is no  contradiction in the words of

Simonides.  And  first of all I wish that  you would say whether, in your opinion, Prodicus,  'being' is the same

as 'becoming.' 

Not the same, certainly, replied Prodicus. 

Did not Simonides first set forth, as his own view, that 'Hardly  can a man  become truly good'? 

Quite right, said Prodicus. 


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And then he blames Pittacus, not, as Protagoras imagines, for  repeating  that which he says himself, but for

saying something  different from  himself.  Pittacus does not say as Simonides says, that  hardly can a man

become good, but hardly can a man be good:  and our  friend Prodicus would  maintain that being, Protagoras,

is not the same  as becoming; and if they  are not the same, then Simonides is not  inconsistent with himself.  I

dare  say that Prodicus and many others  would say, as Hesiod says, 

'On the one hand, hardly can a man become good,  For the gods have  made virtue the reward of toil,  But on

the other hand, when you have  climbed the height,  Then, to retain virtue, however difficult the  acquisition, is

easy (Works  and Days).' 

Prodicus heard and approved; but Protagoras said:  Your correction,  Socrates, involves a greater error than is

contained in the sentence  which  you are correcting. 

Alas! I said, Protagoras; then I am a sorry physician, and do but  aggravate  a disorder which I am seeking to

cure. 

Such is the fact, he said. 

How so? I asked. 

The poet, he replied, could never have made such a mistake as to  say that  virtue, which in the opinion of all

men is the hardest of all  things, can  be easily retained. 

Well, I said, and how fortunate are we in having Prodicus among us,  at the  right moment; for he has a

wisdom, Protagoras, which, as I  imagine, is more  than human and of very ancient date, and may be as  old as

Simonides or even  older.  Learned as you are in many things,  you appear to know nothing of  this; but I know,

for I am a disciple of  his.  And now, if I am not  mistaken, you do not understand the word  'hard' (chalepon) in

the sense  which Simonides intended; and I must  correct you, as Prodicus corrects me  when I use the word

'awful'  (deinon) as a term of praise.  If I say that  Protagoras or any one  else is an 'awfully' wise man, he asks

me if I am not  ashamed of  calling that which is good 'awful'; and then he explains to me  that  the term 'awful'

is always taken in a bad sense, and that no one  speaks of being 'awfully' healthy or wealthy, or of 'awful'

peace, but  of  'awful' disease, 'awful' war, 'awful' poverty, meaning by the term  'awful,'  evil.  And I think that

Simonides and his countrymen the  Ceans, when they  spoke of 'hard' meant 'evil,' or something which you  do

not understand.  Let us ask Prodicus, for he ought to be able to  answer questions about the  dialect of

Simonides.  What did he mean,  Prodicus, by the term 'hard'? 

Evil, said Prodicus. 

And therefore, I said, Prodicus, he blames Pittacus for saying,  'Hard is  the good,' just as if that were

equivalent to saying, Evil is  the good. 

Yes, he said, that was certainly his meaning; and he is twitting  Pittacus  with ignorance of the use of terms,

which in a Lesbian, who  has been  accustomed to speak a barbarous language, is natural. 

Do you hear, Protagoras, I asked, what our friend Prodicus is  saying?  And  have you an answer for him? 

You are entirely mistaken, Prodicus, said Protagoras; and I know  very well  that Simonides in using the word

'hard' meant what all of us  mean, not  evil, but that which is not easythat which takes a great  deal of

trouble:  of this I am positive. 


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I said:  I also incline to believe, Protagoras, that this was the  meaning  of Simonides, of which our friend

Prodicus was very well  aware, but he  thought that he would make fun, and try if you could  maintain your

thesis;  for that Simonides could never have meant the  other is clearly proved by  the context, in which he says

that God only  has this gift.  Now he cannot  surely mean to say that to be good is  evil, when he afterwards

proceeds to  say that God only has this gift,  and that this is the attribute of him and  of no other.  For if this be

his meaning, Prodicus would impute to  Simonides a character of  recklessness which is very unlike his

countrymen.  And I should like to  tell you, I said, what I imagine to be the real  meaning of Simonides  in this

poem, if you will test what, in your way of  speaking, would be  called my skill in poetry; or if you would

rather, I  will be the  listener. 

To this proposal Protagoras replied:  As you please;and Hippias,  Prodicus, and the others told me by all

means to do as I proposed. 

Then now, I said, I will endeavour to explain to you my opinion  about this  poem of Simonides.  There is a

very ancient philosophy  which is more  cultivated in Crete and Lacedaemon than in any other  part of Hellas,

and  there are more philosophers in those countries  than anywhere else in the  world.  This, however, is a secret

which the  Lacedaemonians deny; and they  pretend to be ignorant, just because  they do not wish to have it

thought  that they rule the world by  wisdom, like the Sophists of whom Protagoras  was speaking, and not by

valour of arms; considering that if the reason of  their superiority  were disclosed, all men would be practising

their wisdom.  And this  secret of theirs has never been discovered by the imitators of  Lacedaemonian fashions

in other cities, who go about with their ears  bruised in imitation of them, and have the caestus bound on their

arms, and  are always in training, and wear short cloaks; for they  imagine that these  are the practices which

have enabled the  Lacedaemonians to conquer the  other Hellenes.  Now when the  Lacedaemonians want to

unbend and hold free  conversation with their  wise men, and are no longer satisfied with mere  secret

intercourse,  they drive out all these laconizers, and any other  foreigners who may  happen to be in their

country, and they hold a  philosophical seance  unknown to strangers; and they themselves forbid their  young

men to go  out into other citiesin this they are like the Cretans  in order  that they may not unlearn the

lessons which they have taught them.  And  in Lacedaemon and Crete not only men but also women have a

pride in  their high cultivation.  And hereby you may know that I am right in  attributing to the Lacedaemonians

this excellence in philosophy and  speculation:  If a man converses with the most ordinary Lacedaemonian,  he

will find him seldom good for much in general conversation, but at  any  point in the discourse he will be

darting out some notable saying,  terse  and full of meaning, with unerring aim; and the person with whom  he

is  talking seems to be like a child in his hands.  And many of our  own age and  of former ages have noted that

the true Lacedaemonian type  of character has  the love of philosophy even stronger than the love of

gymnastics; they are  conscious that only a perfectly educated man is  capable of uttering such  expressions.

