Title:   MEDICAL ESSAYS

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Author:   Oliver Wendell Holmes

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MEDICAL ESSAYS

Oliver Wendell Holmes



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Table of Contents

MEDICAL ESSAYS...........................................................................................................................................1

Oliver Wendell Holmes...........................................................................................................................1

PREFACE. ...............................................................................................................................................1

PREFACE TO THE NEW EDITION. .....................................................................................................4

HOMOEOPATHY AND ITS KINDRED DELUSIONS. ......................................................................4

THE CONTAGIOUSNESS OF PUERPERAL FEVER........................................................................5

III. CURRENTS AND COUNTERCURRENTS IN MEDICAL SCIENCE ......................................73

BORDER LINES OF KNOWLEDGE IN SOME PROVINCES OF MEDICAL SCIENCE. ..............86

SCHOLASTIC AND BEDSIDE TEACHING. ...................................................................................110

THE MEDICAL PROFESSION IN MASSACHUSETTS.................................................................125

THE YOUNG PRACTITIONER........................................................................................................147

MEDICAL LIBRARIES. .....................................................................................................................157

SOME OF MY EARLY TEACHERS .................................................................................................166


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MEDICAL ESSAYS

Oliver Wendell Holmes

PREFACE. 

PREFACE TO THE NEW EDITION. 

HOMOEOPATHY AND ITS KINDRED DELUSIONS. 

THE CONTAGIOUSNESS OF PUERPERAL FEVER. 

III. CURRENTS AND COUNTERCURRENTS IN MEDICAL  SCIENCE 

BORDER LINES OF KNOWLEDGE IN SOME PROVINCES OF  MEDICAL SCIENCE. 

SCHOLASTIC AND BEDSIDE TEACHING. 

THE MEDICAL PROFESSION IN MASSACHUSETTS. 

THE YOUNG PRACTITIONER 

MEDICAL LIBRARIES. 

SOME OF MY EARLY TEACHERS  

PREFACE.

The character of the opposition which some of these papers have met  with suggests the inference that they

contain really important, but  unwelcome truths.  Negatives multiplied into each other change their  sign and

become positives.  Hostile criticisms meeting together are  often equivalent to praise, and the square of

faultfinding turns out  to be the same thing as eulogy. 

But a writer has rarely so many enemies as it pleases him to  believe.  Selflove leads us to overrate the

numbers of our negative  constituency.  The larger portion of my limited circle of readers  must be quite

indifferent to, if not ignorant of, the adverse  opinions which have been expressed or recorded concerning any

of  these Addresses or Essays now submitted to their own judgment.  It is  proper, however, to inform them,

that some of the positions  maintained in these pages have been unsparingly attacked, with  various degrees of

ability, scholarship, and goodbreeding.  The tone  of criticism naturally changes with local conditions in

different  parts of a country extended like our own, so that it is one of the  most convenient gauges of the

partial movements in the direction of  civilization.  It is satisfactory to add, that the views assailed  have also

been unflinchingly defended by unsought champions, among  the ablest of whom it is pleasant to mention, at

this moment of  political alienation, the Editor of the Charleston Medical Journal. 

"Currents and CounterCurrents" was written and delivered as an  Oration, a florid rhetorical composition,

expressly intended to  secure the attention of an audience not easy to hold as listeners.  It  succeeded in doing

this, and also in being as curiously  misunderstood  and misrepresented as if it had been a political  harangue.

This gave  it more local notoriety than it might otherwise  have attained, so  that, as I learn, one ingenious

person made use of  its title as an  advertisement to a production of his own. 

The commonest mode of misrepresentation was this: qualified  propositions, the whole meaning of which

depended on the  qualifications, were stripped of these and taken as absolute.  Thus,  the attempt to establish a

presumption against giving poisons to sick  persons was considered as equivalent to condemning the use of

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these  substances.  The only important inference the writer has been able to  draw from the greater number of

the refutations of his opinions which  have been kindly sent him, is that the preliminary education of the

Medical Profession is not always what it ought to be. 

One concession he is willing to make, whatever sacrifice of pride  it  may involve.  The story of Massasoit,

which has furnished a coral,  as  it were, for some teething critics, when subjected to a powerful  logical

analysis, though correct in its essentials, proves to have  been told with exceptionable breadth of statement,

and therefore (to  resume the metaphor) has been slightly rounded off at its edges, so  as to be smoother for any

who may wish to bite upon it hereafter.  In  other respects the Discourse has hardly been touched.  It is only an

individual's expression, in his own way, of opinions entertained by  hundreds of the Medical Profession in

every civilized country, and  has nothing in it which on revision the writer sees cause to retract  or modify.  The

superstitions it attacks lie at the very foundation  of Homoeopathy, and of almost every form of medical

charlatanism.  Still the mere routinists and unthinking artisans in most callings  dislike whatever shakes the

dust out of their traditions, and it may  be unreasonable to expect that Medicine will always prove an

exception to the rule.  One half the opposition which the numerical  system of Louis has met with, as applied

to the results of treatment,  has been owing to the fact that it showed the movements of disease to  be far more

independent of the kind of practice pursued than was  agreeable to the pride of those whose selfconfidence it

abated. 

The statement, that medicines are more sparingly used in  physicians'  families than in most others, admits of a

very natural  explanation,  without putting a harsh construction upon it, which it  was not  intended to admit.

Outside pressure is less felt in the  physician's  own household; that is all.  If this does not sometimes  influence

him  to give medicine, or what seems to be medicine, when  among those who  have more confidence in

drugging than his own family  commonly has,  the learned Professor Dunglison is hereby requested to

apologize for  his definition of the word Placebo, or to expunge it  from his Medical  Dictionary. 

One thing is certain.  A loud outcry on a slight touch reveals the  weak spot in a profession, as well as in a

patient.  It is a doubtful  policy to oppose the freest speech in those of our own number who are  trying to show

us where they honestly believe our weakness lies.  Vast  as are the advances of our Science and Art, may it not

possibly  prove  on examination that we retain other old barbarisms beside the  use of  the astrological sign of

Jupiter, with which we endeavor to  insure  good luck to our prescriptions?  Is it the act of a friend or  a foe to

try to point them out to our brethren when asked to address  them, and  is the speaker to subdue the

constitutional habit of his  style to a  given standard, under penalty of giving offence to a grave  assembly? 

Homoeopathy and its Kindred Delusions " was published nearly twenty  years ago, and has been long out of

print, so that the author tried  in vain to procure a copy until the kindness of a friend supplied him  with the

only one he has had for years.  A foolish story reached his  ears that he was attempting to buy up stray copies

for the sake of  suppressing it.  This edition was in the press at that very time. 

Many of the arguments contained in the Lectures have lost whatever  novelty they may have possessed.  All its

predictions have been  submitted to the formidable test of time.  They appear to have stood  it, so far, about as

well as most uninspired prophecies; indeed, some  of them require much less accommodation than certain

grave  commentators employ in their readings of the ancient Prophets. 

If some statistics recently published are correct, Homoeopathy has  made very slow progress in Europe. 

In all England, as it appears, there are hardly a fifth more  Homoeopathic practitioners than there are students

attending Lectures  at the Massachusetts Medical College at the present time.  In America  it has undoubtedly

proved more popular and lucrative, yet how loose a  hold it has on the public confidence is shown by the fact

that, when  a specially valued life, which has been played with by one of its  agents, is seriously threatened, the

first thing we expect to hear is  that a regular practitioner is by the patient's bed, and the  Homoeopathic


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counsellor overruled or discarded.  Again, how many of  the ardent and capricious persons who embraced

Homoeopathy have run  the whole round of pretentious novelties;have been boarded at  watercure

establishments, closeted with uterine and other  specialists, and finally wandered over seas to put themselves

in  charge of foreign celebrities, who dosed them as lustily as they were  ever dosed before they took to

globules!  It will surprise many to  learn to what a shadow of a shade Homoeopathy has dwindled in the  hands

of many of its noted practitioners.  The itchdoctrine is  treated with contempt.  Infinitesimal doses are

replaced by full ones  whenever the fancypractitioner chooses.  Good Homoeopathic reasons  can be found for

employing anything that anybody wants to employ.  Homoeopathy is now merely a name, an unproved

theory, and a box of  pellets pretending to be specifics, which, as all of us know, fail  ignominiously in those

cases where we would thankfully sacrifice all  our prejudices and give the world to have them true to their

promises. 

Homoeopathy has not died out so rapidly as Tractoration.  Perhaps  it  was well that it should not, for it has

taught us a lesson of the  healing faculty of Nature which was needed, and for which many of us  have made

proper acknowledgments.  But it probably does more harm  than good to medical science at the present time,

by keeping up the  delusion of treating everything by specifics,the old barbarous  notion that sick people

should feed on poisons [Lachesis, arrow  poison, obtained from a serpent (Pulte).  Crotalus horridus,

rattlesnake's venom (Neidhard).  The less dangerous Pediculus capilis  is the favorite remedy of Dr. Mure, the

English 'Apostle of  Homoeopathy."  These are examples of the retrograde current setting  towards barbarism]

against which a part of the Discourse at the  beginning of this volume is directed. 

The infinitesimal globules have not become a curiosity as yet, like  Perkins's Tractors.  But time is a very

elastic element in Geology  and Prophecy.  If Daniel's seventy weeks mean four hundred and ninety  years, as

the learned Prideaux and others have settled it that they  do, the "not many years" of my prediction may be

stretched out a  generation or two beyond our time, if necessary, when the prophecy  will no doubt prove true. 

It might be fitting to add a few words with regard to the Essay on  the Contagiousness of Puerperal Fever.  But

the whole question I  consider to be now transferred from the domain of medical inquiry to  the consideration

of Life Insurance agencies and Grand Juries.  For  the justification of this somewhat sharply accented language

I must  refer the reader to the paper itself for details which I regret to  have been forced to place on permanent

record. 

BOSTON, January, 1861. 

A SECOND PREFACE. 

These Lectures and Essays are arranged in the order corresponding  to  the date of their delivery or publication.

They must, of course,  be  read with a constant reference to these dates, by such as care to  read them.  I have

not attempted to modernize their aspect or  character in presenting them, in this somewhat altered connection,

to  the public.  Several of them were contained in a former volume which  received its name from the Address

called "Currents and Counter  Currents."  Some of those contained in the former volume have been  replaced

by others.  The Essay called "Mechanism of Vital Actions"  has been transferred to a distinct collection of

Miscellaneous  essays, forming a separate volume. 

I had some intention of including with these papers an Essay on  Intermittent Fever in New England, which

received one of the Boylston  prizes in 1837, and was published in the following year.  But as this  was upon a

subject of local interest, chiefly, and would have taken  up a good deal of room, I thought it best to leave it

out, trusting  that the stray copies to be met with in musty bookshops would  sufficiently supply the not very

extensive or urgent demand for a  paper almost half a century old. 


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Some of these papers created a little stir when they first fell  from  the press into the pool of public

consciousness.  They will slide  in  very quietly now in this new edition, and find out for themselves  whether

the waters are those of Lethe, or whether they are to live  for a time as not wholly unvalued reminiscences. 

March 21, 1883. 

PREFACE TO THE NEW EDITION.

These Essays are old enough now to go alone without staff or crutch  in the shape of Prefaces.  A very few

words may be a convenience to  the reader who takes up the book and wishes to know what he is likely  to find

in it. 

HOMOEOPATHY AND ITS KINDRED DELUSIONS.

Homoeopathy has proved lucrative, and so long as it continues to be  so will surely exist,as surely as

astrology, palmistry, and other  methods of getting a living out of the weakness and credulity of  mankind and

womankind.  Though it has no pretensions to be considered  as belonging among the sciences, it may be

looked upon by a  scientific man as a curious object of study among the vagaries of the  human mind.  Its

influence for good or the contrary may be made a  matter of calm investigation.  I have studied it in the Essay

before  the reader, under the aspect of an extravagant and purely imaginative  creation of its founder.  Since that

first essay was written, nearly  half a century ago, we have all had a chance to witness its practical  working.

Two opposite inferences may be drawn from its doctrines and  practice.  The first is that which is accepted by

its disciples.  This  is that all diseases are "cured" by drugs.  The opposite  conclusion is  drawn by a much larger

number of persons.  As they see  that patients  are very commonly getting well under treatment by  infinitesimal

drugging, which they consider equivalent to no  medication at all, they  come to disbelieve in every form of

drugging  and put their whole trust  in "nature."  Thus experience, 

          "From seeming evil still educing good,"

has shown that the dealers in this preposterous system of pseudo  therapeutics have cooperated with the

wiser class of practitioners in  breaking up the system of overdosing and overdrugging which has  been one

of the standing reproaches of medical practice.  While.  keeping up the miserable delusion that diseases were

all to be  "cured" by drugging, Homoeopathy has been unintentionally showing  that they would very generally

get well without any drugging at all.  In the mean time the newer doctrines of the "mind cure," the "faith

cure," and the rest are encroaching on the territory so long  monopolized by that most ingenious of the

pseudosciences.  It would  not be surprising if its whole ground should be taken possession of  by these new

claimants with their flattering appeals to the  imaginative class of persons open to such attacks.  Similia

similabus  may prove fatally true for once, if Homoeopathy is killed out by its  newborn rivals. 

It takes a very moderate amount of erudition to unearth a charlatan  like the supposed father of the

infinitesimal dosing system.  The  real inventor of that specious trickery was an Irishman by the name  of

Butler.  The whole story is to be found in the "Ortus Medicinm" of  Van Helmont.  I have given some account

of his chapter "Butler" in  different articles, but I would refer the students of our  Homoeopathic educational

institutions to the original, which they  will find very interesting and curious. 

CURRENTS AND COUNTERCURRENTS 

My attack on overdrugging brought out some hostile comments and  treatment.  Thirty years ago I expressed

myself with more vivacity  than I should show if I were writing on the same subjects today.  Some  of my more

lively remarks called out very sharp animadversion.  Thus my  illustration of prevention as often better than


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treatment in  the  mother's words to her child which had got a poisonous berry in  its  mouth,"Spit it out!"

gave mortal offence to a wellknown New  York  practitioner and writer, who advised the Massachusetts

Medical  Society  to spit out the offending speaker.  Worse than this was my  statement  of my belief that if a

shipload of miscellaneous drugs,  with certain  very important exceptions,drugs, many of which were  then

often given  needlessly and in excess, as then used "could be  sunk to the bottom of  the sea, it would be all the

better for mankind  and all the worse for  the fishes."  This was too bad.  The sentence  was misquoted, quoted

without its qualifying conditions, and  frightened some of my worthy  professional brethren as much as if I  had

told them to throw all  physic to the dogs.  But for the  epigrammatic sting the sentiment  would have been

unnoticed as a  harmless overstatement at the very  worst. 

Since this lecture was delivered a great and, as I think,  beneficial  change has taken place in the practice of

medicine.  The  habit of the  English "general practitioner" of making his profit out  of the pills  and potions he

administered was ruinous to professional  advancement  and the dignity of the physician.  When a halfstarving

medical man  felt that he must give his patient draught and boluses for  which he  could charge him, he was in a

pitiable position and too  likely to  persuade himself that his drugs were useful to his patient  because  they were

profitable to him.  This practice has prevailed a  good deal  in America, and was doubtless the source in some

measure of  the  errors I combated. 

THE CONTAGIOUSNESS OF PUERPERAL FEVER.

This Essay was read before a small Association called "The Society  for Medical Improvement," and

published in a Medical Journal which  lasted but a single year.  It naturally attracted less attention than  it

would have done if published in such a periodical as the "American  Journal of Medical Sciences."  Still it had

its effect, as I have  every reason to believe.  I cannot doubt that it has saved the lives  of many young mothers

by calling attention to the existence and  propagation of "Puerperal Fever as a Private Pestilence," and laying

down rules for taking the necessary precautions against it.  The case  has long been decided in favor of the

views I advocated, but, at the  time when I wrote two of the most celebrated professors of Obstetrics  in this

country opposed my conclusions with all the weight of their  experience and position. 

This paper was written in a great heat and with passionate  indignation.  If I touched it at all I might trim its

rhetorical  exuberance, but I prefer to leave it all its original strength of  expression.  I could not, if I had tried,

have disguised the feelings  with which I regarded the attempt to put out of sight the frightful  facts which I

brought forward and the necessary conclusions to which  they led.  Of course the whole matter has been

looked at in a new  point of view since the microbe as a vehicle of contagion has been  brought into light, and

explained the mechanism of that which was  plain enough as a fact to all who were not blind or who did not

shut  their eyes. 

O.  W.  H. 

BEVERLY Farms, Mass., August 3, 1891 

HOMOEOPATHY AND ITS KINDRED DELUSIONS  [Two lectures delivered  before the Boston Society

for the Diffusion  of Useful Knowledge.  1842.] 

[When a physician attempts to convince a person, who has fallen  into  the Homoeopathic delusion, of the

emptiness of its pretensions,  he is  often answered by a statement of cases in which its  practitioners are

thought to have effected wonderful cures.  The main  object of the  first of these Lectures is to show, by

abundant facts,  that such  statements, made by persons unacquainted with the  fluctuations of  disease and the

fallacies of observation, are to be  considered in  general as of little or no value in establishing the  truth of a

medical doctrine or the utility of a method of practice. 


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Those kind friends who suggest to a person suffering from a tedious  complaint, that he "Had better try

Homoeopathy," are apt to enforce  their suggestion by adding, that "at any rate it can do no harm."  This may

or may not be true as regards the individual.  But it always  does very great harm to the community to

encourage ignorance, error,  or deception in a profession which deals with the life and health of  our

fellowcreatures.  Whether or not those who countenance  Homoeopathy are guilty of this injustice towards

others, the second  of these Lectures may afford them some means of determining. 

To deny that good effects may happen from the observance of diet  and  regimen when prescribed by

Homoeopathists as well as by others,  would  be very unfair to them.  But to suppose that men with minds so

constituted as to accept such statements and embrace such doctrines  as make up the socalled science of

Homoeopathy are more competent  than others to regulate the circumstances which influence the human  body

in health and disease, would be judging very harshly the average  capacity of ordinary practitioners. 

To deny that some patients may have been actually benefited through  the influence exerted upon their

imaginations, would be to refuse to  Homoeopathy what all are willing to concede to every one of those

numerous modes of practice known to all intelligent persons by an  opprobrious title. 

So long as the body is affected through the mind, no audacious  device, even of the most manifestly dishonest

character, can fail of  producing occasional good to those who yield it an implicit or even a  partial faith.  The

argument founded on this occasional good would be  as applicable in justifying the counterfeiter and giving

circulation  to his base coin, on the ground that a spurious dollar had often  relieved a poor man's necessities. 