Such were Thales of Miletus,  and Pittacus of Mitylene, and  Bias of Priene, and our own Solon, and  Cleobulus

the Lindian, and Myson the  Chenian; and seventh in the  catalogue of wise men was the Lacedaemonian

Chilo.  All these were  lovers and emulators and disciples of the culture of  the  Lacedaemonians, and any one

may perceive that their wisdom was of this  character; consisting of short memorable sentences, which they

severally  uttered.  And they met together and dedicated in the temple  of Apollo at  Delphi, as the firstfruits of

their wisdom, the  farfamed inscriptions,  which are in all men's mouths'Know thyself,'  and 'Nothing too

much.' 

Why do I say all this?  I am explaining that this Lacedaemonian  brevity was  the style of primitive philosophy.

Now there was a saying  of Pittacus  which was privately circulated and received the  approbation of the wise,

'Hard is it to be good.'  And Simonides, who  was ambitious of the fame of  wisdom, was aware that if he could

overthrow this saying, then, as if he  had won a victory over some  famous athlete, he would carry off the palm

among his contemporaries.  And if I am not mistaken, he composed the entire  poem with the secret  intention

of damaging Pittacus and his saying. 


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Let us all unite in examining his words, and see whether I am  speaking the  truth.  Simonides must have been a

lunatic, if, in the  very first words of  the poem, wanting to say only that to become good  is hard, he inserted

(Greek) 'on the one hand' ('on the one hand to  become good is hard'); there  would be no reason for the

introduction  of (Greek), unless you suppose him  to speak with a hostile reference  to the words of Pittacus.

Pittacus is  saying 'Hard is it to be good,'  and he, in refutation of this thesis,  rejoins that the truly hard  thing,

Pittacus, is to become good, not joining  'truly' with 'good,'  but with 'hard.'  Not, that the hard thing is to be

truly good, as  though there were some truly good men, and there were others  who were  good but not truly

good (this would be a very simple observation,  and  quite unworthy of Simonides); but you must suppose him

to make a  trajection of the word 'truly' (Greek), construing the saying of  Pittacus  thus (and let us imagine

Pittacus to be speaking and  Simonides answering  him):  'O my friends,' says Pittacus, 'hard is it  to be good,'

and  Simonides answers, 'In that, Pittacus, you are  mistaken; the difficulty is  not to be good, but on the one

hand, to  become good, foursquare in hands  and feet and mind, without a  flawthat is hard truly.'  This way

of  reading the passage accounts  for the insertion of (Greek) 'on the one  hand,' and for the position  at the end

of the clause of the word 'truly,'  and all that follows  shows this to be the meaning.  A great deal might be  said

in praise of  the details of the poem, which is a charming piece of  workmanship, and  very finished, but such

minutiae would be tedious.  I  should like,  however, to point out the general intention of the poem, which  is

certainly designed in every part to be a refutation of the saying of  Pittacus.  For he speaks in what follows a

little further on as if he  meant  to argue that although there is a difficulty in becoming good,  yet this is

possible for a time, and only for a time.  But having  become good, to  remain in a good state and be good, as

you, Pittacus,  affirm, is not  possible, and is not granted to man; God only has this  blessing; 'but man  cannot

help being bad when the force of  circumstances overpowers him.'  Now  whom does the force of  circumstance

overpower in the command of a vessel?  not the private  individual, for he is always overpowered; and as

one who is  already  prostrate cannot be overthrown, and only he who is standing upright  but not he who is

prostrate can be laid prostrate, so the force of  circumstances can only overpower him who, at some time or

other, has  resources, and not him who is at all times helpless.  The descent of a  great storm may make the pilot

helpless, or the severity of the season  the  husbandman or the physician; for the good may become bad, as

another poet  witnesses: 

'The good are sometimes good and sometimes bad.' 

But the bad does not become bad; he is always bad.  So that when  the force  of circumstances overpowers the

man of resources and skill  and virtue, then  he cannot help being bad.  And you, Pittacus, are  saying, 'Hard is it

to be  good.'  Now there is a difficulty in  becoming good; and yet this is  possible:  but to be good is an

impossibility 

'For he who does well is the good man, and he who does ill is the  bad.' 

But what sort of doing is good in letters? and what sort of doing  makes a  man good in letters?  Clearly the

knowing of them.  And what  sort of well  doing makes a man a good physician?  Clearly the  knowledge of the

art of  healing the sick.  'But he who does ill is the  bad.'  Now who becomes a bad  physician?  Clearly he who is

in the  first place a physician, and in the  second place a good physician; for  he may become a bad one also:

but none  of us unskilled individuals  can by any amount of doing ill become  physicians, any more than we can

become carpenters or anything of that  sort; and he who by doing ill  cannot become a physician at all, clearly

cannot become a bad  physician.  In like manner the good may become  deteriorated by time,  or toil, or disease,

or other accident (the only real  doing ill is to  be deprived of knowledge), but the bad man will never  become

bad, for  he is always bad; and if he were to become bad, he must  previously  have been good.  Thus the words

of the poem tend to show that on  the  one hand a man cannot be continuously good, but that he may become

good  and may also become bad; and again that 

'They are the best for the longest time whom the gods love.' 


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All this relates to Pittacus, as is further proved by the sequel.  For he  adds: 

'Therefore I will not throw away my span of life to no purpose in  searching  after the impossible, hoping in

vain to find a perfectly  faultless man  among those who partake of the fruit of the  broadbosomed earth:  if I

find  him, I will send you word.' 

(this is the vehement way in which he pursues his attack upon  Pittacus  throughout the whole poem): 

'But him who does no evil, voluntarily I praise and love;not even  the  gods war against necessity.' 

All this has a similar drift, for Simonides was not so ignorant as  to say  that he praised those who did no evil

voluntarily, as though  there were  some who did evil voluntarily.  For no wise man, as I  believe, will allow  that

any human being errs voluntarily, or  voluntarily does evil and  dishonourable actions; but they are very  well

aware that all who do evil  and dishonourable things do them  against their will.  And Simonides never  says

that he praises him who  does no evil voluntarily; the word  'voluntarily' applies to himself.  For he was under

the impression that a  good man might often compel  himself to love and praise another, and to be  the friend

and approver  of another; and that there might be an involuntary  love, such as a man  might feel to an unnatural

father or mother, or  country, or the like.  Now bad men, when their parents or country have any  defects, look

on  them with malignant joy, and find fault with them and  expose and  denounce them to others, under the idea

that the rest of mankind  will  be less likely to take themselves to task and accuse them of neglect;  and they

blame their defects far more than they deserve, in order that  the  odium which is necessarily incurred by them

may be increased:  but  the good  man dissembles his feelings, and constrains himself to praise  them; and if

they have wronged him and he is angry, he pacifies his  anger and is  reconciled, and compels himself to love

and praise his  own flesh and blood.  And Simonides, as is probable, considered that he  himself had often had

to  praise and magnify a tyrant or the like, much  against his will, and he also  wishes to imply to Pittacus that

he does  not censure him because he is  censorious. 

'For I am satisfied' he says, 'when a man is neither bad nor very  stupid;  and when he knows justice (which is

the health of states), and  is of sound  mind, I will find no fault with him, for I am not given to  finding fault,

and there are innumerable fools' 

(implying that if he delighted in censure he might have abundant  opportunity of finding fault). 

'All things are good with which evil is unmingled.' 

In these latter words he does not mean to say that all things are  good  which have no evil in them, as you

might say 'All things are  white which  have no black in them,' for that would be ridiculous; but  he means to

say  that he accepts and finds no fault with the moderate  or intermediate state. 

('I do not hope' he says, 'to find a perfectly blameless man among  those  who partake of the fruits of the

broadbosomed earth (if I find  him, I will  send you word); in this sense I praise no man.  But he who  is

moderately  good, and does no evil, is good enough for me, who love  and approve every  one') 

(and here observe that he uses a Lesbian word, epainemi (approve),  because  he is addressing Pittacus, 

'Who love and APPROVE every one VOLUNTARILY, who does no evil:' 

and that the stop should be put after 'voluntarily'); 'but there  are some  whom I involuntarily praise and love.

And you, Pittacus, I  would never  have blamed, if you had spoken what was moderately good  and true; but I

do  blame you because, putting on the appearance of  truth, you are speaking  falsely about the highest

matters.'And this,  I said, Prodicus and  Protagoras, I take to be the meaning of Simonides  in this poem. 


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Hippias said:  I think, Socrates, that you have given a very good  explanation of the poem; but I have also an

excellent interpretation  of my  own which I will propound to you, if you will allow me. 

Nay, Hippias, said Alcibiades; not now, but at some other time.  At  present  we must abide by the compact

which was made between Socrates  and  Protagoras, to the effect that as long as Protagoras is willing to  ask,

Socrates should answer; or that if he would rather answer, then  that  Socrates should ask. 

I said:  I wish Protagoras either to ask or answer as he is  inclined; but I  would rather have done with poems

and odes, if he does  not object, and come  back to the question about which I was asking you  at first,

Protagoras, and  by your help make an end of that.  The talk  about the poets seems to me  like a commonplace

entertainment to which  a vulgar company have recourse;  who, because they are not able to  converse or amuse

one another, while they  are drinking, with the sound  of their own voices and conversation, by  reason of their

stupidity,  raise the price of flutegirls in the market,  hiring for a great sum  the voice of a flute instead of their

own breath, to  be the medium of  intercourse among them:  but where the company are real  gentlemen and

men of education, you will see no flutegirls, nor dancing  girls, nor  harpgirls; and they have no nonsense

or games, but are  contented with  one another's conversation, of which their own voices are  the medium,  and

which they carry on by turns and in an orderly manner, even  though  they are very liberal in their potations.

And a company like this  of  ours, and men such as we profess to be, do not require the help of  another's voice,

or of the poets whom you cannot interrogate about the  meaning of what they are saying; people who cite

them declaring, some  that  the poet has one meaning, and others that he has another, and the  point  which is in

dispute can never be decided.  This sort of  entertainment they  decline, and prefer to talk with one another, and

put one another to the  proof in conversation.  And these are the  models which I desire that you  and I should

imitate.  Leaving the  poets, and keeping to ourselves, let us  try the mettle of one another  and make proof of

the truth in conversation.  If you have a mind to  ask, I am ready to answer; or if you would rather, do  you

answer, and  give me the opportunity of resuming and completing our  unfinished  argument. 

I made these and some similar observations; but Protagoras would  not  distinctly say which he would do.