Homoeopathy has come before our public at a period when the growing  spirit of eclecticism has prepared

many ingenious and honest minds to  listen to all new doctrines with a candor liable to degenerate into

weakness.  It is not impossible that the pretended evolution of great  and mysterious virtues from infinitely

attenuated atoms may have  enticed a few overrefining philosophers, who have slid into a vague  belief that

matter subdivided grows less material, and approaches  nearer to a spiritual nature as it requires a more

powerful  microscope for its detection. 

However this may be, some persons seem disposed to take the ground  of  Menzel that the Laity must pass

formal judgment between the  Physician  and the Homoeopathist, as it once did between Luther and the

Romanists.  The practitioner and the scholar must not, therefore,  smile at the amount of time and labor

expended in these Lectures upon  this shadowy system; which, in the calm and serious judgment of many  of

the wisest members of the medical profession, is not entitled by  anything it has ever said or done to the

notoriety of a public  rebuke, still less to the honors of critical martyrdom.] 

I have selected four topics for this lecture, the first three of  which I shall touch but slightly, the last more

fully.  They are 

1.  The Royal cure of the King's Evil, or Scrofula. 

2.  The Weapon Ointment, and its twin absurdity, the Sympathetic  Powder. 

3.  The Tarwater mania of Bishop Berkeley. 

4.  The History of the Metallic Tractors, or Perkinism. 

The first two illustrate the ease with which numerous facts are  accumulated to prove the most fanciful and

senseless extravagances. 


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The third exhibits the entire insufficiency of exalted wisdom,  immaculate honesty, and vast general

acquirements to make a good  physician of a great bishop. 

The fourth shows us the intimate machinery of an extinct delusion,  which flourished only forty years ago;

drawn in all its details, as  being a rich and comparatively recent illustration of the  pretensions, the arguments,

the patronage, by means of which windy  errors have long been, and will long continue to be, swollen into

transient consequence.  All display in superfluous abundance the  boundless credulity and excitability of

mankind upon subjects  connected with medicine. 

>From the time of Edward the Confessor to Queen Anne, the monarchs  of  England were in the habit of

touching those who were brought to  them  suffering with the scrofula, for the cure of that distemper.  William

the Third had good sense enough to discontinue the practice,  but Anne  resumed it, and, among her other

patients, performed the  royal  operation upon a child, who, in spite of his, disease, grew up  at  last into Samuel

Johnson.  After laying his hand upon the  sufferers,  it was customary for the monarch to hang a gold piece

around the neck  of each patient.  Very strict precautions were adopted  to prevent  those who thought more of

the golden angel hung round the  neck by a  white ribbon, than of relief of their bodily infirmities,  from

making  too many calls, as they sometimes attempted to do.  According to the  statement of the advocates and

contemporaries of  this remedy, none  ever failed of receiving benefit unless their little  faith and  credulity

starved their merits.  Some are said to have been  cured  immediately on the very touch, others did not so easily

get rid  of  their swellings, until they were touched a second time.  Several  cases are related, of persons who

had been blind for several weeks,  and months, and obliged even to be led to Whitehall, yet recovered  their

sight immediately upon being touched, so as to walk away  without any guide."  So widely, at one period, was

the belief  diffused, that, in the course of twelve years, nearly a hundred  thousand persons were touched by

Charles the Second.  Catholic  divines; in disputes upon the orthodoxy of their church, did not deny  that the

power had descended to protestant princes;Dr. Harpsfield,  in his " Ecclesiastical History of England,"

admitted it, and in  Wiseman's words, "when Bishop Tooker would make use of this Argument  to prove the

Truth of our Church, Smitheus doth not thereupon go  about to deny the Matter of fact; nay, both he and Cope

acknowledge  it."  "I myself," says Wiseman, the best English surgical writer of  his day,[Edinburgh Medical

and Surgical Journal, vol. iii. p. 103.]  "I my self have been a frequent Eyewitness of many hundred of

Cures performed by his Majesties Touch alone, without any assistance  of Chirurgery; and those, many of

them such as had tired out the  endeavours of able Chirurgeons before they came hither.  It were  endless to

recite what I myself have seen, and what I have received  acknowledgments of by Letter, not only from the

severall parts of  this Nation, but also from Ireland, Scotland, Jersey, Garnsey.  It is  needless also to remember

what Miracles of this nature were performed  by the very Bloud of his late Majesty of Blessed memory, after

whose  decollation by the inhuman Barbarity of the Regicides, the reliques  of that were gathered on Chips and

in Handkerchieffs by the pious  Devotes, who could not but think so great a suffering in so  honourable and

pious a Cause, would be attended by an extraordinary  assistance of God, and some more then ordinary a

miracle: nor did  their Faith deceive them in this there point, being so many hundred  that found the benefit of

it." [Severall Chirurgicall Treatises.  London.1676.  p.  246.] 

Obstinate and incredulous men, as he tells us, accounted for these  cures in three ways: by the journey and

change of air the patients  obtained in coming to London; by the influence of imagination; and  the wearing of

gold. 

To these objections he answers, 1st.  That many of those cured were  inhabitants of the city.  2d.  That the

subjects of treatment were  frequently infants.  3d.  That sometimes silver was given, and  sometimes nothing,

yet the patients were cured. 

A superstition resembling this probably exists at the present time  in  some ignorant districts of England and

this country.  A writer in a  Medical Journal in the year 1807, speaks of a farmer in Devonshire,  who, being a

ninth son of a ninth son, is thought endowed with  healing powers like those of ancient royalty, and who is


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accustomed  one day in every week to strike for the evil. 

I remember that one of my schoolmates told me, when a boy, of a  seventh son of a seventh son, somewhere

in Essex County, who touched  for the scrofula, and who used to hang a silver fourpence halfpenny  about the

neck of those who came to him, which fourpence halfpenny it  was solemnly affirmed became of a

remarkably black color after having  been some time worn, and that his own brother had been subjected to  this

extraordinary treatment; but I must add that my schoolmate drew  a bow of remarkable length, strength, and

toughness for his tender  years. 

One of the most curious examples of the fallacy of popular belief  and  the uncertainty of asserted facts in

medical experience is to be  found in the history of the UNGUENTUM ARMARIUM, or WEAPON

OINTMENT. 

Fabricius Hildanus, whose name is familiar to every surgical  scholar, and Lord Bacon, who frequently dipped

a little into  medicine, are my principal authorities for the few circumstances I  shall mention regarding it.  The

Weapon Ointment was a preparation  used for the healing of wounds, but instead of its being applied to  them,

the injured part was washed and bandaged, and the weapon with  which the wound was inflicted was carefully

anointed with the  unguent.  Empirics, ignorant barbers, and men of that sort, are said  to have especially

employed it.  Still there were not wanting some  among the more respectable members of the medical

profession who  supported its claims.  The composition of this ointment was  complicated, in the different

formulae given by different  authorities; but some substances addressed to the imagination, rather  than the

wound or weapon, entered into all.  Such were portions of  mummy, of human blood, and of moss from the

skull of a thief hung in  chains. 

Hildanus was a wise and learned man, one of the best surgeons of  his  time.  He was fully aware that a part of

the real secret of the  Unguentum Armarium consisted in the washing and bandaging the wound  and then

letting it alone.  But he could not resist the solemn  assertions respecting its efficacy; he gave way before the

outcry of  facts, and therefore, instead of denying all their pretensions, he  admitted and tried to account for

them upon supernatural grounds.  As  the virtue of those applications, he says, which are made to the  weapon

cannot reach the wound, and as they can produce no effect  without contact, it follows, of necessity, that the

Devil must have a  hand in the business; and as he is by far the most long headed and  experienced of

practitioners, he cannot find this a matter of any  great difficulty.  Hildanus himself reports, in detail, the case

of a  lady who had received a moderate wound, for which the Unguentum  Armarium was employed without

the slightest use.  Yet instead of  receiving this flat case of failure as any evidence against the  remedy, he

accounts for its not succeeding by the devout character of  the lady, and her freedom from that superstitious

and over  imaginative tendency which the Devil requires in those who are to be  benefited by his devices. 

Lord Bacon speaks of the Weapon Ointment, in his Natural History,  as  having in its favor the testimony of

men of credit, though, in his  own language, he himself "as yet is not fully inclined to believe  it."  His remarks

upon the asserted facts respecting it show a  mixture of wise suspicion and partial belief.  He does not like the

precise directions given as to the circumstances under which the  animals from which some of the materials

were obtained were to be  killed; for he thought it looked like a provision for an excuse in  case of failure, by

laying the fault to the omission of some of these  circumstances.  But he likes well that "they do not observe

the  confecting of the Ointment under any certain constellation; which is  commonly the excuse of magical

medicines, when they fail, that they  were not made under a fit figure of heaven." [This was a mistake,

however, since the two recipes given by Hildanus are both very  explicit as to the aspect of the heavens

required for different  stages of the process.]  "It was pretended that if the offending  weapon could not be had,

it would serve the purpose to anoint a  wooden one made like it.  "This," says Bacon, "I should doubt to be a

device to keep this strange form of cure in request and use; because  many times you cannot come by the

weapon itself."  And in closing his  remarks on the statements of the advocates of the ointment, he says,

"Lastly, it will cure a beast as well as a man, which I like best of  all the rest, because it subjecteth the matter


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to an easy trial."  It  is worth remembering, that more than two hundred years ago, when an  absurd and

fantastic remedy was asserted to possess wonderful power,  and when sensible persons ascribed its pretended

influence to  imagination, it was boldly answered that the cure took place when the  wounded party did not

know of the application made to the weapon, and  even when a brute animal was the subject of the

experiment, and that  this assertion, he as we all know it was, came in such a shape as to  shake the incredulity

of the keenest thinker of his time.  The very  same assertion has been since repeated in favor of Perkinism, and,

since that, of Homoeopathy. 

The same essential idea as that of the Weapon Ointment reproduced  itself in the still more famous

SYMPATHETIC POWDER.  This Powder was  said to have the faculty, if applied to the bloodstained

garments of  a wounded person, to cure his injuries, even though he were at a  great distance at the time.  A

friar, returning from the East,  brought the recipe to Europe somewhat before the middle of the  seventeenth

century.  The Grand Duke of Florence, in which city the  friar was residing, heard of his cures, and tried, but

without  success, to obtain his secret.  Sir Kenehn Digby, an Englishman well  known to fame, was fortunate

enough to do him a favor, which wrought  upon his feelings and induced him to impart to his benefactor the

composition of his extraordinary Powder.  This English knight was at  different periods of his life an admiral, a

theologian, a critic, a  metaphysician, a politician, and a disciple of Alchemy.  As is not  unfrequent with

versatile and inflammable people, he caught fire at  the first spark of a new medical discovery, and no sooner

got home to  England than he began to spread the conflagration. 

An opportunity soon offered itself to try the powers of the famous  powder.  Mr. J. Howell, having been

wounded in endeavoring to part  two of his friends who were fighting a duel, submitted himself to a  trial of

the Sympathetic Powder.  Four days after he received his  wounds, Sir Kenehn dipped one of Mr. Howell's

gaiters in a solution  of the Powder, and immediately, it is said, the wounds, which were  very painful, grew

easy, although the patient, who was conversing in  a corner of the chamber, had not, the least idea of what was

doing  with his garter.  He then returned home, leaving his garter in the  hands of Sir Kenelm, who had hung it

up to dry, when Mr. Howell sent  his servant in a great hurry to tell him that his wounds were paining  him

horribly; the garter was therefore replaced in the solution of  the Powder, and the patient got well after five or

six days of its  continued immersion." 

King James First, his son Charles the First, the Duke of  Buckingham,  then prime minister, and all the

principal personages of  the time,  were cognizant of this fact; and James himself, being  curious to know  the

secret of this remedy, asked it of Sir Kenelm, who  revealed it to  him, and his Majesty had the opportunity of

making  several trials of  its efficacy, which all succeeded in a surprising  manner." [Dict.  des Sciences

Medieales.] 

The king's physician, Dr. Mayerne, was made master of the secret,  which he carried to France and

communicated to the Duke of Mayenne,  who performed many cures by means of it, and taught it to his

surgeon, who, after the Duke's death, sold it to many distinguished  persons, by whose agency it soon ceased

to be a secret.  What was  this wonderful substance which so astonished kings, princes, dukes,  knights, and

doctors?  Nothing but powdered blue vitriol.  But it was  made to undergo several processes that conferred on it

extraordinary  virtues.  Twice or thrice it was to be dissolved, filtered, and  crystallized.  The crystals were to be

laid in the sun during the  months of June, July, and August, taking care to turn them carefully  that all should

be exposed.  Then they were to be powdered,  triturated, and again exposed to the sun, again reduced to a very

fine powder, and secured in a vessel, while hot, from the sunshine.  If there seem anything remarkable in the

fact of such astonishing  properties being developed by this process, it must be from our  shortsightedness,

for common salt and charcoal develop powers quite  as marvellous after a certain number of thumps, stirs, and

shakes,  from the hands of modern workers of miracles.  In fact the Unguentum  Armarium and Sympathetic

Powder resemble some more recent  prescriptions; the latter consisting in an infinite dilution of the  common

dose in which remedies are given, and the two former in an  infinite dilution of the common distance at which

they are applied. 


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Whether philosophers, and more especially metaphysicians, have any  peculiar tendency to dabble in drugs

and dose themselves with physic,  is a question which might suggest itself to the reader of their  biographies. 

When Bishop Berkeley visited the illustrious Malebranche at Paris,  he  found him in his cell, cooking in a

small pipkin a medicine for an  inflammation of the lungs, from which he was suffering; and the  disease,

being unfortunately aggravated by the vehemence of their  discussion, or the contents of the pipkin, carried

him off in the  course of a few days.  Berkeley himself afforded a remarkable  illustration of a truth which has

long been known to the members of  one of the learned professions, namely, that no amount of talent, or  of

acquirements in other departments, can rescue from lamentable  folly those who, without something of the

requisite preparation,  undertake to experiment with nostrums upon themselves and their  neighbors.  The

exalted character of Berkeley is thus drawn by Sir  James Mackintosh: Ancient learning, exact science,

polished society,  modern literature, and the fine arts, contributed to adorn and enrich  the mind of this

accomplished man.  All his contemporaries agreed  with the satirist in ascribing 

     "'To Berkeley every virtue under heaven.'

"Even the discerning, fastidious, and turbulent Atterbury said,  after  an interview with him, 'So much

understanding, so much  knowledge, so  much innocence, and such humility, I did not think had  been the

portion of any but angels, till I saw this gentleman.'" 

But among the writings of this great and good man is an Essay of  the  most curious character, illustrating his

weakness upon the point  in  question, and entitled, "Siris, a Chain of Philosophical  Reflections  and Inquiries

concerning the Virtues of TAR WATER, and  divers other  Subjects,"an essay which begins with a recipe

for his  favorite  fluid, and slides by gentle gradations into an examination of  the  sublimest doctrines of Plato.

To show how far a man of honesty  and  benevolence, and with a mind of singular acuteness and depth, may

be  run away with by a favorite notion on a subject which his habits  and  education do not fit him to

investigate, I shall give a short  account  of this Essay, merely stating that as all the supposed virtues  of Tar

Water, made public in successive editions of his treatise by so  illustrious an author, have not saved it from

neglect and disgrace,  it may be fairly assumed that they were mainly imaginary. 

The bishop, as is usual in such cases, speaks of himself as  indispensably obliged, by the duty he owes to

mankind, to make his  experience public.  Now this was by no means evident, nor does it  follow in general,

that because a man has formed a favorable opinion  of a person or a thing he has not the proper means of

thoroughly  understanding, he shall be bound to print it, and thus give currency  to his impressions, which may

be erroneous, and therefore injurious.  He would have done much better to have laid his impressions before

some experienced physicians and surgeons, such as Dr. Mead and Mr.  Cheselden, to have asked them to try

his experiment over again, and  have been guided by their answers.  But the good bishop got excited;  he

pleased himself with the thought that he had discovered a great  panacea; and having once tasted the

bewitching cup of selfquackery,  like many before and since his time, he was so infatuated with the  draught

that he would insist on pouring it down the throats of his  neighbors and all mankind. 

The precious fluid was made by stirring a gallon of water with a  quart of tar, leaving it fortyeight hours, and

pouring off the clear  water.  Such was the specific which the great metaphysician  recommended for averting

and curing all manner of diseases.  It was,  if he might be believed, a preventive of the smallpox, and of great

use in the course of the disease.  It was a cure for impurities of  the blood, coughs, pleurisy, peripneumony,

erysipelas, asthma,  indigestion, carchexia, hysterics, dropsy, mortification, scurvy, and  hypochondria.  It was

of great use in gout and fevers, and was an  excellent preservative of the teeth and gums; answered all the

purpose of Elixir Proprietatis, Stoughton's drops, diet drinks, and  mineral waters; was particularly to be

recommended to seafaring  persons, ladies, and men of studious and sedentary lives; could never  be taken

too long, but, on the contrary, produced advantages which  sometimes did not begin to show themselves for

two or three months. 


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"From my representing Tar Water as good for so many things," says  Berkeley, "some perhaps may conclude

it is good for nothing.  But  charity obligeth me to say what I know, and what I think, however it  may be taken.

Men may censure and object as they please, but I  appeal to time and experiment.  Effects misimputed, cases

wrong told,  circumstances overlooked, perhaps, too, prejudices and partialities  against truth, may for a time

prevail and keep her at the bottom of  her well, from whence nevertheless she emergeth sooner or later, and

strikes the eyes of all who do not keep them shut."  I cannot resist  the temptation of illustrating the bishop's

belief in the wonderful  powers of his remedy, by a few sentences from different parts of his  essay.  "The

hardness of stubbed vulgar constitutions renders them  insensible of a thousand things that fret and gall those

delicate  people, who, as if their skin was peeled off, feel to the quick  everything that touches them.  The

tender nerves and low spirits of  such poor creatures would be much relieved by the use of Tar Water,  which

might prolong and cheer their lives."  "It [the Tar Water] may  be made stronger for brute beasts, as horses, in

whose disorders I  have found it very useful."  " This same water will also give  charitable relief to the ladies,

who often want it more than the  parish poor; being many of them never able to make a good meal, and  sitting

pale, puny, and forbidden, like ghosts, at their own table,  victims of vapors and indigestion."  It does not

appear among the  virtues of Tar Water that "children cried for it," as for some of our  modern remedies, but

the bishop says, "I have known children take it  for above six months together with great benefit, and without

any  inconvenience; and after long and repeated experience I do esteem it  a most excellent diet drink, fitted to

all seasons and ages."  After  mentioning its usefulness in febrile complaints, he says: "I have had  all this

confirmed by my own experience in the late sickly season of  the year one thousand seven hundred and

fortyone, having had twenty  five fevers in my own family cured by this medicinal water, drunk  copiously."

And to finish these extracts with a most important  suggestion for the improvement of the British nation: "It is

much to  be lamented that our Insulars who act and think so much for  themselves, should yet, from grossness

of air and diet, grow stupid  or doat sooner than other people, who, by virtue of elastic air,  waterdrinking,

and light food, preserve their faculties to extreme  old age; an advantage which may perhaps be approached, if

not  equaled, even in these regions, by Tar Water, temperance, and early  hours." 

Berkeley died at the age of about seventy; he might have lived  longer, but his fatal illness was so sudden that

there was not time  enough to stir up a quart of the panacea.  He was an illustrious man,  but he held two very

odd opinions; that tar water was everything, and  that the whole material universe was nothing. 

 

Most of those present have at some time in their lives heard  mention  made of the METALLIC TRACTORS,

invented by one Dr. Perkins, an  American, and formerly enjoying great repute for the cure of various

diseases.  Many have seen or heard of a satirical poem, written by  one of our own countrymen also, about

forty years since, and called  "Terrible Tractoration."  The Metallic Tractors are now so utterly  abandoned that

I have only by good fortune fallen upon a single one  of a pair, to show for the sake of illustration.  For more

than  thirty years this great discovery, which was to banish at least half  the evils which afflict humanity, has

been sleeping undisturbed in  the grave of oblivion.  Not a voice has, for this long period, been  raised in its

favor; its noble and learned patrons, its public  institutions, its eloquent advocates, its brilliant promises are all

covered with the dust of silent neglect; and of the generation which  has sprung up since the period when it

flourished, very few know  anything of its history, and hardly even the title which in its palmy  days it bore of

PERKINISM.  Taking it as settled, then, as no one  appears to answer for it, that Perkinism is entirely dead and

gone,  that both in public and private, officially and individually, its  former adherents even allow it to be

absolutely defunct, I select it  for anatomical examination.  If this pretended discovery was made  public; if it

was long kept before the public; if it was addressed to  the people of different countries; if it was formally

investigated by  scientific men, and systematically adopted by benevolent persons, who  did everything in their

power to diffuse the knowledge and practice  of it; if various collateral motives, such as interest and vanity,

were embarked in its cause; if, notwithstanding all these things, it  gradually sickened and died, then the

conclusion seems a fair one,  that it did not deserve to live.  Contrasting its failure with its  high pretensions, it

is fair to call it an imposition; whether an  expressly fraudulent contrivance or not, some might be ready to


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question.  Everything historically shown to have happened concerning  the mode of promulgation, the wide

diffusion, the apparent success of  this delusion, the respectability and enthusiasm of its advocates, is  of great

interest in showing to what extent and by what means a  considerable part of the community may be led into

the belief of that  which is to be eventually considered' as an idle folly.  If there is  any existing folly, fraudulent

or innocent in its origin, which  appeals to certain arguments for its support; provided that the very  same

arguments can be shown to have been used for Perkinism with as  good reason, they will at once fall to the

ground.  Still more, if it  shall appear that the general course of any existing delusion bears a  strong

resemblance to that of Perkinism, that the former is most  frequently advocated by the same class of persons

who were  conspicuous in behalf of the latter, and treated with contempt or  opposed by the same kind of

persons who thus treated Perkinism; if  the facts in favor of both have a similar aspect; if the motives of  their

originators and propagators may be presumed to have been  similar; then there is every reason to suppose that

the existing  folly will follow in the footsteps of the past, and after displaying  a given amount of cunning and

credulity in those deceiving and  deceived, will drop from the public view like a fruit which has  ripened into

spontaneous rottenness, and be succeeded by the fresh  bloom of some other delusion required by the same

excitable portion  of the community. 

Dr. Elisha Perkins was born at Norwich, Connecticut, in the year  1740.  He had practised his profession with a

good local reputation  for many years, when he fell upon a course of experiments, as it is  related, which led to

his great discovery.  He conceived the idea  that metallic substances might have the effect of removing

diseases,  if applied in a certain manner; a notion probably suggested by the  then recent experiments of

Galvani, in which muscular contractions  were found to be produced by the contact of two metals with the

living fibre.  It was in 1796 that his discovery was promulgated in  the shape of the Metallic Tractors, two

pieces of metal, one  apparently iron and the other brass, about three inches long, blunt  at one end and pointed

at the other.  These instruments were applied  for the cure of different complaints, such as rheumatism, local

pains, inflammations, and even tumors, by drawing them over the  affected part very lightly for about twenty

minutes.  Dr. Perkins  took out a patent for his discovery, and travelled about the country  to diffuse the new

practice.  He soon found numerous advocates of his  discovery, many of them of high standing and influence.

In the year  1798 the tractors had crossed the Atlantic, and were publicly  employed in the Royal Hospital at

Copenhagen.  About the same time  the son of the inventor, Mr. Benjamin Douglass Perkins, carried them  to

London, where they soon attracted attention.  The Danish  physicians published an account of their cases,

containing numerous  instances of alleged success, in a respectable octavo volume.  In the  year 1804 an

establishment, honored with the name of the Perkinean  Institution, was founded in London.  The transactions

of this  institution were published in pamphlets, the Perkinean Society had  public dinners at the Crown and

Anchor, and a poet celebrated their  medical triumph in strains like these : 

    "See, pointed metals, blest with power t' appease

     The ruthless rage of merciless disease,

     O'er the frail part a subtle fluid pour,

     Drenched with invisible Galvanic shower,

     Till the arthritic staff and crutch forego,

     And leap exulting like the bounding roe!"

While all these things were going on, Mr. Benjamin Douglass Perkins  was calmly pocketing money, so that

after some half a dozen years he  left the country with more than ten thousand pounds, which had been  paid

him by the believers in Great Britain.  But in spite of all this  success, and the number of those interested and

committed in its  behalf, Perkinism soon began to decline, and in 1811 the Tractors are  spoken of by an

intelligent writer as being almost forgotten.  Such  was the origin and duration of this doctrine and practice,

into the  history of which we will now look a little more narrowly. 

Let us see, then, by whose agency this delusion was established and  kept up; whether it was principally by

those who were accustomed to  medical pursuits, or those whose habits and modes of reasoning were

different; whether it was with the approbation of those learned  bodies usually supposed to take an interest in


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scientific  discoveries, or only of individuals whose claims to distinction were  founded upon their position in

society, or political station, or  literary eminence; whether the judicious or excitable classes entered  most

deeply into it; whether, in short, the scientific men of that  time were deceived, or only intruded upon, and

shouted down for the  moment by persons who had no particular call to invade their  precincts. 

Not much, perhaps, was to be expected of the Medical Profession in  the way of encouragement.  One Dr.

Fuller, who wrote in England,  himself a Perkinist, thus expressed his opinion: "It must be an  extraordinary

exertion of virtue and humanity for a medical man,  whose livelihood depends either on the sale of drugs, or

on receiving  a guinea for writing a prescription, which must relate to those  drugs, to say to his patient, 'You

had better purchase a set of  Tractors to keep in your family; they will cure you without the  expense of my

attendance, or the danger of the common medical  practice.'  For very obvious reasons medical men must never

be  expected to recommend the use of Perkinism.  The Tractors must trust  for their patronage to the

enlightened and philanthropic out of the  profession, or to medical men retired from practice, and who know

of  no other interest than the luxury of relieving the distressed.  And I  do not despair of seeing the day when

but very few of this  description as well as private families will be without them." 

Whether the motives assigned by this medical man to his  professional  brethren existed or not, it is true that

Dr. Perkins did  not gain a  great deal at their hands.  The Connecticut Medical Society  expelled  him in 1797

for violating their law against the use of  nostrums, or  secret remedies.  The leading English physicians appear

to have  looked on with singular apathy or contempt at the miracles  which it  was pretended were enacting in

the hands of the apostles of  the new  practice.  In looking over the reviews of the time, I have  found  little

beyond brief occasional notices of their pretensions; the  columns of these journals being occupied with

subjects of more  permanent interest.  The state of things in London is best learned,  however, from the satirical

poem to which I have already alluded as  having been written at the period referred to.  This was entitled,

"Terrible Tractoration!!  A Poetical Petition against Galvanizing  Trumpery and the Perkinistic Institution.

Most respectfully  addressed to the Royal College of Physicians, by Christopher Caustic,  M. D., LL. D., A. S.

S., Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians,  Aberdeen, and Honorary Member of no less than nineteen very

learned  Societies."  Two editions of this work were published in London in  the years 1803 and 1804, and one

or two have been published in this  country. 

"Terrible Tractoration" is supposed, by those who never read it, to  be a satire upon the follies of Perkins and

his followers.  It is, on  the contrary, a most zealous defence of Perkinism, and a fierce  attack upon its

opponents, most especially upon such of the medical  profession as treated the subject with neglect or ridicule.

The  Royal College of Physicians was the more peculiar object of the  attack, but with this body, the editors of

some of the leading  periodicals, and several physicians distinguished at that time, and  even now remembered

for their services to science and humanity, were  involved in unsparing denunciations.  The work is by no

means of the  simply humorous character it might be supposed, but is overloaded  with notes of the most

seriously polemical nature.  Much of the  history of the subject, indeed, is to be looked for in this volume. 

It appears from this work that the principal members of the medical  profession, so far from hailing Mr.

Benjamin Douglass Perkins as  another Harvey or Jenner, looked very coldly upon him and his  Tractors; and

it is now evident that, though they were much abused  for so doing, they knew very well what they had to deal

with, and  were altogether in the right.  The delusion at last attracted such an  amount of attention as to induce

Dr. Haygarth and some others of  respectable standing to institute some experiments which I shall  mention in

their proper place, the result of which might have seemed  sufficient to show the emptiness of the whole

contrivance. 

The Royal Society, that learned body which for ages has constituted  the best tribunal to which Britain can

appeal in questions of  science, accepted Mr. Perkins's Tractors and the book written about  them, passed the

customary vote of thanks, and never thought of  troubling itself further in the investigation of pretensions of

such  an aspect.  It is not to be denied that a considerable number of  physicians did avow themselves advocates


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of the new practice; but out  of the whole catalogue of those who were publicly proclaimed as such,  no one

has ever been known, so far as I am aware, to the scientific  world, except in connection with the shortlived

notoriety of  Perkinism.  Who were the people, then, to whose activity, influence,  or standing with the

community was owing all the temporary excitement  produced by the Metallic Tractors? 

First, those persons who had been induced to purchase a pair of  Tractors.  These little bits of brass and iron,

the intrinsic value  of which might, perhaps, amount to ninepence, were sold at five  guineas a pair!  A man

who has paid twentyfive dollars for his  whistle is apt to blow it louder and longer than other people.  So it

appeared that when the "Perkinean Society" applied to the possessors  of Tractors in the metropolis to concur

in the establishment of a  public institution for the use of these instruments upon the poor,  "it was found that

only five out of above a hundred objected to  subscribe, on account of their want of confidence in the efficacy

of  the practice; and these," the committee observes, "there is reason to  believe, never gave them a fair trial,

probably never used them in  more than one case, and that perhaps a case in which the Tractors had  never

been recommended as serviceable."  "Purchasers of the  Tractors," said one of their ardent advocates, "would

be among the  last to approve of them if they had reason to suppose themselves  defrauded of five guineas."  He

forgot poor Moses, with his "gross of  green spectacles, with silver rims and shagreen cases."  "Dear  mother,"

cried the boy, "why won't you listen to reason?  I had them  a dead bargain, or I should not have bought them.

The silver rims  alone will sell for double the money." 

But it is an undeniable fact, that many persons of considerable  standing, and in some instances holding the

most elevated positions  in society, openly patronized the new practice.  In a translation of  a work entitled

"Experiments with the Metallic Tractors," originally  published in Danish, thence rendered successively into

German and  English, Mr. Benjamin Perkins, who edited the English edition, has  given a copious enumeration

of the distinguished individuals, both in  America and Europe, whose patronage he enjoyed.  He goes so far as

to  signify that ROYALTY itself was to be included among the number.  When  the Perkinean Institution was

founded, no less a person than  Lord  Rivers was elected President, and eleven other individuals of  distinction,

among them Governor Franklin, son of Dr. Franklin,  figured as VicePresidents.  Lord Henniker, a member

of the Royal  Society, who is spoken of as a man of judgment and talents,  condescended to patronize the

astonishing discovery, and at different  times bought three pairs of Tractors.  When the Tractors were

introduced into Europe, a large number of testimonials accompanied  them from various distinguished

characters in America, the list of  whom is given in the translation of the Danish work referred to as  follows: 

"Those who have individually stated cases, or who have presented  their names to the public as men who

approved of this remedy, and  acknowledged themselves instrumental in circulating the Tractors, are  fiftysix

in number; thirtyfour of whom are physicians and surgeons,  and many of them of the first eminence,

thirteen clergymen, most of  whom are doctors of divinity, and connected with the literary  institutions of

America; among the remainder are two members of  Congress, one professor of natural philosophy in a

college, etc.,  etc."  It seemed to be taken rather hardly by Mr. Perkins that the  translators of the work which he

edited, in citing the names of the  advocates of the Metallic Practice, frequently omitted the honorary  titles

which should have been annexed.  The testimonials were  obtained by the Danish writer, from a pamphlet

published in America,  in which these titles were given in full.  Thus one of these  testimonials is from " John

Tyler, Esq., a magistrate in the county  of New London, and late BrigadierGeneral of the militia in that

State."  The "omission of the General's title" is the subject of  complaint, as if this title were sufficient evidence

of the  commanding powers of one of the patrons of tractoration.  A similar  complaint is made when "Calvin

Goddard, Esq., of Plainfield, Attorney  at Law, and a member of the Legislature of the State of Connecticut,"

is mentioned without his titular honors, and even on account of the  omission of the proper official titles

belonging to "Nathan Pierce,  Esq., Governor and Manager of the Almshouse of Newburyport."  These

instances show the great importance to be attached to civil and  military dignities, in qualifying their holders

to judge of  scientific subjects, a truth which has not been overlooked by the  legitimate successors of the

Perkinists.  In Great Britain, the  Tractors were not less honored than in America, by the learned and  the

illustrious.  The "Perkinistic Committee" made this statement in  their report: "Mr. Perkins has annually laid


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before the public a  large collection of new cases communicated to him for that purpose by  disinterested and

intelligent characters, from almost every quarter  of Great Britain.  In regard to the competency of these

vouchers, it  will be sufficient simply to state that, amongst others whose names  have been attached to their

communications, are eight professors, in  four different universities, twentyone regular Physicians, nineteen

Surgeons, thirty Clergymen, twelve of whom are Doctors of Divinity,  and numerous other characters of equal

respectability." 

It cannot but excite our notice and surprise that the number of  clergymen both in America and Great Britain

who thrust forward their  evidence on this medical topic was singularly large in proportion to  that of the

members of the medical profession.  Whole pages are  contributed by such worthies as the Rev. Dr. Trotter of

Hans Place,  the Rear.  Waring Willett, Chaplain to the Earl of Dunmore, the Rev.  Dr. Clarke, Chaplain to the

Prince of Wales.  The style of these  theologicomedical communications may be seen in the following from a

divine who was also professor in one of the colleges of New England.  "I have used the Tractors with success

in several other cases in my  own family, and although, like Naaman the Syrian, I cannot tell why  the waters

of Jordan should be better than Abana and Pharpar, rivers  of Damascus; yet since experience has proved them

so, no reasoning  can change the opinion.  Indeed, the causes of all common facts are,  we think, perfectly well

known to us; and it is very probable, fifty  or a hundred years hence, we shall as well know why the Metallic

Tractors should in a few minutes remove violent pains, as we now know  why cantharides and opium will

produce opposite effects, namely, we  shall know very little about either excepting facts."  Fifty or a  hundred

years hence! if he could have looked forward forty years, he  would have seen the descendants of the

"Perkinistic" philosophers  swallowing infinitesimal globules, and knowing and caring as much  about the

Tractors as the people at Saratoga Springs do about the  waters of Abana and Pharpar. 

I trust it will not be thought in any degree disrespectful to a  profession which we all honor, that I have

mentioned the great zeal  of many clergymen in the cause of Perkinism.  I hope, too, that I may  without

offence suggest the causes which have often led them out of  their own province into one to which their

education has no special  reference.  The members of that profession ought to be, and commonly  are, persons

of benevolent character.  Their duties carry them into  the midst of families, and particularly at times when the

members of  them are suffering from bodily illness.  It is natural enough that a  strong desire should be excited

to alleviate sufferings which may  have defied the efforts of professional skill; as natural that any  remedy

which recommends itself to the belief or the fancy of the  spiritual physician should be applied with the hope

of benefit; and  perfectly certain that the weakness of human nature, from which no  profession is exempt, will

lead him to take the most flattering view  of its effects upon the patient; his own sagacity and judgment being

staked upon the success of the trial.  The inventor of the Tractors  was aware of these truths.  He therefore sent

the Tractors  gratuitously to many clergymen, accompanied with a formal certificate  that the holder had

become entitled to their possession by the  payment of five guineas.  This was practised in our own

neighborhood,  and I remember finding one of these certificates, so presented, which  proved that amongst the

risks of infancy I had to encounter Perkins's  Tractors.  Two clergymen of Boston and the vicinity, both well

known  to local fame, gave in their testimony to the value of the  instruments thus presented to them; an

unusually moderate proportion,  when it is remembered that to the common motives of which I have  spoken

was added the seduction of a gift for which the profane public  was expected to pay so largely. 

It was remarkable, also, that Perkinism, which had so little  success  with the medical and scientific part of the

community, found  great  favor in the eyes of its more lovely and less obstinate portion.  "The lady of Major

Oxholin,"I quote from Mr. Perkins's volume,  "having been lately in America, had seen and heard much

of the great  effects of Perkinism.  Influenced by a most benevolent disposition,  she brought these Tractors and

the pamphlet with her to Europe, with  a laudable desire of extending their utility to her suffering

countrymen."  Such was the channel by which the Tractors were  conveyed to Denmark, where they soon

became the ruling passion.  The  workmen, says a French writer, could not manufacture them fast  enough.

Women carried them about their persons, and delighted in  bringing  them into general use.  To what extent the

Tractors were  favored with  the patronage of English and American ladies, it is of  course not easy  to say,


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except on general principles, as their names  were not brought  before the public.  But one of Dr. Haygarth's

stories may lead us to  conjecture that there was a class of female  practitioners who went  about doing good

with the Tractors in England  as well as in Denmark.  A certain lady had the misfortune to have a  spot as big as

a silver  penny at the corner of her eye, caused by a  bruise, or some such  injury.  Another lady, who was a

friend of hers,  and a strong believer  in Perkinism, was very anxious to try the  effects of tractoration upon  this

unfortunate blemish.  The patient  consented; the lady "produced  the instruments, and, after drawing  them four

or five times over the  spot, declared that it changed to a  paler color, and on repeating the  use of them a few

minutes longer,  that it had almost vanished, and was  scarcely visible, and departed  in high triumph at her

success."  The  lady who underwent the  operation assured the narrator "that she looked  in the glass

immediately after, and that not the least visible  alteration had  taken place." 