Thereupon Alcibiades turned to  Callias,  and said:Do you think, Callias, that Protagoras is fair in  refusing

to  say whether he will or will not answer? for I certainly  think that he is  unfair; he ought either to proceed

with the argument,  or distinctly refuse  to proceed, that we may know his intention; and  then Socrates will be

able  to discourse with some one else, and the  rest of the company will be free  to talk with one another. 

I think that Protagoras was really made ashamed by these words of  Alcibiades, and when the prayers of

Callias and the company were  superadded, he was at last induced to argue, and said that I might ask  and  he

would answer. 

So I said:  Do not imagine, Protagoras, that I have any other  interest in  asking questions of you but that of

clearing up my own  difficulties.  For I  think that Homer was very right in saying that 

'When two go together, one sees before the other (Il.),' 

for all men who have a companion are readier in deed, word, or  thought; but  if a man 

'Sees a thing when he is alone,' 

he goes about straightway seeking until he finds some one to whom  he may  show his discoveries, and who

may confirm him in them.  And I  would rather  hold discourse with you than with any one, because I  think that

no man has  a better understanding of most things which a  good man may be expected to  understand, and in

particular of virtue.  For who is there, but you?who  not only claim to be a good man and a  gentleman, for

many are this, and yet  have not the power of making  others goodwhereas you are not only good  yourself,

but also the  cause of goodness in others.  Moreover such  confidence have you in  yourself, that although other


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Sophists conceal their  profession, you  proclaim in the face of Hellas that you are a Sophist or  teacher of

virtue and education, and are the first who demanded pay in  return.  How then can I do otherwise than invite

you to the examination of  these subjects, and ask questions and consult with you?  I must,  indeed.  And I

should like once more to have my memory refreshed by you  about the  questions which I was asking you at

first, and also to have  your help in  considering them.  If I am not mistaken the question was  this:  Are wisdom

and temperance and courage and justice and holiness  five names of the same  thing? or has each of the names

a separate  underlying essence and  corresponding thing having a peculiar function,  no one of them being like

any other of them?  And you replied that the  five names were not the names  of the same thing, but that each of

them  had a separate object, and that  all these objects were parts of  virtue, not in the same way that the parts  of

gold are like each other  and the whole of which they are parts, but as  the parts of the face  are unlike the

whole of which they are parts and one  another, and have  each of them a distinct function.  I should like to

know  whether this  is still your opinion; or if not, I will ask you to define  your  meaning, and I shall not take

you to task if you now make a different  statement.  For I dare say that you may have said what you did only in

order to make trial of me. 

I answer, Socrates, he said, that all these qualities are parts of  virtue,  and that four out of the five are to some

extent similar, and  that the  fifth of them, which is courage, is very different from the  other four, as  I prove in

this way:  You may observe that many men are  utterly  unrighteous, unholy, intemperate, ignorant, who are

nevertheless remarkable  for their courage. 

Stop, I said; I should like to think about that.  When you speak of  brave  men, do you mean the confident, or

another sort of nature? 

Yes, he said; I mean the impetuous, ready to go at that which  others are  afraid to approach. 

In the next place, you would affirm virtue to be a good thing, of  which  good thing you assert yourself to be a

teacher. 

Yes, he said; I should say the best of all things, if I am in my  right  mind. 

And is it partly good and partly bad, I said, or wholly good? 

Wholly good, and in the highest degree. 

Tell me then; who are they who have confidence when diving into a  well? 

I should say, the divers. 

And the reason of this is that they have knowledge? 

Yes, that is the reason. 

And who have confidence when fighting on horsebackthe skilled  horseman or  the unskilled? 

The skilled. 

And who when fighting with light shieldsthe peltasts or the  nonpeltasts? 

The peltasts.  And that is true of all other things, he said, if  that is  your point:  those who have knowledge are

more confident than  those who  have no knowledge, and they are more confident after they  have learned than

before. 


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And have you not seen persons utterly ignorant, I said, of these  things,  and yet confident about them? 

Yes, he said, I have seen such persons far too confident. 

And are not these confident persons also courageous? 

In that case, he replied, courage would be a base thing, for the  men of  whom we are speaking are surely

madmen. 

Then who are the courageous?  Are they not the confident? 

Yes, he said; to that statement I adhere. 

And those, I said, who are thus confident without knowledge are  really not  courageous, but mad; and in that

case the wisest are also  the most  confident, and being the most confident are also the bravest,  and upon that

view again wisdom will be courage. 

Nay, Socrates, he replied, you are mistaken in your remembrance of  what was  said by me.  When you asked

me, I certainly did say that the  courageous are  the confident; but I was never asked whether the  confident are

the  courageous; if you had asked me, I should have  answered 'Not all of them':  and what I did answer you

have not proved  to be false, although you  proceeded to show that those who have  knowledge are more

courageous than  they were before they had  knowledge, and more courageous than others who  have no

knowledge, and  were then led on to think that courage is the same  as wisdom.  But in  this way of arguing you

might come to imagine that  strength is wisdom.  You might begin by asking whether the strong are able,  and I

should  say 'Yes'; and then whether those who know how to wrestle are  not more  able to wrestle than those

who do not know how to wrestle, and  more  able after than before they had learned, and I should assent.  And

when I had admitted this, you might use my admissions in such a way as  to  prove that upon my view wisdom

is strength; whereas in that case I  should  not have admitted, any more than in the other, that the able  are

strong,  although I have admitted that the strong are able.  For  there is a  difference between ability and

strength; the former is  given by knowledge  as well as by madness or rage, but strength comes  from nature

and a healthy  state of the body.  And in like manner I say  of confidence and courage,  that they are not the

same; and I argue  that the courageous are confident,  but not all the confident  courageous.  For confidence may

be given to men  by art, and also, like  ability, by madness and rage; but courage comes to  them from nature

and the healthy state of the soul. 