It would be a very interesting question, what was the intellectual  character of those persons most conspicuous

in behalf of the  Perkinistic delusion?  Such an inquiry might bring to light some  principles which we could

hereafter apply to the study of other  popular errors.  But the obscurity into which nearly all these  enthusiasts

have subsided renders the question easier to ask than to  answer.  I believe it would have been found that most

of these  persons were of ardent temperament and of considerable imagination,  and that their history would

show that Perkinism was not the first  nor the last hobbyhorse they rode furiously.  Many of them may very

probably have been persons of more than common talent, of active and  ingenious minds, of versatile powers

and various acquirements.  Such,  for instance, was the estimable man to whom I have repeatedly  referred as a

warm defender of tractoration, and a bitter assailant  of its enemies.  The story tells itself in the biographical

preface  to his poem.  He went to London with the view of introducing a  hydraulic machine, which he and his

Vermont friends regarded as a  very important invention.  He found, however, that the machine was  already in

common use in that metropolis.  A brother Yankee, then in  London, had started the project of a mill, which

was to be carried by  the water of the Thames.  He was sanguine enough to purchase one  fifth of this concern,

which also proved a failure.  At about the  same period he wrote the work which proved the great excitement

of  his mind upon the subject of the transient folly then before the  public.  Originally a lawyer, he was in

succession a mechanician, a  poet, and an editor, meeting with far less success in each of these  departments

than usually attends men of less varied gifts, but of  more tranquil and phlegmatic composition.  But who is

ignorant that  there is a class of minds characterized by qualities like those I  have mentioned; minds with

many bright and even beautiful traits; but  aimless and fickle as the butterfly; that settle upon every gayly

colored illusion as it opens into flower, and flutter away to another  when the first has dropped its leaves, and

stands naked in the icy  air of truth! 

Let us now look at the general tenor of the arguments addressed by  believers to sceptics and opponents.

Foremost of all, emblazoned at  the head of every column, loudest shouted by every triumphant  disputant,

held up as paramount to all other considerations,  stretched like an impenetrable shield to protect the weakest

advocate  of the great cause against the weapons of the adversary, was that  omnipotent monosyllable which

has been the patrimony of cheats and  the currency of dupes from time immemorial,Facts! Facts ! Facts!

First came the published cases of the American clergymen, brigadier  generals, almshouse governors,

representatives, attorneys, and  esquires.  Then came the published cases of the surgeons of  Copenhagen.  Then

followed reports of about one hundred and fifty  cases published in England, "demonstrating the efficacy of

the  metallic practice in a variety of complaints both upon the human body  and on horses, etc."  But the

progress of facts in Great Britain did  not stop here.  Let those who rely upon the numbers of their  testimonials,

as being alone sufficient to prove the soundness and  stability of a medical novelty, digest the following from

the report  of the Perkinistic Committee.  "The cases published [in Great  Britain] amounted, in March last, the

date of Mr. Perkins's last  publication, to about five thousand.  Supposing that not more than  one cure in three

hundred which the Tractors have performed has been  published, and the proportion is probably much greater,

it will be  seen that the number, to March last, will have exceeded one million  five hundred thousand!" 

Next in order after the appeal to what were called facts, came a  series of arguments, which have been so long

bruised and battered  round in the cause of every doctrine or pretension, new, monstrous,  or deliriously


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impossible, that each of them is as odiously familiar  to the scientific scholar as the faces of so many old

acquaintances,  among the less reputable classes, to the officers of police. 

No doubt many of my hearers will recognize, in the following  passages, arguments they may have heard

brought forward with  triumphant confidence in behalf of some doctrine not yet extinct.  No  doubt some may

have honestly thought they proved something; may have  used them with the purpose of convincing their

friends, or of  silencing the opponents of their favorite doctrine, whatever that  might be.  But any train of

arguments which was contrived for  Perkinism, which was just as applicable to it as to any other new  doctrine

in the same branch of science, and which was fully employed  against its adversaries forty years since, might,

in common charity,  be suffered to slumber in the grave of Perkinism.  Whether or not the  following sentences,

taken literally from the work of Mr. Perkins,  were the originals of some of the idle propositions we hear

bandied  about from time to time, let those who listen judge. 

The following is the test assumed for the new practice : "If  diseases  are really removed, as those persons who

have practised  extensively  with the Tractors declare, it should seem there would be  but little  doubt of their

being generally adopted; but if the numerous  reports  of their efficacy which have been published are

forgeries, or  are  unfounded, the practice ought to be crushed."  To this I merely  add,  it has been crushed. 

The following sentence applies to that a priori judging and  uncandid  class of individuals who buy their

dinners without tasting  all the  food there is in the market.  "On all discoveries there are  persons  who, without

descending to any inquiry into the truth, pretend  to  know, as it were by intuition, that newly asserted facts are

founded  in the grossest errors.  These were those who knew that  Harvey's  report of the circulation of the blood

was a preposterous and  ridiculous suggestion, and in latter later days there were others who  knew that

Franklin deserved reproach for declaring that points were  preferable to balls for protecting buildings from

lightning." 

Again: "This unwarrantable mode of offering assertion for proof, so  unauthorized and even unprecedented

except in the condemnation of a  Galileo, the persecution of a Copernicus, and a few other acts of  inquisitorial

authority, in the times of ignorance and superstition,  affords but a lamentable instance of one of his remarks,

that this is  far from being the Age of Reason." 

"The most valuable medicines in the Materia Medica act on  principles  of which we are totally ignorant.  None

have ever yet been  able to  explain how opium produces sleep, or how bark cures  intermittent  fevers; and yet

few, it is hoped, will be so absurd as to  desist from  the use of these important articles because they know

nothing of the  principle of their operations."  Or if the argument is  preferred, in  the eloquent language of the

Perkinistic poet: 

    "What though the CAUSES may not be explained,

     Since these EFFECTS are duly ascertained,

     Let not selfinterest, prejudice, or pride,

     Induce mankind to set the means aside;

     Means which, though simple, are by

     Heaven designed to alleviate the woes of human kind."

This course of argument is so often employed, that it deserves to  be  expanded a little, so that its length and

breadth may be fairly  seen.  A series of what are called facts is brought forward to prove  some  very

improbable doctrine.  It is objected by judicious people, or  such as have devoted themselves to analogous

subjects, that these  assumed facts are in direct opposition to all that is known of the  course of nature, that the

universal experience of the past affords a  powerful presumption against their truth, and that in proportion to

the gravity of these objections, should be the number and competence  of the witnesses.  The answer is a ready

one.  What do we know of the  mysteries of Nature?  Do we understand the intricate machinery of the

Universe?  When to this is added the neverfailing quotation, 


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"There are more things in heaven and earth, Horatio,

     Than are dreamt of in your philosophy,"

the question is thought to be finally disposed of. 

Take the case of astrology as an example.  It is in itself strange  and incredible that the relations of the

heavenly bodies to each  other at a given moment of time, perhaps half a century ago, should  have anything to

do with my success or misfortune in any undertaking  of today.  But what right have I to say it cannot be so?

Can I bind  the sweet influences of Pleiades, or loose the bands of Orion?  I do  not know by what mighty

magic the planets roll in their fluid paths,  confined to circles as unchanging as if they were rings of steel, nor

why the great wave of ocean follows in a sleepless round upon the  skirts of moonlight; nor cam I say from

any certain knowledge that  the phases of the heavenly bodies, or even the falling of the leaves  of the forest, or

the manner in which the sands lie upon the sea  shore, may not be knit up by invisible threads with the web

of human  destiny.  There is a class of minds much more ready to believe that  which is at first sight incredible,

and because it is incredible,  than what is generally thought reasonable.  Credo quia impossibile  est,"I

believe, because it is impossible,"is an old paradoxical  expression which might be literally applied to this

tribe of persons.  And they always succeed in finding something marvellous, to call out  the exercise of their

robust faith.  The old Cabalistic teachers  maintained that there was not a verse, line, word, or even letter in  the

Bible which had not a special efficacy either to defend the  person who rightly employed it, or to injure his

enemies; always  provided the original Hebrew was made use of.  In the hands of modern  Cabalists every

substance, no matter how inert, acquires wonderful  medicinal virtues, provided it be used in a proper state of

purity  and subdivision. 

I have already mentioned the motives attributed by the Perkinists  to  the Medical Profession, as preventing its

members from receiving  the  new but unwelcome truths.  This accusation is repeated in  different  forms and

places, as, for instance, in the following  passage:  "Will the medical man who has spent much money and

labor in  the  pursuit of the arcana of Physic, and on the exercise of which  depends  his support in life, proclaim

the inefficacy of his art, and  recommend a remedy to his patient which the most unlettered in  society can

employ as advantageously as himself? and a remedy, too,  which, unlike the drops, the pills, the powders, etc.,

of the Materia  Medica, is inconsumable, and ever in readiness to be employed in  successive diseases?" 

As usual with these people, much indignation was expressed at any  parallel between their particular doctrine

and practice and those of  their exploded predecessors.  "The motives," says the disinterested  Mr. Perkins,

"which must have impelled to this attempt at classing  the METALLIC PRACTICE with the most paltry of

empyrical projects, are  but too thinly veiled to escape detection." 

To all these arguments was added, as a matter of course, an appeal  to  the feelings of the benevolent in behalf

of suffering humanity, in  the shape of a notice that the poor would be treated gratis.  It is  pretty well

understood that this gratuitous treatment of the poor  does not necessarily imply an excess of benevolence, any

more than  the gratuitous distribution of a trader's shopbills is an evidence  of remarkable generosity; in short,

that it is one of those things  which honest men often do from the best motives, but which rogues and

impostors never fail to announce as one of their special  recommendations.  It is astonishing to see how these

things brighten  up at the touch of Mr. Perkins's poet: 

    "Ye worthy, honored, philanthropic few,

     The muse shall weave her brightest wreaths for you,

     Who in Humanity's bland cause unite,

     Nor heed the shaft by interest aimed or spite;

     Like the great Pattern of Benevolence,

     Hygeia's blessings to the poor dispense;

     And though opposed by folly's servile brood,

     ENJOY THE LUXURY OF DOING GOOD."


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Having thus sketched the history of Perkinism in its days of  prosperity; having seen how it sprung into being,

and by what means  it maintained its influence, it only remains to tell the brief story  of its discomfiture and

final downfall.  The vast majority of the  sensible part of the medical profession were contented, so far as we

can judge, to let it die out of itself.  It was in vain that the  advocates of this invaluable discovery exclaimed

over their perverse  and interested obstinacy,in vain that they called up the injured  ghosts of Harvey,

Galileo, and Copernicus to shame that unbelieving  generation; the Baillies and the Heberdens,men whose

names have  come down to us as synonymous with honor and wisdom,bore their  reproaches in meek

silence, and left them unanswered to their fate.  There were some others, however, who, believing the public

to labor  under a delusion, thought it worth while to see whether the charm  would be broken by an open trial

of its virtue, as compared with that  of some less hallowed formula.  It must be remembered that a peculiar

value was attached to the Metallic Tractors, as made and patented by  Mr. Perkins.  Dr. Haygarth, of Bath,

performed various experiments  upon patients afflicted with different complaints,the patients  supposing

that the real fiveguinea Tractors were employed.  Strange  to relate, he obtained equally wonderful effects

with Tractors of  lead and of wood; with nails, pieces of bone, slate pencil, and  tobaccopipe.  Dr. Alderson

employed sham Tractors made of wood, and  produced such effects upon five patients that they returned

solemn  thanks in church for their cures.  A single specimen of these cases  may stand for all of them.  Ann Hill

had suffered for some months  from pain in the right arm and shoulder.  The Tractors (wooden ones)  were

applied, and in the space of five minutes she expressed herself  relieved in the following apostrophe: "Bless

me! why, who could have  thought it, that them little things could pull the pain from one.  Well, to be sure, the

longer one lives, the more one sees; ah, dear!" 

These experiments did not result in the immediate extinction of  Perkinism.  Doubtless they were a great

comfort to many obstinate  unbelievers, and helped to settle some sceptical minds; but for the  real Perkinistic

enthusiasts, it may be questioned whether they would  at that time have changed their opinion though one had

risen from the  dead to assure them that it was an error.  It perished without  violence, by an easy and natural

process.  Like the famous toy of  Mongolfier, it rose by means of heated air,the fevered breath of

enthusiastic ignorance,and when this grew cool, as it always does  in a little while, it collapsed and fell. 

And now, on reviewing the whole subject, how shall we account for  the  extraordinary prevalence of the belief

in Perkinism among a  portion  of what is supposed to be the thinking part of the community? 

Could the cures have been real ones, produced by the principle of  ANIMAL MAGNETISM?  To this it may

be answered that the Perkinists  ridiculed the idea of approximating Mesmer and the founder of their  own

doctrine, that nothing like the somnambulic condition seems to  have followed the use of the Tractors, and

that neither the exertion  of the will nor the powers of the individual who operated seem to  have been

considered of any consequence.  Besides, the absolute  neglect into which the Tractors soon declined is good

evidence that  they were incapable of affording any considerable and permanent  relief in the complaints for

the cure of which they were applied. 

Of course a large number of apparent cures were due solely to  nature;  which is true under every form of

treatment, orthodox or  empirical.  Of course many persons experienced at least temporary  relief from the

strong impression made upon their minds by this novel  and marvellous  method of treatment. 

Many, again, influenced by the sanguine hopes of those about them,  like dying people, who often say

sincerely, from day to day, that  they are getting better, cheated themselves into a false and short  lived belief

that they were cured; and as happens in such cases, the  public never knew more than the first half of the story. 

When it was said to the Perkinists, that whatever effects they  produced were merely through the imagination,

they declared (like the  advocates of the ROYAL TOUCH and the UNGUENTUM ARMARIUM that this

explanation was sufficiently disproved by the fact of numerous and  successful cures which had been

witnessed in infants and brute  animals.  Dr. Haygarth replied to this, that "in these cases it is  not the Patient,


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but the Observer, who is deceived by his own  imagination," and that such may be the fact, we have seen in

the case  of the good lady who thought she had conjured away the spot from her  friend's countenance, when it

remained just as before. 

As to the motives of the inventor and vender of the Tractors, the  facts must be allowed to speak for

themselves.  But when two little  bits of brass and iron are patented, as an invention, as the result  of numerous

experiments, when people are led, or even allowed, to  infer that they are a peculiar compound, when they are

artfully  associated with a new and brilliant discovery (which then happened to  be Galvanism), when they are

sold at many hundred times their value,  and the seller prints his opinion that a Hospital will suffer

inconvenience, "unless it possesses many sets of the Tractors, and  these placed in the hands of the patients to

practise on each other,"  one cannot but suspect that they were contrived in the neighborhood  of a wooden

nutmeg factory; that legs of ham in that region are not  made of the best mahogany; and that such as buy their

cucumber seed  in that vicinity have to wait for the fruit as long as the Indians  for their crop of gunpowder. 

The succeeding lecture will be devoted to an examination of the  doctrines of Samuel Hahnemann and his

disciples; doctrines which some  consider new and others old; the common title of which is variously  known

as Homoeopathy, Homoeopathy, Homoeopaithy, or Hom'pathy,  and the claims of which are

considered by some as infinitely  important, and by many as immeasurably ridiculous. 

I wish to state, for the sake of any who may be interested in the  subject, that I shall treat it, not by ridicule,

but by argument;  perhaps with great freedom, but with good temper and in peaceable  language; with very

little hope of reclaiming converts, with no  desire of making enemies, but with a firm belief that its

pretensions  and assertions cannot stand before a single hour of calm  investigation. 

II. 

It may be thought that a direct attack upon the pretensions of  HOMOEOPATHY is an uncalledfor

aggression upon an unoffending  doctrine and its peaceful advocates. 

But a little inquiry will show that it has long assumed so hostile  a  position with respect to the Medical

Profession, that any trouble I,  or any other member of that profession, may choose to bestow upon it  may be

considered merely as a matter of selfdefence.  It began with  an attempt to show the insignificance of all

existing medical  knowledge.  It not only laid claim to wonderful powers of its own,  but it declared the

common practice to be attended with the most  positively injurious effects, that by it acute diseases are

aggravated, and chronic diseases rendered incurable.  It has at  various times brought forward collections of

figures having the air  of statistical documents, pretending to show a great proportional  mortality among the

patients of the Medical Profession, as compared  with those treated according to its own rules.  Not contented

with  choosing a name of classical origin for itself, it invented one for  the whole community of innocent

physicians, assuring them, to their  great surprise, that they were all ALLOPATHISTS, whether they knew it

or not, and including all the illustrious masters of the past, from  Hippocrates down to Hunter, under the same

gratuitous title.  The  line, then, has been drawn by the champions of the new doctrine; they  have lifted the

lance, they have sounded the charge, and are  responsible for any little skirmishing which may happen. 

But, independently of any such grounds of active resistance, the  subject involves interests so disproportioned

to its intrinsic  claims, that it is no more than an act of humanity to give it a  public examination.  If the new

doctrine is not truth, it is a  dangerous, a deadly error.  If it is a mere illusion, and acquires  the same degree of

influence that we have often seen obtained by  other illusions, there is not one of my audience who may not

have  occasion to deplore the fatal credulity which listened to its  promises. 

I shall therefore undertake a sober examination of its principles,  its facts, and some points of its history.  The

limited time at my  disposal requires me to condense as much as possible what I have to  say, but I shall


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endeavor to be plain and direct in expressing it.  Not one statement shall be made which cannot be supported

by  unimpeachable reference: not one word shall be uttered which I am not  as willing to print as to speak.  I

have no quibbles to utter, and I  shall stoop to answer none; but, with full faith in the sufficiency  of a plain

statement of facts and reasons, I submit the subject to  the discernment of my audience. 

The question may be asked in the outset,Have you submitted the  doctrines you are professing to examine

to the test of longrepeated  and careful experiment; have you tried to see whether they were true  or not?  To

this I answer, that it is abundantly evident, from what  has often happened, that it would be of no manner of

use for me to  allege the results of any experiments I might have instituted.  Again  and again have the most

explicit statements been made by the most  competent persons of the utter failure of all their trials, and there

were the same abundant explanations offered as used to be for the  Unguentum Armarium arid the Metallic

Tractors.  I could by no  possibility perform any experiments the result of which could not be  easily explained

away so as to be of no conclusive significance.  Besides, as arguments in favor of Homoeopathy are

constantly  addressed to the public in journals, pamphlets, and even lectures, by  inexperienced dilettanti, the

same channel must be open to all its  opponents. 