I said:  You would admit, Protagoras, that some men live well and  others  ill? 

He assented. 

And do you think that a man lives well who lives in pain and grief? 

He does not. 

But if he lives pleasantly to the end of his life, will he not in  that case  have lived well? 

He will. 

Then to live pleasantly is a good, and to live unpleasantly an  evil? 

Yes, he said, if the pleasure be good and honourable. 


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And do you, Protagoras, like the rest of the world, call some  pleasant  things evil and some painful things

good?for I am rather  disposed to say  that things are good in as far as they are pleasant,  if they have no

consequences of another sort, and in as far as they  are painful they are  bad. 

I do not know, Socrates, he said, whether I can venture to assert  in that  unqualified manner that the pleasant is

the good and the  painful the evil.  Having regard not only to my present answer, but  also to the whole of my

life, I shall be safer, if I am not mistaken,  in saying that there are some  pleasant things which are not good,

and  that there are some painful things  which are good, and some which are  not good, and that there are some

which  are neither good nor evil. 

And you would call pleasant, I said, the things which participate  in  pleasure or create pleasure? 

Certainly, he said. 

Then my meaning is, that in as far as they are pleasant they are  good; and  my question would imply that

pleasure is a good in itself. 

According to your favourite mode of speech, Socrates, 'Let us  reflect about  this,' he said; and if the reflection

is to the point,  and the result  proves that pleasure and good are really the same, then  we will agree; but  if not,

then we will argue. 

And would you wish to begin the enquiry? I said; or shall I begin? 

You ought to take the lead, he said; for you are the author of the  discussion. 

May I employ an illustration? I said.  Suppose some one who is  enquiring  into the health or some other bodily

quality of another:he  looks at his  face and at the tips of his fingers, and then he says,  Uncover your chest

and back to me that I may have a better view:that  is the sort of thing  which I desire in this speculation.

Having seen  what your opinion is about  good and pleasure, I am minded to say to  you:  Uncover your mind to

me,  Protagoras, and reveal your opinion  about knowledge, that I may know  whether you agree with the rest

of  the world.  Now the rest of the world  are of opinion that knowledge is  a principle not of strength, or of rule,

or of command:  their notion  is that a man may have knowledge, and yet that  the knowledge which is  in him

may be overmastered by anger, or pleasure, or  pain, or love, or  perhaps by fear,just as if knowledge were a

slave, and  might be  dragged about anyhow.  Now is that your view? or do you think that  knowledge is a noble

and commanding thing, which cannot be overcome,  and  will not allow a man, if he only knows the difference

of good and  evil, to  do anything which is contrary to knowledge, but that wisdom  will have  strength to help

him? 

I agree with you, Socrates, said Protagoras; and not only so, but  I, above  all other men, am bound to say that

wisdom and knowledge are  the highest of  human things. 

Good, I said, and true.  But are you aware that the majority of the  world  are of another mind; and that men are

commonly supposed to know  the things  which are best, and not to do them when they might?  And  most

persons whom  I have asked the reason of this have said that when  men act contrary to  knowledge they are

overcome by pain, or pleasure,  or some of those  affections which I was just now mentioning. 

Yes, Socrates, he replied; and that is not the only point about  which  mankind are in error. 

Suppose, then, that you and I endeavour to instruct and inform them  what is  the nature of this affection which

they call 'being overcome  by pleasure,'  and which they affirm to be the reason why they do not  always do

what is  best.  When we say to them:  Friends, you are  mistaken, and are saying what  is not true, they would


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probably reply:  Socrates and Protagoras, if this  affection of the soul is not to be  called 'being overcome by

pleasure,'  pray, what is it, and by what  name would you describe it? 

But why, Socrates, should we trouble ourselves about the opinion of  the  many, who just say anything that

happens to occur to them? 

I believe, I said, that they may be of use in helping us to  discover how  courage is related to the other parts of

virtue.  If you  are disposed to  abide by our agreement, that I should show the way in  which, as I think,  our

recent difficulty is most likely to be cleared  up, do you follow; but  if not, never mind. 

You are quite right, he said; and I would have you proceed as you  have  begun. 

Well then, I said, let me suppose that they repeat their question,  What  account do you give of that which, in

our way of speaking, is  termed being  overcome by pleasure?  I should answer thus:  Listen, and  Protagoras and

I  will endeavour to show you.  When men are overcome by  eating and drinking  and other sensual desires

which are pleasant, and  they, knowing them to be  evil, nevertheless indulge in them, would you  not say that

they were  overcome by pleasure?  They will not deny this.  And suppose that you and I  were to go on and ask

them again:  'In  what way do you say that they are  evil,in that they are pleasant and  give pleasure at the

moment, or  because they cause disease and poverty  and other like evils in the future?  Would they still be evil,

if they  had no attendant evil consequences,  simply because they give the  consciousness of pleasure of

whatever  nature?'Would they not answer  that they are not evil on account of the  pleasure which is

immediately  given by them, but on account of the after  consequencesdiseases and  the like? 

I believe, said Protagoras, that the world in general would answer  as you  do. 

And in causing diseases do they not cause pain? and in causing  poverty do  they not cause pain;they would

agree to that also, if I  am not mistaken? 

Protagoras assented. 

Then I should say to them, in my name and yours:  Do you think them  evil  for any other reason, except

because they end in pain and rob us  of other  pleasures:there again they would agree? 

We both of us thought that they would. 

And then I should take the question from the opposite point of  view, and  say:  'Friends, when you speak of

goods being painful, do  you not mean  remedial goods, such as gymnastic exercises, and military  service, and

the  physician's use of burning, cutting, drugging, and  starving?  Are these the  things which are good but

painful?'they  would assent to me? 

He agreed. 

'And do you call them good because they occasion the greatest  immediate  suffering and pain; or because,

afterwards, they bring  health and  improvement of the bodily condition and the salvation of  states and power

over others and wealth?'they would agree to the  latter alternative, if I  am not mistaken? 

He assented. 

'Are these things good for any other reason except that they end in  pleasure, and get rid of and avert pain?

Are you looking to any other  standard but pleasure and pain when you call them good?'they would

acknowledge that they were not? 


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I think so, said Protagoras. 

'And do you not pursue after pleasure as a good, and avoid pain as  an  evil?' 

He assented. 

'Then you think that pain is an evil and pleasure is a good:  and  even  pleasure you deem an evil, when it robs

you of greater pleasures  than it  gives, or causes pains greater than the pleasure.  If,  however, you call  pleasure

an evil in relation to some other end or  standard, you will be  able to show us that standard.  But you have  none

to show.' 

I do not think that they have, said Protagoras. 

'And have you not a similar way of speaking about pain?  You call  pain a  good when it takes away greater

pains than those which it has,  or gives  pleasures greater than the pains:  then if you have some  standard other

than pleasure and pain to which you refer when you call  actual pain a good,  you can show what that is.  But

you cannot.' 

True, said Protagoras. 

Suppose again, I said, that the world says to me:  'Why do you  spend many  words and speak in many ways on

this subject?'  Excuse me,  friends, I  should reply; but in the first place there is a difficulty  in explaining  the

meaning of the expression 'overcome by pleasure';  and the whole  argument turns upon this.  And even now, if

you see any  possible way in  which evil can be explained as other than pain, or  good as other than  pleasure,

you may still retract.  Are you  satisfied, then, at having a life  of pleasure which is without pain?  If you are,

and if you are unable to  show any good or evil which does  not end in pleasure and pain, hear the

consequences:If what you say  is true, then the argument is absurd which  affirms that a man often  does evil

knowingly, when he might abstain,  because he is seduced and  overpowered by pleasure; or again, when you

say  that a man knowingly  refuses to do what is good because he is overcome at  the moment by  pleasure.  And

that this is ridiculous will be evident if  only we give  up the use of various names, such as pleasant and

painful, and  good  and evil.  As there are two things, let us call them by two names  first, good and evil, and

then pleasant and painful.  Assuming this,  let us  go on to say that a man does evil knowing that he does evil.

But some one  will ask, Why?  Because he is overcome, is the first  answer.  And by what  is he overcome? the

enquirer will proceed to ask.  And we shall not be able  to reply 'By pleasure,' for the name of  pleasure has

been exchanged for  that of good.  In our answer, then, we  shall only say that he is overcome.  'By what?' he

will reiterate.  By  the good, we shall have to reply; indeed  we shall.  Nay, but our  questioner will rejoin with a

laugh, if he be one  of the swaggering  sort, 'That is too ridiculous, that a man should do what  he knows to  be

evil when he ought not, because he is overcome by good.  Is  that,  he will ask, because the good was worthy or

not worthy of conquering  the evil'?  And in answer to that we shall clearly reply, Because it  was  not worthy;

for if it had been worthy, then he who, as we say, was  overcome  by pleasure, would not have been wrong.

'But how,' he will  reply, 'can the  good be unworthy of the evil, or the evil of the  good'?  Is not the real

explanation that they are out of proportion to  one another, either as  greater and smaller, or more and fewer?

This  we cannot deny.  And when you  speak of being overcome'what do you  mean,' he will say, 'but that

you  choose the greater evil in exchange  for the lesser good?'  Admitted.  And  now substitute the names of

pleasure and pain for good and evil, and say,  not as before, that a  man does what is evil knowingly, but that

he does  what is painful  knowingly, and because he is overcome by pleasure, which is  unworthy  to overcome.

What measure is there of the relations of pleasure  to  pain other than excess and defect, which means that they

become greater  and smaller, and more and fewer, and differ in degree?  For if any one  says:  'Yes, Socrates,

but immediate pleasure differs widely from  future  pleasure and pain'To that I should reply:  And do they

differ  in anything  but in pleasure and pain?  There can be no other measure  of them.  And do  you, like a skilful

weigher, put into the balance the  pleasures and the  pains, and their nearness and distance, and weigh  them,


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and then say which  outweighs the other.  If you weigh pleasures  against pleasures, you of  course take the

more and greater; or if you  weigh pains against pains, you  take the fewer and the less; or if  pleasures against

pains, then you choose  that course of action in  which the painful is exceeded by the pleasant,  whether the

distant by  the near or the near by the distant; and you avoid  that course of  action in which the pleasant is

exceeded by the painful.  Would you not  admit, my friends, that this is true?  I am confident that  they cannot

deny this. 

He agreed with me. 

Well then, I shall say, if you agree so far, be so good as to  answer me a  question:  Do not the same magnitudes

appear larger to  your sight when  near, and smaller when at a distance?  They will  acknowledge that.  And the

same holds of thickness and number; also  sounds, which are in themselves  equal, are greater when near, and

lesser when at a distance.  They will  grant that also.  Now suppose  happiness to consist in doing or choosing

the  greater, and in not  doing or in avoiding the less, what would be the saving  principle of  human life?  Would

not the art of measuring be the saving  principle;  or would the power of appearance?  Is not the latter that

deceiving  art which makes us wander up and down and take the things at one  time  of which we repent at

another, both in our actions and in our choice  of things great and small?  But the art of measurement would do

away  with  the effect of appearances, and, showing the truth, would fain  teach the  soul at last to find rest in

the truth, and would thus save  our life.  Would not mankind generally acknowledge that the art which

accomplishes  this result is the art of measurement? 