It is necessary, for the sake of those to whom the whole subject  may  be new, to give in the smallest possible

compass the substance of  the  Homoeopathic Doctrine.  Samuel Hahnemann, its founder, is a German

physician, now living in Paris," [Hahnemann died in 1843.] at the age  of eightyseven years.  In 1796 he

published the first paper  containing his peculiar notions; in 1805 his first work on the  subject; in 1810 his

somewhat famous "Organon of the Healing Art;"  the next year what he called the "Pure Materia Medica;"

and in 1828  his last work, the "Treatise on Chronic Diseases."  He has therefore  been writing at intervals on

his favorite subject for nearly half a  century. 

The one great doctrine which constitutes the basis of Homoeopathy  as  a system is expressed by the Latin

aphorism, 

               "SIMILIA SIBIILIBUS CURANTUR,"

or like cures like, that is, diseases are cured by agents capable  of  producing symptoms resembling those

found in the disease under  treatment.  A disease for Hahnemann consists essentially in a group  of symptoms.

The proper medicine for any disease is the one which is  capable of producing a similar group of symptoms

when given to a  healthy person. 

It is of course necessary to know what are the trains of symptoms  excited by different substances, when

administered to persons in  health, if any such can be shown to exist.  Hahnemann and his  disciples give

catalogues of the symptoms which they affirm were  produced upon themselves or others by a large number of

drugs which  they submitted to experiment. 

The second great fact which Hahnemann professes to have established  is the efficacy of medicinal substances

reduced to a wonderful degree  of minuteness or dilution.  The following account of his mode of  preparing his

medicines is from his work on Chronic Diseases, which  has not, I believe, yet been translated into English.  A

grain of the  substance, if it is solid, a drop if it is liquid, is to be added to  about a third part of one hundred

grains of sugar of milk in an  unglazed porcelain capsule which has had the polish removed from the  lower

part of its cavity by rubbing it with wet sand; they are to be  mingled for an instant with a bone or horn

spatula, and then rubbed  together for six minutes; then the mass is to be scraped together  from the mortar and

pestle, which is to take four minutes; then to be  again rubbed for six minutes.  Four minutes are then to be

devoted to  scraping the powder into a heap, and the second third of the hundred  grains of sugar of milk to be

added.  Then they are to be stirred an  instant and rubbed six minutes,again to be scraped together four

minutes and forcibly rubbed six; once more scraped together for four  minutes, when the last third of the

hundred grains of sugar of milk  is to be added and mingled by stirring with the spatula; six minutes  of


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forcible rubbing, four of scraping together, and six more  (positively the last six) of rubbing, finish this part of

the  process. 

Every grain of this powder contains the hundredth of a grain of the  medicinal substance mingled with the

sugar of milk.  If, therefore, a  grain of the powder just prepared is mingled with another hundred  grains of

sugar of milk, and the process just described repeated, we  shall have a powder of which every grain contains

the hundredth of  the hundredth, or the ten thousandth part of a grain of the medicinal  substance.  Repeat the

same process with the same quantity of fresh  sugar of milk, and every grain of your powder will contain the

millionth of a grain of the medicinal substance.  When the powder is  of this strength, it is ready to employ in

the further solutions and  dilutions to be made use of in practice. 

A grain of the powder is to be taken, a hundred drops of alcohol  are  to be poured on it, the vial is to be slowly

turned for a few  minutes, until the powder is dissolved, and two shakes are to be  given to it.  On this point I

will quote Hahnemann's own words.  "A  long experience and multiplied observations upon the sick lead me

within the last few years to prefer giving only two shakes to  medicinal liquids, whereas I formerly used to

give ten."  The process  of dilution is carried on in the same way as the attenuation of the  powder was done;

each successive dilution with alcohol reducing the  medicine to a hundredth part of the quantity of that which

preceded  it.  In this way the dilution of the original millionth of a grain of  medicine contained in the grain of

powder operated on is carried  successively to the billionth, trillionth, quadrillionth,  quintillionth, and very

often much higher fractional divisions.  A  dose of any of these medicines is a minute fraction of a drop,

obtained by moistening with them one or more little globules of  sugar, of which Hahnemann says it takes

about two hundred to weigh a  grain. 

As an instance of the strength of the medicines prescribed by  Hahnemann, I will mention carbonate of lime.

He does not employ  common chalk, but prefers a little portion of the friable part of an  oystershell.  Of this

substance, carried to the sextillionth degree,  so much as one or two globules of the size mentioned can

convey is a  common dose.  But for persons of very delicate nerves it is proper  that the dilution should be

carried to the decillionth degree.  That  is, an important medicinal effect is to be expected from the two

hundredth or hundredth part of the millionth of the millionth of the  millionth of the millionth of the millionth

of the millionth of the  millionth of the millionth of the millionth of the millionth of a  grain of oystershell.

This is only the tenth degree of potency, but  some of his disciples profess to have obtained palpable effects

from  much higher dilutions." 

The third great doctrine of Hahnemann is the following.  Seven  eighths at least of all chronic diseases are

produced by the  existence in the system of that infectious disorder known in the  language of science by the

appellation of PSORA, but to the less  refined portion of the community by the name of ITCH.  In the words  of

Hahnemann's "Organon,"  "This Psora is the sole true and  fundamental cause that produces all the other

countless forms of  disease, which, under the names of nervous debility, hysteria,  hypochondriasis, insanity,

melancholy, idiocy, madness, epilepsy, and  spasms of all kinds, softening of the bones, or rickets, scoliosis

and cyphosis, caries, cancer, fungua haematodes, gout,yellow  jaundice and cyanosis, dropsy, 

["The degrees of DILUTION must not be confounded with those of  POTENCY.  Their relations may be seen

by this table: 

lst dilution,One hundredth of a drop or grain.

2d  "  One ten thousandth. 

3d  "  One millionth, marked I. 


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4th  "  One hundred millionth. 

5th  "  One ten thousand millionth. 

6th  "  One million millionth, or one billionth, marked II. 

7th  "  One hundred billionth. 

8th  "  One ten thousand billionth. 

9th  "  One million billionth, or one trillionth, marked III. 

10th  "  One hundred trillionth. 

11th  "  One ten thousand trillionth. 

12th  "  One million trillionth, or one quadrillionth, marked  IV.,and so on indefinitely. 

The large figures denote the degrees of POTENCY.] 

gastralgia, epistaxis, haemoptysis,asthma and suppuration of the  lungs,megrim, deafness, cataract and

amaurosis,paralysis, loss of  sense, pains of every kind, etc., appear in our pathology as so many  peculiar,

distinct, and independent diseases." 

For the last three centuries, if the same authority may be trusted,  under the influence of the more refined

personal habits which have  prevailed, and the application of various external remedies which  repel the

affection from the skin; Psora has revealed itself in these  numerous forms of internal disease, instead of

appearing, as in  former periods, under the aspect of an external malady. 

These are the three cardinal doctrines of Hahnemann, as laid down  in  those standard works of Homoeopathy,

the "Organon" and the  "Treatise  on Chronic Diseases." 

Several other principles may be added, upon all of which he insists  with great force, and which are very

generally received by his  disciples. 

1.  Very little power is allowed to the curative efforts of nature.  Hahnemann goes so far as to say that no one

has ever seen the simple  efforts of nature effect the durable recovery of a patient from a  chronic disease.  In

general, the Homoeopathist calls every recovery  which happens under his treatment a cure. 

2.  Every medicinal substance must be administered in a state of  the  most perfect purity, and uncombined with

any other.  The union of  several remedies in a single prescription destroys its utility, and,  according to the

"Organon," frequently adds a new disease. 

3.  A large number of substances commonly thought to be inert  develop  great medicinal powers when

prepared in the manner already  described;  and a great proportion of them are ascertained to have  specific

antidotes in case their excessive effects require to be  neutralized. 

4.  Diseases should be recognized, as far as possible, not by any  of  the common names imposed upon them, as

fever or epilepsy, but as  individual collections of symptoms, each of which differs from every  other

collection. 


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5.  The symptoms of any complaint must be described with the most  minute exactness, and so far as possible

in the patient's own words.  To illustrate the kind of circumstances the patient is expected to  record, I will

mention one or two from the 313th page of the  "Treatise on Chronic Diseases,"being the first one at which

I  opened accidentally. 

"After dinner, disposition to sleep; the patient winks." 

"After dinner, prostration and feeling of weakness (nine days after  taking the remedy)." 

This remedy was that same oystershell which is to be prescribed  "fractions of the sextillionth or decillionth

degree.  According to  Hahnemann, the action of a single dose of the size mentioned does not  fully display

itself in some cases until twentyfour or even thirty  days after it is taken, and in such instances has not

exhausted its  good effects until towards the fortieth or fiftieth day,before  which time it would be absurd

and injurious to administer a new  remedy. 

So much for the doctrines of Hahnemann, which have been stated  without comment, or exaggeration of any

of their features, very much  as any adherent of his opinions might have stated them, if obliged to  compress

them into so narrow a space. 

Does Hahnemann himself represent Homoeopathy as it now exists?  He  certainly ought to be its best

representative, after having created  it, and devoted his life to it for half a century.  He is spoken of  as the great

physician of the time, in most, if not all Homoeopathic  works.  If he is not authority on the subject of his own

doctrines,  who is?  So far as I am aware, not one tangible discovery in the  socalled science has ever been

ascribed to any other observer; at  least, no general principle or law, of consequence enough to claim  any

prominence in Homoeopathic works, has ever been pretended to have  originated with any of his illustrious

disciples.  He is one of the  only two Homoeopathic writers with whom, as I shall mention, the  Paris publisher

will have anything to do upon his own account.  The  other is Jahr, whose Manual is little more than a

catalogue of  symptoms and remedies.  If any persons choose to reject Hahnemann as  not in the main

representing Homoeopathy, if they strike at his  authority, if they wink out of sight his deliberate and formally

announced results, it is an act of suicidal rashness; for upon his  sagacity and powers of observation, and

experience, as embodied in  his works, and especially in his Materia Medica, repose the  foundations of

Homoeopathy as a practical system. 

So far as I can learn from the conflicting statements made upon the  subject, the following is the present

condition of belief. 

1.  All of any note agree that the law Similia similibus is the  only  fundamental principle in medicine.  Of

course if any man does not  agree to this the name Homoeopathist can no longer be applied to him  with

propriety. 

2.  The belief in and employment of the infinitesimal doses is  general, and in some places universal, among

the advocates of  Homoeopathy; but a distinct movement has been made in Germany to get  rid of any

restriction to the use of these doses, and to employ  medicines with the same license as other practitioners. 

3.  The doctrine of the origin of most chronic diseases in Psora,  notwithstanding Hahnemann says it cost him

twelve years of study and  research to establish the fact and its practical consequences, has  met with great

neglect and even opposition from very many of his own  disciples. 

It is true, notwithstanding, that, throughout most of their  writings  which I have seen, there runs a prevailing

tone of great  deference to  Hahnemann's opinions, a constant reference to his  authority, a  general agreement

with the minor points of his belief,  and a pretence  of harmonious union in a common faith. [Those who will


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take the  trouble to look over Hull's Translation of Jahr's Manual may  observe  how little comparative space is

given to remedies resting upon  any  other authority than that of Hahnemann.] 

Many persons, and most physicians and scientific men, would be  satisfied with the statement of these

doctrines, and examine them no  further.  They would consider it vastly more probable that any  observer in so

fallacious and difficult a field of inquiry as  medicine had been led into error, or walked into it of his own

accord, than that such numerous and extraordinary facts had really  just come to light.  They would feel a right

to exercise the same  obduracy towards them as the French Institute is in the habit of  displaying when

memoirs or models are offered to it relating to the  squaring of the circle or perpetual motion; which it is the

rule to  pass over without notice.  They would feel as astronomers and natural  philosophers must have felt

when, some half a dozen years ago, an  unknown man came forward, and asked for an opportunity to

demonstrate  to Arago and his colleagues that the moon and planets were at a  distance of a little more than a

hundred miles from the earth.  And  so they would not even look into Homoeopathy, though all its  advocates

should exclaim in the words of Mr. Benjamin Douglass  Perkins, vender of the Metallic Tractors, that "On all

discoveries  there are persons who, without descending to any inquiry into the  truth, pretend to know, as it

were by intuition, that newly asserted  facts are founded in the grossest errors."  And they would lay their

heads upon their pillows with a perfectly clear conscience, although  they were assured that they were

behaving in the same way that people  of old did towards Harvey, Galileo, and Copernicus, the identical  great

names which were invoked by Mr. Benjamin Douglass Perkins. 

But experience has shown that the character of these assertions is  not sufficient to deter many, from

examining their claims to belief.  I therefore lean but very slightly on the extravagance and extreme  apparent

singularity of their pretensions.  I might have omitted  them, but on the whole it seemed more just to the claims

of my  argument to suggest the vast complication of improbabilities involved  in the statements enumerated.

Every one must of course judge for  himself as to the weight of these objections, which are by no means

brought forward as a proof of the extravagance of Homoeopathy, but  simply as entitled to a brief

consideration before the facts of the  case are submitted to our scrutiny. 

The three great asserted discoveries of Hahnemann are entirely  unconnected with and independent of each

other.  Were there any  natural relation between them it would seem probable enough that the  discovery of the

first would have led to that of the others.  But  assuming it to be a fact that diseases are cured by remedies

capable  of producing symptoms like their own, no manifest relation exists  between this fact and the next

assertion, namely, the power of the  infinitesimal doses.  And allowing both these to be true, neither has  the

remotest affinity to the third new doctrine, that which declares  seven eighths of all chronic diseases to be

owing to Psora. 

This want of any obvious relation between Hahnemann's three  cardinal  doctrines appears to be selfevident

upon inspection.  But  if, as is  often true with his disciples, they prefer the authority of  one of  their own

number, I will refer them to Dr. Trinks's paper on  the  present state of Homoeopathy in Europe, with which, of

course,  they  are familiar, as his name is mentioned as one of the most  prominent  champions of their faith, in

their American official organ.  It would  be a fact without a parallel in the history, not merely of  medicine,  but

of science, that three such unconnected and astonishing  discoveries, each of them a complete revolution of all

that ages of  the most varied experience had been taught to believe, should spring  full formed from the brain

of a single individual. 

Let us look a moment at the first of his doctrines.  Improbable  though it may seem to some, there is no

essential absurdity involved  in the proposition that diseases yield to remedies capable of  producing like

symptoms.  There are, on the other hand, some  analogies which lend a degree of plausibility to the statement.

There  are wellascertained facts, known from the earliest periods of  medicine, showing that, under certain

circumstances, the very  medicine which, from its known effects, one would expect to aggravate  the disease,

may contribute to its relief.  I may be permitted to  allude, in the most general way, to the case in which the


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spontaneous  efforts of an overtasked stomach are quieted by the agency of a drug  which that organ refuses to

entertain upon any terms.  But that every  cure ever performed by medicine should have been founded upon

this  principle, although without the knowledge of a physician; that the  Homoeopathic axiom is, as

Hahnemann asserts, "the sole law of nature  in therapeutics," a law of which nothing more than a transient

glimpse ever presented itself to the innumerable host of medical  observers, is a dogma of such sweeping

extent, and pregnant novelty,  that it demands a corresponding breadth and depth of unquestionable  facts to

cover its vast pretensions. 

So much ridicule has been thrown upon the pretended powers of the  minute doses that I shall only touch upon

this point for the purpose  of conveying, by illustrations, some shadow of ideas far transcending  the powers of

the imagination to realize.  It must be remembered that  these comparisons are not matters susceptible of

dispute, being  founded on simple arithmetical computations, level to the capacity of  any intelligent

schoolboy.  A person who once wrote a very small  pamphlet made some show of objecting to calculations of

thus kind, on  the ground that the highest dilutions could easily be made with a few  ounces of alcohol.  But he

should have remembered that at every  successive dilution he lays aside or throws away ninetynine

hundredths of the fluid on which he is operating, and that, although  he begins with a drop, he only prepares a

millionth, billionth,  trillionth, and similar fractions of it, all of which, added  together, would constitute but a

vastly minute portion of the drop  with which he began.  But now let us suppose we take one single drop  of the

Tincture of Camomile, and that the whole of this were to be  carried through the common series of dilutions. 

A calculation nearly like the following was made by Dr. Panvini,  and  may be readily followed in its essential

particulars by any one  who  chooses. 

For the first dilution it would take 100 drops of alcohol. 

For the second dilution it would take 10;000 drops, or about a  pint. 

For the third dilution it would take 100 pints. 

For the fourth dilution it would take 10,000 pints, or more than  1,000 gallons, and so on to the ninth dilution,

which would take ten  billion gallons, which he computed would fill the basin of Lake  Agnano, a body of

water two miles in circumference.  The twelfth  dilution would of course fill a million such lakes.  By the time

the  seventeenth degree of dilution should be reached, the alcohol  required would equal in quantity the waters

of ten thousand Adriatic  seas.  Trifling errors must be expected, but they are as likely to be  on one side as the

other, and any little matter like Lake Superior or  the Caspian would be but a drop in the bucket. 

Swallowers of globules, one of your little pellets, moistened in  the  mingled waves of one million lakes of

alcohol, each two miles in  circumference, with which had been blended that one drop of Tincture  of

Camomile, would be of precisely the strength recommended for that  medicine in your favorite Jahr's Manual,

against the most sudden,  frightful, and fatal diseases!" [In the French edition of 1834, the  proper doses of the

medicines are mentioned, and Camomile is marked  IV.  Why are the doses omitted in Hull's Translation,

except in three  instances out of the whole two hundred remedies, notwithstanding the  promise in the preface

that "some remarks upon the doses used may be  found at the head of each medicine"?  Possibly because it

makes no  difference whether they are employed in one Homoeopathic dose or  another; but then it is very

singular that such precise directions  were formerly given in the same work, and that Hahnemann's

"experience" should have led him to draw the nice distinctions we  have seen in a former part of this Lecture

(p. 44).] 

And proceeding on the common data, I have just made a calculation  which shows that this single drop of

Tincture of Camomile, given in  the quantity ordered by Jahr's Manual, would have supplied every  individual

of the whole human family, past and present, with more  than five billion doses each, the action of each dose


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lasting about  four days. 