Yes, he said, the art of measurement. 

Suppose, again, the salvation of human life to depend on the choice  of odd  and even, and on the knowledge

of when a man ought to choose  the greater or  less, either in reference to themselves or to each  other, and

whether near  or at a distance; what would be the saving  principle of our lives?  Would  not knowledge?a

knowledge of  measuring, when the question is one of  excess and defect, and a  knowledge of number, when

the question is of odd  and even?  The world  will assent, will they not? 

Protagoras himself thought that they would. 

Well then, my friends, I say to them; seeing that the salvation of  human  life has been found to consist in the

right choice of pleasures  and pains,  in the choice of the more and the fewer, and the greater  and the less,

and the nearer and remoter, must not this measuring be a  consideration of  their excess and defect and equality

in relation to  each other? 

This is undeniably true. 

And this, as possessing measure, must undeniably also be an art and  science? 

They will agree, he said. 

The nature of that art or science will be a matter of future  consideration;  but the existence of such a science

furnishes a  demonstrative answer to the  question which you asked of me and  Protagoras.  At the time when

you asked  the question, if you remember,  both of us were agreeing that there was  nothing mightier than

knowledge, and that knowledge, in whatever existing,  must have the  advantage over pleasure and all other

things; and then you  said that  pleasure often got the advantage even over a man who has  knowledge;  and we

refused to allow this, and you rejoined:  O Protagoras  and  Socrates, what is the meaning of being overcome by

pleasure if not  this?tell us what you call such a state:if we had immediately and  at  the time answered

'Ignorance,' you would have laughed at us.  But  now, in  laughing at us, you will be laughing at yourselves:  for

you  also admitted  that men err in their choice of pleasures and pains;  that is, in their  choice of good and evil,


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from defect of knowledge;  and you admitted  further, that they err, not only from defect of  knowledge in

general, but  of that particular knowledge which is called  measuring.  And you are also  aware that the erring

act which is done  without knowledge is done in  ignorance.  This, therefore, is the  meaning of being overcome

by pleasure;  ignorance, and that the  greatest.  And our friends Protagoras and  Prodicus and Hippias declare

that they are the physicians of ignorance; but  you, who are under the  mistaken impression that ignorance is

not the cause,  and that the art  of which I am speaking cannot be taught, neither go  yourselves, nor  send your

children, to the Sophists, who are the teachers  of these  thingsyou take care of your money and give them

none; and the  result  is, that you are the worse off both in public and private life:Let  us suppose this to be

our answer to the world in general:  And now I  should  like to ask you, Hippias, and you, Prodicus, as well as

Protagoras (for the  argument is to be yours as well as ours), whether  you think that I am  speaking the truth or

not? 

They all thought that what I said was entirely true. 

Then you agree, I said, that the pleasant is the good, and the  painful  evil.  And here I would beg my friend

Prodicus not to  introduce his  distinction of names, whether he is disposed to say  pleasurable,  delightful,

joyful.  However, by whatever name he prefers  to call them, I  will ask you, most excellent Prodicus, to answer

in my  sense of the words. 

Prodicus laughed and assented, as did the others. 

Then, my friends, what do you say to this?  Are not all actions  honourable  and useful, of which the tendency

is to make life painless  and pleasant?  The honourable work is also useful and good? 

This was admitted. 

Then, I said, if the pleasant is the good, nobody does anything  under the  idea or conviction that some other

thing would be better and  is also  attainable, when he might do the better.  And this inferiority  of a man to

himself is merely ignorance, as the superiority of a man  to himself is  wisdom. 

They all assented. 

And is not ignorance the having a false opinion and being deceived  about  important matters? 

To this also they unanimously assented. 

Then, I said, no man voluntarily pursues evil, or that which he  thinks to  be evil.  To prefer evil to good is not

in human nature; and  when a man is  compelled to choose one of two evils, no one will choose  the greater

when  he may have the less. 

All of us agreed to every word of this. 

Well, I said, there is a certain thing called fear or terror; and  here,  Prodicus, I should particularly like to know

whether you would  agree with  me in defining this fear or terror as expectation of evil. 

Protagoras and Hippias agreed, but Prodicus said that this was fear  and not  terror. 

Never mind, Prodicus, I said; but let me ask whether, if our former  assertions are true, a man will pursue that

which he fears when he is  not  compelled?  Would not this be in flat contradiction to the  admission which  has

been already made, that he thinks the things which  he fears to be evil;  and no one will pursue or voluntarily

accept that  which he thinks to be  evil? 


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That also was universally admitted. 

Then, I said, these, Hippias and Prodicus, are our premisses; and I  would  beg Protagoras to explain to us how

he can be right in what he  said at  first.  I do not mean in what he said quite at first, for his  first  statement, as

you may remember, was that whereas there were five  parts of  virtue none of them was like any other of them;

each of them  had a separate  function.  To this, however, I am not referring, but to  the assertion which  he

afterwards made that of the five virtues four  were nearly akin to each  other, but that the fifth, which was

courage,  differed greatly from the  others.  And of this he gave me the  following proof.  He said:  You will  find,

Socrates, that some of the  most impious, and unrighteous, and  intemperate, and ignorant of men  are among

the most courageous; which  proves that courage is very  different from the other parts of virtue.  I  was

surprised at his  saying this at the time, and I am still more surprised  now that I have  discussed the matter with

you.  So I asked him whether by  the brave he  meant the confident.  Yes, he replied, and the impetuous or

goers.  (You may remember, Protagoras, that this was your answer.) 