Yet this is given only at the quadrillionth, or fourth degree of  potency, and various substances are frequently

administered at the  decillionth or tenth degree, and occasionally at still higher  attenuations with professed

medicinal results.  Is there not in this  as great an exception to all the hitherto received laws of nature as  in the

miracle of the loaves and fishes?  Ask this question of a  Homoeopathist, and he will answer by referring to the

effects  produced by a very minute portion of vaccine matter, or the  extraordinary diffusion of odors.  But the

vaccine matter is one of  those substances called morbid poisons, of which it is a peculiar  character to multiply

themselves, when introduced into the system, as  a seed does in the soil.  Therefore the hundredth part of a

grain of  the vaccine matter, if no more than this is employed, soon increases  in quantity, until, in the course

of about a week, it is a grain or  more, and can be removed in considerable drops.  And what is a very  curious

illustration of Homoeopathy, it does not produce its most.  characteristic effects until it is already in sufficient

quantity not  merely to be visible, but to be collected for further use.  The  thoughtlessness which can allow an

inference to be extended from a  product of disease possessing this susceptibility of multiplication  when

conveyed into the living body, to substances of inorganic  origin, such as silex or sulphur, would be capable of

arguing that a  pebble may produce a mountain, because an acorn can become a forest. 

As to the analogy to be found between the alleged action of the  infinitely attenuated doses, and the effects of

some odorous  substances which possess the extraordinary power of diffusing their  imponderable emanations

through a very wide space, however it may be  abused in argument, and rapidly as it evaporates on

examination, it  is not like that just mentioned, wholly without meaning.  The fact of  the vast diffusion of some

odors, as that of musk or the rose, for  instance, has long been cited as the most remarkable illustration of  the

divisibility of matter, and the nicety of the senses.  And if  this were compared with the effects of a very

minute dose of morphia  on the whole system, or the sudden and fatal impression of a single  drop of prussic

acid, or, with what comes still nearer, the poisonous  influence of an atmosphere impregnated with invisible

malaria, we  should find in each of these examples an evidence of the degree to  which nature, in some few

instances, concentrates powerful qualities  in minute or subtile forms of matter.  But if a man comes to me with

a pestle and mortar in his hand, and tells me that he will take a  little speck of some substance which nobody

ever thought to have any  smell at all, as, for instance, a grain of chalk or of charcoal, and  that he will, after an

hour or two of rubbing and scraping, develop  in a portion of it an odor which, if the whole grain were used,

would  be capable of pervading an apartment, a house, a village, a province,  an empire, nay, the entire

atmosphere of this broad planet upon which  we tread; and that from each of fifty or sixty substances he can in

this way develop a distinct and hitherto unknown odor: and if he  tries to show that all this is rendered quite

reasonable by the  analogy of musk and roses, I shall certainly be justified in  considering him incapable of

reasoning, and beyond the reach of my  argument.  What if, instead of this, he professes to develop new and

wonderful medicinal powers from the same speck of chalk or charcoal,  in such proportions as would

impregnate every pond, lake, river, sea,  and ocean of our globe, and appeals to the same analogy in favor of

the probability of his assertion. 

All this may be true, notwithstanding these considerations.  But so  extraordinary would be the fact, that a

single atom of substances  which a child might swallow without harm by the teaspoonful could, by  an easy

mechanical process, be made to develop such inconceivable  powers, that nothing but the strictest agreement

of the most cautious  experimenters, secured by every guaranty that they were honest and  faithful, appealing

to repeated experiments in public, with every  precaution to guard against error, and with the most plain and

peremptory results, should induce us to lend any credence to such  pretensions. 

The third doctrine, that Psora, the other name of which you  remember,  is the cause of the great majority of

chronic diseases, is a  startling one, to say the least.  That an affection always recognized  as a very unpleasant

personal companion, but generally regarded as a  mere temporary incommodity, readily yielding to treatment

in those  unfortunate enough to suffer from it, and hardly known among the  better classes of society, should

be all at once found out by a  German physician to be the great scourge of mankind, the cause of  their severest


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bodily and mental calamities, cancer and consumption,  idiocy and madness, must excite our unqualified

surprise.  And when  the originator of this singular truth ascribes, as in the page now  open before me, the

declining health of a disgraced courtier, the  chronic malady of a bereaved mother, even the melancholy of the

love  sick and slighted maiden, to nothing more nor less than the  insignificant, unseemly, and almost

unmentionable ITCH, does it not  seem as if the very soil upon which we stand were dissolving into  chaos,

over the earthquakeheaving of discovery? 

And when one man claims to have established these three independent  truths, which are about as remote from

each other as the discovery of  the law of gravitation, the invention of printing, and that of the  mariner's

compass, unless the facts in their favor are overwhelming  and unanimous, the question naturally arises, Is not

this man  deceiving himself, or trying to deceive others? 

I proceed to examine the proofs of the leading ideas of Hahnemann  and  his school. 

In order to show the axiom, similia similibus curantur (or like is  cured by like), to be the basis of the healing

art,"the sole law of  nature in therapeutics,"it is necessary, 

1.  That the symptoms produced by drugs in healthy persons should  be  faithfully studied and recorded. 

2.  That drugs should be shown to be always capable of curing those  diseases most like their own symptoms. 

3.  That remedies should be shown not to cure diseases when they do  not produce symptoms resembling those

presented in these diseases. 

1.  The effects of drugs upon healthy persons have been studied by  Hahnemann and his associates.  Their

results were made known in his  Materia Medica, a work in three large volumes in the French  translation,

published about eight years ago.  The mode of  experimentation appears to have been, to take the substance on

trial,  either in common or minute doses, and then to set down every little  sensation, every little movement of

mind or body, which occurred  within many succeeding hours or days, as being produced solely by the

substance employed.  When I have enumerated some of the symptoms  attributed to the power of the drugs

taken, you will be able to judge  how much value is to be ascribed to the assertions of such observers. 

The following list was taken literally from the Materia Medica of  Hahnemann, by my friend M.  Vernois, for

whose accuracy I am willing  to be responsible.  He has given seven pages of these symptoms, not  selected,

but taken at hazard from the French translation of the  work.  I shall be very brief in my citations. 

"After stooping some time, sense of painful weight about the head  upon resuming the erect posture." 

"An itching, tickling sensation at the outer edge of the palm of  the  left hand, which obliges the person to

scratch."  The medicine was  acetate of lime, and as the action of the globule taken is said to  last twentyeight

days, you may judge how many such symptoms as the  last might be supposed to happen. 

Among the symptoms attributed to muriatic acid are these: a  catarrh,  sighing, pimples; "after having written a

long time with the  back a  little bent over, violent pain in the back and shoulderblades,  as if  from a

strain,""dreams which are not remembered,disposition  to  mental dejection,wakefulness before and

after midnight." 

I might extend this catalogue almost indefinitely.  I have not  cited  these specimens with any view to exciting a

sense of the  ridiculous,  which many others of those mentioned would not fail to do,  but to  show that the

common accidents of sensation, the little bodily  inconveniences to which all of us are subject, are seriously

and  systematically ascribed to whatever medicine may have been exhibited,  even in the minute doses I have


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mentioned, whole days or weeks  previously. 

To these are added all the symptoms ever said by anybody, whether  deserving confidence or not, as I shall

hereafter illustrate, to be  produced by the substance in question. 

The effects of sixtyfour medicinal substances, ascertained by one  or  both of these methods, are enumerated

in the Materia Medica of  Hahnemann, which may be considered as the basis of practical  Homoeopathy.  In the

Manual of Jahr, which is the common guide, so  far as I know, of those who practise Homoeopathy in these

regions,  two hundred remedies are enumerated, many of which, however, have  never been employed in

practice.  In at least one edition there were  no means of distinguishing those which had been tried upon the

sick  from the others.  It is true that marks have been added in the  edition employed here, which serve to

distinguish them; but what are  we to think of a standard practical author on Materia Medica, who at  one time

omits to designate the proper doses of his remedies, and at  another to let us have any means of knowing

whether a remedy has ever  been tried or not, while he is recommending its employment in the  most critical

and threatening diseases? 

I think that, from what I have shown of the character of  Hahnemann's  experiments, it would be a satisfaction

to any candid  inquirer to  know whether other persons, to whose assertions he could  look with  confidence,

confirm these pretended facts.  Now there are  many  individuals, long and well known to the scientific world,

who  have  tried these experiments upon healthy subjects, and utterly deny  that  their effects have at all

corresponded to Hahnemann's assertions. 

I will take, for instance, the statements of Andral (and I am not  referring to his wellknown public

experiments in his hospital as to  the result of his own trials.  This distinguished physician is  Professor of

Medicine in the School of Paris, and one of the most  widely known and valued authors upon practical and

theoretical  subjects the profession can claim in any country.  He is a man of  great kindness of character, a

most liberal eclectic by nature and  habit, of unquestioned integrity, and is called, in the leading  article of the

first number of the "Homoepathic Examiner,"  "an  eminent and very enlightened allopathist."  Assisted by a

number of  other persons in good health, he experimented on the effects of  cinchona, aconite, sulphur, arnica,

and the other most highly  extolled remedies.  His experiments lasted a year, and he stated  publicly to the

Academy of Medicine that they never produced the  slightest appearance of the symptoms attributed to them.

The results  of a man like this, so extensively known as one of the most  philosophical and candid, as well as

brilliant of instructors, and  whose admirable abilities and signal liberality are generally  conceded, ought to be

of great weight in deciding the question. 

M. Double, a wellknown medical writer and a physician of high  standing in Paris, had occasion so long ago

as 1801, before he had  heard of Homoeopathy, to make experiments upon Cinchona, or Peruvian  bark.  He

and several others took the drug in every kind of dose for  four months, and the fever it is pretended by

Hahnemann to excite  never was produced. 

M. Bonnet, President of the Royal Society of Medicine of Bordeaux,  had occasion to observe many soldiers

during the Peninsular War, who  made use of Cinchona as a preservative against different diseases,  but he

never found it to produce the pretended paroxysms. 

If any objection were made to evidence of this kind, I would refer  to  the express experiments on many of the

Homoeopathic substances,  which  were given to healthy persons with every precaution as to diet  and  regimen,

by M. Louis Fleury, without being followed by the  slightest  of the pretended consequences.  And let me

mention as a  curious fact,  that the same quantity of arsenic given to one animal in  the common  form of the

unprepared powder, and to another after having  been  rubbed up into six hundred globules, offered no

particular  difference  of activity in the two cases. 


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This is a strange contradiction to the doctrine of the development  of  what they call dynamic power, by means

of friction and subdivision. 

In 1835 a public challenge was offered to the best known  Homoeopathic  physician in Paris to select any ten

substances asserted  to produce  the most striking effects; to prepare them himself; to  choose one by  lot

without knowing which of them he had taken, and try  it upon  himself or any intelligent and devoted

Homoeopatbist, and,  waiting  his own time, to come forward and tell what substance had been  employed.  The

challenge was at first accepted, but the acceptance  retracted before the time of trial arrived. 

>From all this I think it fair to conclude that the catalogues of  symptoms attributed in Homoeopathic works to

the influence of various  drugs upon healthy persons are not entitled to any confidence. 

2.  It is necessary to show, in the next place, that medicinal  substances are always capable of curing diseases

most like their own  symptoms.  For facts relating to this question we must look to two  sources; the recorded

experience of the medical profession in  general, and the results of trials made according to Homoeopathic

principles, and capable of testing the truth of the doctrine. 

No person, that I am aware of, has ever denied that in some cases  there exists a resemblance between the

effects of a remedy and the  symptoms of diseases in which it is beneficial.  This has been  recognized, as

Hahnemann himself has shown, from the time of  Hippocrates.  But according to the records of the medical

profession,  as they have been hitherto interpreted, this is true of only a very  small proportion of useful

remedies.  Nor has it ever been considered  as an established truth that the efficacy of even these few remedies

was in any definite ratio to their power of producing symptoms more  or less like those they cured. 

Such was the state of opinion when Hahnemann came forward with the  proposition that all the cases of

successful treatment found in the  works of all preceding medical writers were to be ascribed solely to  the

operation of the Homoeopathic principle, which had effected the  cure, although without the physician's

knowledge that this was the  real secret.  And strange as it may seem, he was enabled to give such  a degree of

plausibility to this assertion, that any person not  acquainted somewhat with medical literature, not quite

familiar, I  should rather say, with the relative value of medical evidence,  according to the sources whence it is

derived, would be almost  frightened into the belief, at seeing the pages upon pages of Latin  names he has

summoned as his witnesses. 

It has hitherto been customary, when examining the writings of  authors of preceding ages, upon subjects as to

which they were less  enlightened than ourselves, and which they were very liable to  misrepresent, to exercise

some little discretion; to discriminate, in  some measure, between writers deserving confidence and those not

entitled to it.  But there is not the least appearance of any such  delicacy on the part of Hahnemann.  A large

majority of the names of  old authors he cites are wholly unknown to science.  With some of  them I have been

long acquainted, and I know that their accounts of  diseases are no more to be trusted than their contemporary

Ambroise  Pare's stories of mermen, and similar absurdities.  But if my  judgment is rejected, as being a

prejudiced one, I can refer to  Cullen, who mentioned three of Hahnemann's authors in one sentence,  as being

"not necessarily bad authorities; but certainly such when  they delivered very improbable events;" and as this

was said more  than half a century ago, it could not have had any reference to  Hahnemann.  But although not

the slightest sign of discrimination is  visible in his quotations,although for him a handful of chaff from

Schenck is all the same thing as a measure of wheat from Morgagni,  there is a formidable display of

authorities, and an abundant proof  of ingenious researches to be found in each of the great works of

Hahnemann with which I am familiar."[Some painful surmises might  arise as to the erudition of

Hahnemann's English Translator, who  makes two individuals of "Zacutus, Lucitanus," as well as respecting

that of the conductors of an American Homoeopathic periodical, who  suffer the name of the worldrenowned

Cardanus to be spelt Cardamus  in at least three places, were not this gross ignorance of course  attributable

only to the printer.] 


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It is stated by Dr. LeoWolf, that Professor Joerg, of Leipsic, has  proved many of Hahnemann's quotations

from old authors to be  adulterate and false.  What particular instances he has pointed out I  have no means of

learning.  And it is probably wholly impossible on  this side of the Atlantic, and even in most of the public

libraries  of Europe, to find anything more than a small fraction of the  innumerable obscure publications

which the neglect of grocers and  trunkmakers has spared to be ransacked by the alldevouring genius of

Homoeopathy.  I have endeavored to verify such passages as my own  library afforded me the means of doing.

For some I have looked in  vain, for want, as I am willing to believe, of more exact references.  But this I am

able to affirm, that, out of the very small number  which I have been able, to trace back to their original

authors, I  have found two to be wrongly quoted, one of them being a gross  misrepresentation. 

The first is from the ancient Roman author, Caelius Aurelianus; the  second from the venerable folio of

Forestus.  Hahnemann uses the  following expressions,if he is not misrepresented in the English  Translation

of the "Organon ": "Asclepiades on one occasion cured an  inflammation of the brain by administering a small

quantity of wine."  After correcting the erroneous reference of the Translator, I can  find no such case alluded

to in the chapter.  But Caelius Aurelianus  mentions two modes of treatment employed by Asclepiades, into

both of  which the use of wine entered, as being in the highest degree  irrational and dangerous." [Caelius

Aurel.  De Morb.  Acut.  et  Chron.  lib.  I.  cap.  xv.  not xvi.  Amsterdam.  Wetstein, 1755.] 

In speaking of the oil of aniseseed, Hahnemann says that Forestus  observed violent colic caused by its

administration.  But, as the  author tells the story, a young man took, by the counsel of a  surgeon, an acrid and

virulent medicine, the name of which is not  given, which brought on a most cruel fit of the gripes and colic.

After this another surgeon was called, who gave him oil of aniseseed  and wine, which increased his

suffering." [Observ. et Curat.  Med.  lib.  XXZ obs.  xiii.  Frankfort, 1614.]  Now if this was the  Homoeopathic

remedy, as Hahnemann pretends, it might be a fair  question why the young man was not cured by it.  But it is

a much  graver question why a man who has shrewdness and learning enough to  go so far after his facts,

should think it right to treat them with  such astonishing negligence or such artful unfairness. 

Even if every word he had pretended to take from his old  authorities  were to be found in them, even if the

authority of every  one of these  authors were beyond question, the looseness with which  they are used  to

prove whatever Hahnemann chooses is beyond the bounds  of  credibility.  Let me give one instance to

illustrate the character  of  this man's mind.  Hahnemann asserts, in a note annexed to the 110th  paragraph of

the "Organon," that the smell of the rose will cause  certain persons to faint.  And he says in the text that

substances  which produce peculiar effects of this nature on particular  constitutions cure the same symptoms

in people in general.  Then in  another note to the same paragraph he quotes the following fact from  one of the

last sources one would have looked to for medical  information, the Byzantine Historians. 

"It was by these means" (i.e. Homoeopathically) that the Princess  Eudosia with rosewater restored a person

who had fainted!" 

Is it possible that a man who is guilty of such pedantic folly as  this,a man who can see a confirmation of

his doctrine in such a  recovery as this,a recovery which is happening every day, from a  breath of air, a

drop or two of water, untying a bonnetstring,  loosening a staylace, and which can hardly help happening,

whatever  is done,is it possible that a man, of whose pages, not here and  there one, but hundreds upon

hundreds are loaded with such  trivialities, is the Newton, the Columbus, the Harvey of the  nineteenth

century! 

The whole process of demonstration he employs is this.  An  experiment  is instituted with some drug upon one

or more healthy  persons.  Everything that happens for a number of days or weeks is, as  we have  seen, set

down as an effect of the medicine.  Old volumes are  then  ransacked promiscuously, and every morbid

sensation or change  that  anybody ever said was produced by the drug in question is added  to  the list of

symptoms.  By one or both of these methods, each of the  sixtyfour substances enumerated by Hahnemann is


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shown to produce a  very large number of symptoms, the lowest in his scale being ninety  seven, and the

highest fourteen hundred and ninetyone.  And having  made out this list respecting any drug, a catalogue

which, as you may  observe in any Homoeopathic manual, contains various symptoms  belonging to every

organ of the body, what can be easier than to find  alleged cures in every medical author which can at once be

attributed  to the Homoeopathic principle; still more if the grave of  extinguished credulity is called upon to

give up its dead bones as  living witnesses; and worst of all, if the monuments of the past are  to be mutilated

in favor of "the sole law of Nature in therapeutics"? 

There are a few familiar facts of which great use has been made as  an  entering wedge for the Homoeopathic

doctrine.  They have been  suffered to pass current so long that it is time they should be  nailed to the counter, a

little operation which I undertake, with  perfect cheerfulness, to perform for them. 

The first is a supposed illustration of the Homoeopathic law found  in  the precept given for the treatment of

parts which have been  frozen,  by friction with snow or similar means.  But we deceive  ourselves by  names, if

we suppose the frozen part to be treated by  cold, and not  by heat.  The snow may even be actually warmer

than the  part to which  it is applied.  But even if it were at the same  temperature when  applied, it never did and

never could do the least  good to a frozen  part, except as a mode of regulating the application  of what? of  heat.