He assented. 

Well then, I said, tell us against what are the courageous ready to  go  against the same dangers as the

cowards? 

No, he answered. 

Then against something different? 

Yes, he said. 

Then do cowards go where there is safety, and the courageous where  there is  danger? 

Yes, Socrates, so men say. 

Very true, I said.  But I want to know against what do you say that  the  courageous are ready to goagainst

dangers, believing them to be  dangers,  or not against dangers? 

No, said he; the former case has been proved by you in the previous  argument to be impossible. 

That, again, I replied, is quite true.  And if this has been  rightly  proven, then no one goes to meet what he

thinks to be dangers,  since the  want of selfcontrol, which makes men rush into dangers, has  been shown to

be ignorance. 

He assented. 

And yet the courageous man and the coward alike go to meet that  about which  they are confident; so that, in

this point of view, the  cowardly and the  courageous go to meet the same things. 

And yet, Socrates, said Protagoras, that to which the coward goes  is the  opposite of that to which the

courageous goes; the one, for  example, is  ready to go to battle, and the other is not ready. 

And is going to battle honourable or disgraceful? I said. 

Honourable, he replied. 


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And if honourable, then already admitted by us to be good; for all  honourable actions we have admitted to be

good. 

That is true; and to that opinion I shall always adhere. 

True, I said.  But which of the two are they who, as you say, are  unwilling  to go to war, which is a good and

honourable thing? 

The cowards, he replied. 

And what is good and honourable, I said, is also pleasant? 

It has certainly been acknowledged to be so, he replied. 

And do the cowards knowingly refuse to go to the nobler, and  pleasanter,  and better? 

The admission of that, he replied, would belie our former  admissions. 

But does not the courageous man also go to meet the better, and  pleasanter,  and nobler? 

That must be admitted. 

And the courageous man has no base fear or base confidence? 

True, he replied. 

And if not base, then honourable? 

He admitted this. 

And if honourable, then good? 

Yes. 

But the fear and confidence of the coward or foolhardy or madman,  on the  contrary, are base? 

He assented. 

And these base fears and confidences originate in ignorance and  uninstructedness? 

True, he said. 

Then as to the motive from which the cowards act, do you call it  cowardice  or courage? 

I should say cowardice, he replied. 

And have they not been shown to be cowards through their ignorance  of  dangers? 

Assuredly, he said. 

And because of that ignorance they are cowards? 


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He assented. 

And the reason why they are cowards is admitted by you to be  cowardice? 

He again assented. 

Then the ignorance of what is and is not dangerous is cowardice? 

He nodded assent. 

But surely courage, I said, is opposed to cowardice? 

Yes. 

Then the wisdom which knows what are and are not dangers is opposed  to the  ignorance of them? 

To that again he nodded assent. 

And the ignorance of them is cowardice? 

To that he very reluctantly nodded assent. 

And the knowledge of that which is and is not dangerous is courage,  and is  opposed to the ignorance of these

things? 

At this point he would no longer nod assent, but was silent. 

And why, I said, do you neither assent nor dissent, Protagoras? 

Finish the argument by yourself, he said. 

I only want to ask one more question, I said.  I want to know  whether you  still think that there are men who

are most ignorant and  yet most  courageous? 

You seem to have a great ambition to make me answer, Socrates, and  therefore I will gratify you, and say,

that this appears to me to be  impossible consistently with the argument. 

My only object, I said, in continuing the discussion, has been the  desire  to ascertain the nature and relations

of virtue; for if this  were clear, I  am very sure that the other controversy which has been  carried on at great

length by both of usyou affirming and I denying  that virtue can be  taughtwould also become clear.  The

result of our  discussion appears to  me to be singular.  For if the argument had a  human voice, that voice would

be heard laughing at us and saying:  'Protagoras and Socrates, you are  strange beings; there are you,  Socrates,

who were saying that virtue cannot  be taught, contradicting  yourself now by your attempt to prove that all

things are knowledge,  including justice, and temperance, and courage,  which tends to show  that virtue can

certainly be taught; for if virtue were  other than  knowledge, as Protagoras attempted to prove, then clearly

virtue  cannot be taught; but if virtue is entirely knowledge, as you are  seeking  to show, then I cannot but

suppose that virtue is capable of  being taught.  Protagoras, on the other hand, who started by saying  that it

might be  taught, is now eager to prove it to be anything  rather than knowledge; and  if this is true, it must be

quite incapable  of being taught.'  Now I,  Protagoras, perceiving this terrible  confusion of our ideas, have a

great  desire that they should be  cleared up.  And I should like to carry on the  discussion until we  ascertain

what virtue is, whether capable of being  taught or not, lest  haply Epimetheus should trip us up and deceive us


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in  the argument, as  he forgot us in the story; I prefer your Prometheus to  your  Epimetheus, for of him I make

use, whenever I am busy about these  questions, in Promethean care of my own life.  And if you have no

objection, as I said at first, I should like to have your help in the  enquiry. 

Protagoras replied:  Socrates, I am not of a base nature, and I am  the last  man in the world to be envious.  I

cannot but applaud your  energy and your  conduct of an argument.  As I have often said, I  admire you above

all men  whom I know, and far above all men of your  age; and I believe that you will  become very eminent in

philosophy.  Let us come back to the subject at some  future time; at present we  had better turn to something

else. 

By all means, I said, if that is your wish; for I too ought long  since to  have kept the engagement of which I

spoke before, and only  tarried because  I could not refuse the request of the noble Callias.  So the conversation

ended, and we went our way. 


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