But the heat must be applied gradually, just as  food must be  given a little at a time to those perishing with

hunger.  If the  patient were brought into a warm room, heat would be applied  very  rapidly, were not

something interposed to prevent this, and allow  its  gradual admission.  Snow or iced water is exactly what is

wanted;  it  is not cold to the part; it is very possibly warm, on the contrary,  for these terms are relative, and if

it does not melt and let the  heat in, or is not taken away, the part will remain frozen up until  doomsday.  Now

the treatment of a frozen limb by heat, in large or  small quantities, is not Homoeopathy. 

The next supposed illustration of the Homoeopathic law is the  alleged  successful management of burns, by

holding them to the fire.  This is  a popular mode of treating those burns which are of too  little  consequence to

require any more efficacious remedy, and would  inevitably get well of themselves, without any trouble being

bestowed  upon them.  It produces a most acute pain in the part, which is  followed by some loss of sensibility,

as happens with the eye after  exposure to strong light, and the ear after being subjected to very  intense

sounds.  This is all it is capable of doing, and all further  notions of its efficacy must be attributed merely to the

vulgar love  of paradox.  If this example affords any comfort to the  Homoeopathist, it seems as cruel to deprive

him of it as it would be  to convince the mistress of the smokejack or the flatiron that the  fire does not

literally "draw the fire out," which is her hypothesis. 

But if it were true that frostbites were cured by cold and burns  by  heat, it would be subversive, so far as it

went, of the great  principle of Homoeopathy. 

For you will remember that this principle is that Like cures Like,  and not that Same cures Same; that there is

resemblance and not  identity between the symptoms of the disease and those produced by  the drug which

cures it, and none have been readier to insist upon  this distinction than the Homoeopathists themselves.  For if

Same  cures Same, then every poison must be its own antidote,which is  neither a part of their theory nor

their socalled experience.  They  have been asked often enough, why it was that arsenic could not cure  the

mischief which arsenic had caused, and why the infectious cause  of smallpox did not remedy the disease it

had produced, and then  the; were ready enough to see the distinction I have pointed out.  O  no!  it was not the

hair of the same dog, but only of one very much  like him! 

A third instance in proof of the Homoeopathic law is sought for in  the acknowledged efficacy of vaccination.

And how does the law apply  to this?  It is granted by the advocates of Homoeopathy that there is  a

resemblance between the effects of the vaccine virus on a person in  health and the symptoms of smallpox.

Therefore, according to the  rule, the vaccine virus will cure the smallpox, which, as everybody  knows, is

entirely untrue.  But it prevents smallpox, say the  Homoeopathists.  Yes, and so does smallpox prevent itself


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from ever  happening again, and we know just as much of the principle involved  in the one case as in the

other.  For this is only one of a series of  facts which we are wholly unable to explain.  Smallpox, measles,

scarletfever, hoopingcough, protect those who have them once from  future attacks; but nettlerash and

catarrh and lung fever, each of  which is just as Homoeopathic to itself as any one of the others,  have no such

preservative power.  We are obliged to accept the fact,  unexplained, and we can do no more for vaccination

than for the rest. 

I come now to the most directly practical point connected with the  subject, namely, 

What is the state of the evidence as to the efficacy of the proper  Homoeopathic treatment in the cure of

diseases. 

As the treatment adopted by the Homoeopathists has been almost  universally by means of the infinitesimal

doses, the question of  their efficacy is thrown open, in common with that of the truth of  their fundamental

axiom, as both are tested in practice. 

We must look for facts as to the actual working of Homoeopathy to  three sources. 

1.  The statements of the unprofessional public. 

2.  The assertions of Homoeopathic practitioners. 

3.  The results of trials by competent and honest physicians, not  pledged to the system. 

I think, after what we have seen of medical facts, as they are  represented by incompetent persons, we are

disposed to attribute  little value to all statements of wonderful cures, coming from those  who have never been

accustomed to watch the caprices of disease, and  have not cooled down their young enthusiasm by the habit

of tranquil  observation.  Those who know nothing of the natural progress of a  malady, of its ordinary duration,

of its various modes of  terminating, of its liability to accidental complications, of the  signs which mark its

insignificance or severity, of what is to be  expected of it when left to itself, of how much or how little is to  be

anticipated from remedies, those who know nothing or next to  nothing of all these things, and who are in a

great state of  excitement from benevolence, sympathy, or zeal for a new medical  discovery, can hardly be

expected to be sound judges of facts which  have misled so many sagacious men, who have spent their lives in

the  daily study and observation of them.  I believe that, after having  drawn the portrait of defunct Perkinism,

with its five thousand  printed cures, and its million and a half computed ones, its miracles  blazoned about

through America, Denmark, and England; after relating  that forty years ago women carried the Tractors about

in their  pockets, and workmen could not make them fast enough for the public  demand; and then showing

you, as a curiosity, a single one of these  instruments, an odd one of a pair, which I obtained only by a lucky

accident, so utterly lost is the memory of all their wonderful  achievements; I believe, after all this, I need not

waste time in  showing that medical accuracy is not to be looked for in the florid  reports of benevolent

associations, the assertions of illustrious  patrons, the lax effusions of daily journals, or the effervescent  gossip

of the teatable. 

Dr. Hering, whose name is somewhat familiar to the champions of  Homoeopathy, has said that "the new

healing art is not to be judged  by its success in isolated cases only, but according to its success  in general, its

innate truth, and the incontrovertible nature of its  innate principles." 

We have seen something of "the incontrovertible nature of its  innate  principles," and it seems probable, on

the whole, that its  success in  general must be made up of its success in isolated cases.  Some  attempts have

been made, however, to finish the whole matter by  sweeping statistical documents, which are intended to

prove its  triumphant success over the common practice. 


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It is well known to those who have had the good fortune to see the  "Homoeopathic Examiner," that this

journal led off, in its first  number, with a grand display of everything the newly imported  doctrine had to

show for itself.  It is well remarked, on the twenty  third page of this article, that "the comparison of bills of

mortality among an equal number of sick, treated by divers methods,  is a most poor and lame way to get at

conclusions touching principles  of the healing art."  In confirmation of which, the author proceeds  upon the

twentyfifth page to prove the superiority of the  Homoeopathic treatment of cholera, by precisely these very

bills of  mortality.  Now, every intelligent physician is aware that the poison  of cholera differed so much in its

activity at different times and,  places, that it was next to impossible to form any opinion as to the  results of

treatment, unless every precaution was taken to secure the  most perfectly corresponding conditions in the

patients treated, and  hardly even then.  Of course, then, a Russian Admiral, by the name of  Mordvinov,

backed by a number of socalled physicians practising in  Russian villages, is singularly competent to the task

of settling the  whole question of the utility of this or that kind of treatment; to  prove that, if not more than

eight and a half per cent. of those  attacked with the disease perished, the rest owed their immunity to

Hahnemann.  I can remember when more than a hundred patients in a  public institution were attacked with

what, I doubt not, many  Homoeopathic physicians (to say nothing of Homoeopathic admirals)  would have

called cholera, and not one of them died, though treated  in the common way, and it is my firm belief that, if

such a result  had followed the administration of the omnipotent globules, it would  have been in the mouth of

every adept in Europe, from Quin of London  to Spohr of Gandersheim.  No longer ago than yesterday, in one

of the  most widely circulated papers of this city, there was published an  assertion that the mortality in several

Homoeopathic Hospitals was  not quite five in a hundred, whereas, in what are called by the  writer Allopathic

Hospitals, it is said to be eleven in a hundred.  An  honest man should be ashamed of such an argumentum ad

ignorantiam.  The  mortality of a hospital depends not merely on the treatment of  the  patients, but on the class

of diseases it is in the habit of  receiving, on the place where it is, on the season, and many other

circumstances.  For instance, there are many hospitals in the great  cities of Europe that receive few diseases of

a nature to endanger  life, and, on the other hand, there are others where dangerous  diseases are accumulated

out of the common proportion.  Thus, in the  wards of Louis, at the Hospital of La Pitie, a vast number of

patients in the last stages of consumption were constantly entering,  to swell the mortality of that hospital.  It

was because he was known  to pay particular attention to the diseases of the chest that  patients laboring under

those fatal affections to an incurable extent  were so constantly coming in upon him.  It is always a miserable

appeal to the thoughtlessness of the vulgar, to allege the naked fact  of the less comparative mortality in the

practice of one hospital or  of one physician than another, as an evidence of the superiority of  their treatment.

Other things being equal, it must always be  expected that those institutions and individuals enjoying to the

highest degree the confidence of the community will lose the largest  proportion of their patients; for the

simple reason that they will  naturally be looked to by those suffering from the gravest class of  diseases; that

many, who know that they are affected with mortal  disease, will choose to die under their care or shelter,

while the  subjects of trifling maladies, and merely troublesome symptoms, amuse  themselves to any extent

among the fancy practitioners.  When,  therefore, Dr. Mublenbein, as stated in the "Homoeopathic Examiner,"

and quoted in yesterday's "Daily Advertiser," asserts that the  mortality among his patients is only one per

cent. since he has  practised Homoeopathy, whereas it was six per cent. when he employed  the common mode

of practice, I am convinced by this, his own  statement, that the citizens of Brunswick, whenever they are

seriously sick, take good care not to send for Dr. Muhlenbein! 

It is evidently impossible that I should attempt, within the  compass  of a single lecture, any detailed

examination of the very  numerous  cases reported in the Homoeopathic Treatises and Journals.  Having  been

in the habit of receiving the French "Archives of  Homoeopathic  Medicine" until the premature decease of

that Journal, I  have had the  opportunity of becoming acquainted somewhat with the  style of these  documents,

and experiencing whatever degree of  conviction they were  calculated to produce.  Although of course I do  not

wish any value to  be assumed for my opinion, such as it is, I  consider that you are  entitled to hear it.  So far,

then, as I am  acquainted with the  general character of the cases reported by the  Homoeopathic  physicians,

they would for the most part be considered as  wholly  undeserving a place in any English, French, or

American  periodical of  high standing, if, instead of favoring the doctrine they  were  intended to support, they


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were brought forward to prove the  efficacy  of any common remedy administered by any common

practitioner.  There  are occasional exceptions to this remark; but the general truth  of it  is rendered probable by

the fact that these cases are always, or  almost always, written with the single object of showing the efficacy

of the medicine used, or the skill of the practitioner, and it is  recognized as a general rule that such cases

deserve very little  confidence.  Yet they may sound well enough, one at a time, to those  who are not fully

aware of the fallacies of medical evidence.  Let me  state a case in illustration.  Nobody doubts that some

patients  recover under every form of practice.  Probably all are willing to  allow that a large majority, for

instance, ninety in a hundred, of  such cases as a physician is called to in daily practice, would  recover, sooner

or later, with more or less difficulty, provided  nothing were done to interfere seriously with the efforts of

nature. 

Suppose, then, a physician who has a hundred patients prescribes to  each of them pills made of some entirely

inert substance, as starch,  for instance.  Ninety of them get well, or if he chooses to use such  language, he

cures ninety of them.  It is evident, according to the  doctrine of chances, that there must be a considerable

number of  coincidences between the relief of the patient and the administration  of the remedy.  It is altogether

probable that there will happen two  or three very striking coincidences out of the whole ninety cases, in

which it would seem evident that the medicine produced the relief,  though it had, as we assumed, nothing to

do with it.  Now suppose  that the physician publishes these cases, will they not have a  plausible appearance of

proving that which, as we granted at the  outset, was entirely false?  Suppose that instead of pills of starch  he

employs microscopic sugarplums, with the five' million billion  trillionth part of a suspicion of aconite or

pulsatilla, and then  publishes his successful cases, through the leaden lips of the press,  or the living ones of

his female acquaintances,does that make the  impression a less erroneous one?  But so it is that in

Homoeopathic  works and journals and gossip one can never, or next to never, find  anything but successful

cases, which might do very well as a proof of  superior skill, did it not prove as much for the swindling

advertisers whose certificates disgrace so many of our newspapers.  How long will it take mankind to learn

that while they listen to "the  speaking hundreds and units, who make the world ring "with the  pretended

triumphs they have witnessed, the "dumb millions" of  deluded and injured victims are paying the daily forfeit

of their  misplaced confidence! 

I am sorry to see, also, that a degree of ignorance as to the  natural  course of diseases is often shown in these

published cases,  which,  although it may not be detected by the unprofessional reader,  conveys  an unpleasant

impression to those who are acquainted with the  subject.  Thus a young woman affected with jaundice is

mentioned in  the German "Annals of Clinical Homoeopathy" as having been cured in  twentynine days by

pulsatilla and nux vomica.  Rummel, a wellknown  writer of the same school, speaks of curing a case of

jaundice in  thirtyfour days by Homoeopathic doses of pulsatilla, aconite, and  cinchona.  I happened to have a

case in my own household, a few weeks  since, which lasted about ten days, and this was longer than I have

repeatedly seen it in hospital practice, so that it was nothing to  boast of. 

Dr. Munneche of Lichtenburg in Saxony is called to a patient with  sprained ankle who had been a fortnight

under the common treatment.  The patient gets well by the use of arnica in a little more than a  month longer,

and this extraordinary fact is published in the French  "Archives of Homoeopathic Medicine." 

In the same Journal is recorded the case of a patient who with  nothing more, so far as any proof goes, than

inluenza, gets down to  her shop upon the sixth day. 

And again, the cool way in which everything favorable in a case is  set down by these people entirely to their

treatment, may be seen in  a case of croup reported in the "Homoeopathic Gazette " of Leipsic,  in which

leeches, blistering, inhalation of hot vapor, and powerful  internal medicine had been employed, and yet the

merit was all  attributed to one drop of some Homoeopathic fluid. 


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I need not multiply these quotations, which illustrate the grounds  of  an opinion which the time does not allow

me to justify more at  length; other such cases are lying open before me; there is no end to  them if more were

wanted; for nothing is necessary but to look into  any of the numerous brokendown Journals of

Homoeopathy, the volumes  of which may be found on the shelves of those curious in such  matters. 

A number of public trials of Homoeopathy have been made in  different  parts of the world.  Six of these are

mentioned in the  Manifesto of  the "Homoeopathic Examiner."  Now to suppose that any  trial can  absolutely

silence people, would be to forget the whole  experience of  the past.  Dr. Haygarth and Dr. Alderson could not

stop  the sale of  the fiveguinea Tractors, although they proved that they  could work  the same miracles with

pieces of wood and tobaccopipe.  It  takes  time for truth to operate as well as Homoeopathic globules.  Many

persons thought the results of these trials were decisive enough  of  the nullity of the treatment; those who wish

to see the kind of  special pleading and evasion by which it is attempted to cover  results which, stated by the

"Homoeopathic Examiner" itself, look  exceedingly like a miserable failure, may consult the opening  flourish

of that Journal.  I had not the intention to speak of these  public trials at all, having abundant other evidence on

the point.  But I think it best, on the whole, to mention two of them in a few  words,that instituted at Naples

and that of Andral. 

There have been few names in the medical profession, for the last  half century, so widely known throughout

the world of science as that  of M. Esquirol, whose life was devoted to the treatment of insanity,  and who was

without a rival in that department of practical medicine.  It is from an analysis communicated by him to the

"Gazette Medicale  de Paris" that I derive my acquaintance with the account of the trial  at Naples by Dr.

Panvini, physician to the Hospital della Pace.  This  account seems to be entirely deserving of credit.  Ten

patients were  set apart, and not allowed to take any medicine at all,much against  the wish of the

Homoeopathic physician.  All of them got well, and of  course all of them would have been claimed as

triumphs if they had  been submitted to the treatment.  Six other slight cases (each of  which is specified) got

well under the Homoeopathic treatment, none  of its asserted specific effects being manifested. 

All the rest were cases of grave disease; and so far as the trial,  which was interrupted about the fortieth day,

extended, the patients  grew worse, or received no benefit.  A case is reported on the page  before me of a

soldier affected with acute inflammation in the chest,  who took successively aconite, bryonia, nux vomica,

and pulsatilla,  and after thirtyeight days of treatment remained without any  important change in his disease.

The Homoeopathic physician who  treated these patients was M. de Horatiis, who had the previous year  been

announcing his wonderful cures.  And M. Esquirol asserted to the  Academy of Medicine in 1835, that this M.

de Horatiis, who is one of  the prominent personages in the "Examiner's" Manifesto published in  1840, had

subsequently renounced Homoeopathy.  I may remark, by the  way, that this same periodical, which is so very

easy in explaining  away the results of these trials, makes a mistake of only six years  or a little more as to the

time when this at Naples was instituted. 

M. Andral, the "eminent and very enlightened allopathist " of the  "Homoeopathic Examiner," made the

following statement in March, 1835,  to the Academy of Medicine: "I have submitted this doctrine to

experiment; I can reckon at this time from one hundred and thirty to  one hundred and forty cases, recorded

with perfect fairness, in a  great hospital, under the eye of numerous witnesses; to avoid every  objectionI

obtained my remedies of M.  Guibourt, who keeps a  Homoeopathic pharmacy, and whose strict exactness is

well known; the  regimen has been scrupulously observed, and I obtained from the  sisters attached to the

hospital a special regimen, such as Hahnemann  orders.  I was told, however, some months since, that I had not

been  faithful to all the rules of the doctrine.  I therefore took the  trouble to begin again; I have studied the

practice of the Parisian  Homoeopathists, as I had studied their books, and I became convinced  that they

treated their patients as I had treated mine, and I affirm  that I have been as rigorously exact in the treatment

as any other  person." 


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And he expressly asserts the entire nullity of the influence of all  the Homoeopathic remedies tried by him in

modifying, so far as he  could observe, the progress or termination of diseases.  It deserves  notice that he

experimented with the most boasted substances,  cinchona, aconite, mercury, bryonia, belladonna.  Aconite,

for  instance, he says he administered in more than forty cases of that  collection of feverish symptoms in

which it exerts so much power,  according to Hahnemann, and in not one of them did it have the  slightest

influence, the pulse and heat remaining as before. 

These statements look pretty honest, and would seem hard to be  explained away, but it is calmly said that he

"did not know enough of  the method to select the remedies with any tolerable precision."  ["Homoeopathic

Examiner, vol.  i.  p.  22.  "Nothing is left to the  caprice of the physician.  (In a word,  instead of being dependent

upon  blind chance, that there is an  infallible law, guided by which; the  physician MUST select the proper

remedies.') "Ibid., in a notice of  Menzel's paper.]  Who are they  that practice Homoeopathy, and say this  of a

man with the Materia  Medica of Hahnemann lying before him?  Who  are they that send these  same globules,

on which he experimented,  accompanied by a little  book, into families, whose members are thought

competent to employ  them, when they deny any such capacity to a man  whose life has been  passed at the

bedside of patients, the most  prominent teacher in the  first Medical Faculty in the world, the  consulting

physician of the  King of France, and one of the most  renowned practical writers, not  merely of his nation, but

of his age?  I leave the quibbles by which  such persons would try to creep out  from under the crushing weight

of  these conclusions to the  unfortunates who suppose that a reply is  equivalent to an answer. 

Dr. Baillie, one of the physicians in the great Hotel Dieu of  Paris,  invited two Homoeopathic practitioners to

experiment in his  wards.  One of these was Curie, now of London, whose works are on the  counters of some

of our bookstores, and probably in the hands of some  of my audience.  This gentleman, whom Dr. Baillie

declares to be an  enlightened man, and perfectly sincere in his convictions, brought  his own medicines from

the pharmacy which furnished Hahnemann  himself, and employed them for four or five months upon patients

in  his ward, and with results equally unsatisfactory, as appears from  Dr. Baillie's statement at a meeting of the

Academy of Medicine.  And  a similar experiment was permitted by the Clinical Professor of the  Hotel Dieu of

Lyons, with the same complete failure. 

But these are old and prejudiced practitioners.  Very well, then  take  the statement of Dr. Fleury, a most

intelligent young physician,  who  treated homoeopathically more than fifty patients, suffering from  diseases

which it was not dangerous to treat in this way, taking  every kind of precaution as to regimen, removal of

disturbing  influences, and the state of the atmosphere, insisted upon by the  most vigorous partisans of the

doctrine, and found not the slightest  effect produced by the medicines.  And more than this, read nine of  these

cases, which he has published, as I have just done, and observe  the absolute nullity of aconite, belladonna,

and bryonia, against the  symptoms over which they are pretended to exert such palpable, such  obvious, such

astonishing influences.  In the view of these  statements, it is impossible not to realize the entire futility of

attempting to silence this asserted science by the flattest and most  peremptory results of experiment.  Were all

the hospital physicians  of Europe and America to devote themselves, for the requisite period,  to this sole

pursuit, and were their results to be unanimous as to  the total worthlessness of the whole system in practice,

this  slippery delusion would slide through their fingers without the  slightest discomposure, when, as they

supposed, they had crushed  every joint in its tortuous and trailing body. 

3.  I have said, that to show the truth of the Homoeopathic  doctrine,  as announced by Hahnemann, it would be

necessary to show, in  the  third place, that remedies never cure diseases when they are not  capable of

producing similar symptoms!  The burden of this somewhat  comprehensive demonstration lying entirely upon

the advocates of this  doctrine, it may be left to their mature reflections. 

It entered into my original plan to treat of the doctrine relating  to  Psora, or itch,an almost insane

conception, which I am glad to  get  rid of, for this is a subject one does not care to handle without  gloves.  I am

saved this trouble, however, by finding that many of  the disciples of Hahnemann, those disciples the very


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gospel of whose  faith stands upon his word, make very light of his authority on this  point, although he

himself says, "It has cost me twelve years of  study and research to trace out the source of this incredible

number  of chronic affections, to discover this great truth, which remained  concealed from all my

predecessors and contemporaries, to establish  the basis of its demonstration, and find out, at the same time,

the  curative medicines that were fit to combat this hydra in all its  different forms." 

But, in the face of all this, the following remarks are made by  Wolff, of Dresden, whose essays, according to

the editor of the  "Homoeopathic Examiner," "represent the opinions of a large majority  of Homoeopathists in

Europe." 

"It cannot be unknown to any one at all familiar with Homoeopathic  literature, that Hahnemann's idea of

tracing the large majority of  chronic diseases to actual itch has met with the greatest opposition  from

Homoeopathic physicians themselves."  And again, "If the Psoric  theory has led to no proper schism, the

reason is to be found in the  fact that it is almost without any influence in practice." 

We are told by Jahr, that Dr. Griesselich, "Surgeon to the Grand  Duke  of Baden," and a "distinguished"

Homoeopathist, actually asked  Hahnemann for the proof that chronic diseases, such as dropsy, for  instance,

never arise from any other cause than itch; and that,  according to common report, the venerable sage was

highly incensed  (fort courrouce) with Dr. Hartmann, of Leipsic, another  "distinguished" Homoeopathist, for

maintaining that they certainly  did arise from other causes. 

And Dr. Fielitz, in the "Homoeopathic Gazette" of Leipsic, after  saying, in a goodnatured way, that Psora is

the Devil in medicine,  and that physicians are divided on this point into diabolists and  exorcists, declares that,

according to a remark of Hahnemann, the  whole civilized world is affected with Psora.  I must therefore

disappoint any advocate of Hahnemann who may honor me with his  presence, by not attacking a doctrine on

which some of the disciples  of his creed would be very happy to have its adversaries waste their  time and

strength.  I will not meddle with this excrescence, which,  though often used in time of peace, would be

dropped, like the limb  of a shellfish, the moment it was assailed; time is too precious,  and the harvest of

living extravagances nods too heavily to my  sickle, that I should blunt it upon straw and stubble. 

I will close the subject with a brief examination of some of the  statements made in Homoeopathic works, and

more particularly in the  brilliant Manifesto of the "Examiner," before referred to.  And  first, it is there stated

under the head of "Homoeopathic  Literature," that "SEVEN HUNDRED volumes have been issued from the

press developing the peculiarities of the system, and many of them  possessed of a scientific character that

savans know well how to  respect."  If my assertion were proper evidence in the case, I should  declare, that,

having seen a good many of these publications, from  the year 1834, when I bought the work of the Rev.

Thomas Everest,"  [Dr. Curie speaks of this silly pamphlet as having been published in  1835.] to within a few

weeks, when I received my last importation of  Homaeopathic literature, I have found that all, with a very few

exceptions, were stitched pamphlets varying from twenty or thirty  pages to somewhat less than a hundred,

and generally resembling each  other as much as so many spellingbooks. 

But not being evidence in the case, I will give you the testimony  of  Dr. Trinks, of Dresden, who flourishes on

the fifteenth page of the  same Manifesto as one of the most distinguished among the  Homoeopathists of

Europe.  I translate the sentence literally from  the "Archives de la Medecine Homoeopathique." 

"The literature of Homoeopathy, if that honorable name must be  applied to all kinds of bookmaking, has

been degraded to the  condition of the humblest servitude.  Productions without talent,  without spirit, without

discrimination, flat and pitiful eulogies,  exaggerations surpassing the limits of the most robust faith,

invectives against such as dared to doubt the dogmas which had been  proclaimed, or catalogues of remedies;

of such materials is it  composed!  From distance to distance only, have appeared some memoirs  useful to

science or practice, which appear as so many green oases in  the midst of this literary desert." 


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It is a very natural as well as a curious question to ask, What has  been the success of Homoeopathy in the

different countries of Europe,  and what is its present condition? 

The greatest reliance of the advocates of Homoeopathy is of course  on  Germany.  We know very little of its

medical schools, its medical  doctrines, or its medical men, compared with those of England and  France.  And,

therefore, when an intelligent traveller gives a direct  account from personal inspection of the miserable

condition of the  Homoeopathic hospital at Leipsic, the first established in Europe,  and the first on the list of

the evermemorable Manifesto, it is easy  enough answer or elude the fact by citing various hard names of

"distinguished " practitioners, which sound just as well to the  uninformed public as if they were Meckel, or

Tiedemann, or  Langenbeck.  Dr. LeoWolf, who, to be sure, is opposed to  Homoeopathy, but who is a

scholar, and ought to know something of his  own countrymen, assures us that "Dr. Kopp is the only German

Homoeopathist, if we can call him so, who has been distinguished as  an author and practitioner before he

examined this method."  And Dr.  Lee, the same gentleman in whose travels the paragraph relating to  the

Leipsic Hospital is to be found, says the same thing.  And I will  cheerfully expose myself to any impertinent

remark which it might  suggest, to assure my audience that I never heard or saw one  authentic Homoeopathic

name of any country in Europe, which I had  ever heard mentioned before as connected with medical science

by a  single word or deed sufficient to make it in any degree familiar to  my ears, unless Arnold of Heidelberg

is the anatomist who discovered  a little nervous centre, called the otic ganglion.  But you need ask  no better

proof of who and what the German adherents of this doctrine  must be, than the testimony of a German

Homoeopathist as to the  wretched character of the works they manufacture to enforce its  claims. 

As for the act of this or that government tolerating or encouraging  Homoeopathy, every person of common

intelligence knows that it is a  mere form granted or denied according to the general principles of  policy

adopted in different states, or the degree of influence which  some few persons who have adopted it may

happen to have at court.  What may be the value of certain pompous titles with which many of  the advocates

of Homoeopathy are honored, it might be disrespectful  to question.  But in the mean time the judicious

inquirer may ponder  over an extract which I translate from a paper relating to a  personage well known to the

community as Williams the Oculist, with  whom I had the honor of crossing the Atlantic some years since,

and  who himself handed me two copies of the paper in question. 

"To say that he was oculist of Louis XVIII.  and of Charles X., and  that he now enjoys the same title with

respect to His Majesty, Louis  Philippe, and the King of the Belgians, is unquestionably to say a  great deal;

and yet it is one of the least of his titles to public  confidence.  His reputation rests upon a basis more

substantial even  than the numerous diplomas with which he is provided, than the  membership of the different

medical societies which have chosen him  as their associate," etc., etc. 

And as to one more point, it is time that the public should fully  understand that the common method of

supporting barefaced imposture  at the present day, both in Europe and in this country, consists in  trumping up

"Dispensaries," " Colleges of Health," and other  advertising charitable claptraps, which use the poor as

decoyducks  for the rich, and the proprietors of which have a strong predilection  for the title of "Professor."

These names, therefore, have come to  be of little or no value as evidence of the good character, still  less of

the high pretensions of those who invoke their authority.  Nor  does it follow, even when a chair is founded in

connection with a  wellknown institution, that it has either a salary or an occupant;  so that it may be, and

probably is, a mere harmless piece of  toleration on the part of the government if a Professorship of

Homoeopathy is really in existence at Jena or Heidelberg.  And  finally, in order to correct the error of any

who might suppose that  the whole Medical Profession of Germany has long since fallen into  the delusions of

Hahnemann, I will quote two lines which a celebrated  anatomist and surgeon (whose name will occur again

in this lecture in  connection with a very pleasing letter) addressed to the French  Academy of Medicine in

1835.  "I happened to be in Germany some  months since, at a meeting of nearly six hundred physicians; one

of  them wished to bring up the question of Homoeopathy; they would not  even listen to him."  This may have

been very impolite and bigoted,  but that is not precisely the point in reference to which I mention  the


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circumstance. 

But if we cannot easily get at Germany, we can very easily obtain  exact information from France and

England.  I took the trouble to  write some months ago to two friends in Paris, in whom I could place

confidence, for information upon the subject.  One of them answered  briefly to the effect that nothing was said

about it.  When the late  Curator of the Lowell Institute, at his request, asked about the  works upon the subject,

he was told that they had remained a long  time on the shelves quite unsalable, and never spoken of. 

The other gentleman, ["Dr. Henry T.  Bigelow, now Professor of  Surgery in Harvard University.] whose name

is well known to my  audience, and who needs no commendation of mine, had the kindness to  procure for me

many publications upon the subject, and some  information which sets the whole matter at rest, so far as Paris

is  concerned.  He went directly to the Baillieres, the principal and  almost the only publishers of all the

Homoeopathic books and journals  in that city.  The following facts were taken by him from the

accountbooks of this publishing firm.  Four Homoeopathic Journals  have been published in Paris; three of

them by the Baillieres. 

The reception they met with may be judged of by showing the number  of  subscribers to each on the books of

the publishing firm. 

A Review published by some other house, which lasted one year, and  had about fifty subscribers, appeared in

1834, 1835. 

There were only four Journals of Homoeopathy ever published in  Paris.  The Baillieres informed my

correspondent that the sale of  Homoeopathic books was much less than formerly, and that consequently  they

should undertake to publish no new books upon the subject,  except those of Jahr or Hahnemann.  "This man,"

says my  correspondent,referring to one of the brothers,"the publisher and  headquarters of Homoeopathy

in Paris, informs me that it is going  down in England and Germany as well as in Paris."  For all the facts  he

had stated he pledged himself as responsible. 

Homoeopathy was in its prime in Paris, he said, in 1836 and 1837,  and  since then has been going down. 

Louis told my correspondent that no person of distinction in Paris  had embraced Homoeopathy, and that it

was declining.  If you ask who  Louis is, I refer you to the wellknown Homoeopathist, Peschier of  Geneva,

who says, addressing him, "I respect no one more than  yourself; the feeling which guides your researches,

your labors, and  your pen, is so honorable and rare, that I could not but bow down  before it; and I own, if

there were any allopathist who inspired me  with higher veneration, it would be him and not yourself whom I

should address." 

Among the names of "Distinguished Homoeopathists," however,  displayed  in imposing columns, in the index

of the "Homoeopathic  Examiner," are  those of MARJOLIN, AMUSSAT, and BRESCHET, names well

known to the  world of science, and the last of them identified with  some of the  most valuable contributions

which anatomical knowledge has  received  since the commencement of the present century.  One Dr.

Chrysaora,  who stands sponsor for many facts in that Journal, makes  the  following statement among the rest:

"Professors, who are esteemed  among the most distinguished of the Faculty (Faculty de Medicine),  both as to

knowledge and reputation, have openly confessed the power  of Homoeopathia in forms of disease where the

ordinary method of  practice proved totally insufficient.  It affords me the highest  pleasure to select from

among these gentlemen, Marjolin, Amussat, and  Breschet." 

Here is a literal translation of an original letter, now in my  possession, from one of these Homoeopathists to

my correspondent: 


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"DEAR SIR, AND RESPECTED PROFESSIONAL BROTHER: 

"You have had the kindness to inform me in your letter that a new  American Journal, the 'New World,'  has

made use of my name in  support of the pretended Homoeopathic doctrines, and that I am  represented as one

of the warmest partisans of Homoeopathy in France. 

"I am vastly surprised at the reputation manufactured for me upon  the  new continent; but I am obliged, in

deference to truth, to reject  it  with my whole energy.  I spurn far from me everything which relates  to that

charlatanism called Homoeopathy, for these pretended  doctrines cannot endure the scrutiny of wise and

enlightened persons,  who are guided by honorable sentiments in the practice of the noblest  of arts. 

"PARIS, 3d November, 1841:" 

I am, etc., etc., 

"G. BRESCHET, 

"Professor in the Faculty of Medicine, Member of the Institute,  Surgeon of Hotel Dieu, and Consulting

Surgeon to the King, etc. 

I first saw M.  Breschet's name mentioned in that Journal 

Concerning Amussat, my correspondent writes, that he was informed  by  Madame Hahnemann, who

converses in French more readily than her  husband, and therefore often speaks for him, that "he was not a

physician, neither Homoeopathist nor Allopathist, but that he was the  surgeon of their own establishment;

that is, performed as a surgeon  all the operations they had occasion for in their practice." 

I regret not having made any inquiries as to Marjolin, who, I doubt  not, would strike his ponderous snuffbox

until it resounded like the  Grecian horse, at hearing such a doctrine associated with his  respectable name.  I

was not aware, when writing to Paris, that this  worthy Professor, whose lectures I long attended, was included

in  these audacious claims; but after the specimens I have given of the  accuracy of the foreign correspondence

of the "Homoeopathic  Examiner," any further information I might obtain would seem so  superfluous as

hardly to be worth the postage. 

Homoeopathy may be said, then, to be in a sufficiently miserable  condition in Paris.  Yet there lives, and there

has lived for years,  the illustrious Samuel Hahnemann, who himself assured my  correspondent that no place

offered the advantages of Paris in its  investigation, by reason of the attention there paid to it. 

In England, it appears by the statement of Dr. Curie in October,  1839, about eight years after its introduction

into the country, that  there were eighteen Homoeopathic physicians in the United Kingdom, of  whom only

three were to be found out of London, and that many of  these practised Homoeopathy in secret. 

It will be seen, therefore, that, according to the recent statement  of one of its leading English advocates,

Homoeopathy had obtained not  quite half as many practical disciples in England as Perkinism could  show for

itself in a somewhat less period from the time of its first  promulgation in that country. 

Dr. Curie's letter, dated London, October 30, 1839, says there is  "one in Dublin, Dr. Luther; at Glasgow, Dr.

Scott."  The  "distinguished" Chrysaora writes from Paris, dating October 20, 1839,  "On the other hand,

Homoeopathy is commencing to make an inroad into  England by the way of Ireland.  At Dublin, distinguished

physicians  have already embraced the new system, and a great part of the  nobility and gentry of that city have

emancipated themselves from the  English fashion and professional authority." 


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But the Marquis of Anglesea and Sir Edward Lytton Bulwer patronize  Homoeopathy; the Queen Dowager

Adelaide has been treated by a  Homoeopathic physician.  "Jarley is the delight of the nobility and  gentry."

"The Royal Family are the patrons of Jarley." 

Let me ask if a Marquis and a Knight are better than two Lords, and  if the Dowager of Royalty is better than

Royalty itself, all of which  illustrious dignities were claimed in behalf of Benjamin Douglass  Perkins? 

But if the balance is thought too evenly suspended in this case,  another instance can be given in which the

evidence of British  noblemen and their ladies is shown to be as valuable in establishing  the character of a

medical man or doctrine, as would be the testimony  of the Marquis of Waterford concerning the present

condition and  prospects of missionary enterprise.  I have before me an octavo  volume of more than four

hundred pages, in which, among much similar  matter, I find highly commendatory letters from the

Marchioness of  Ormond, Lady Harriet Kavanagh, the Countess of Buckinghamshire, the  Right Hon. Viscount

Ingestre, M. P., and the Most Noble, the Marquis  of Sligo,all addressed to "John St. John Long, Esq," a

wretched  charlatan, twice tried for, and once convicted of, manslaughter at  the Old Bailey. 

This poor creature, too, like all of his tribe, speaks of the  medical  profession as a great confederation of

bigoted monopolists.  He, too,  says that "If an innovator should appear, holding out hope  to those  in despair,

and curing disorders which the faculty have  recorded as  irremediable, he is at once, and without inquiry,

denounced as an  empiric and an impostor."  He, too, cites the  inevitable names of  Galileo and Harvey, and

refers to the feelings  excited by the great  discovery of Jenner.  From the treatment of the  great astronomer

who  was visited with the punishment of other heretics  by the  ecclesiastical authorities of a Catholic country

some centuries  since, there is no very direct inference to be drawn to the medical  profession of the present

time.  His name should be babbled no  longer, after having been placarded for the hundredth time in the  pages

of St. John Long.  But if we are doomed to see constant  reference to the names of Harvey and Jenner in every

worthless  pamphlet containing the prospectus of some new trick upon the public,  let us, once for all, stare the

facts in the face, and see how the  discoveries of these great men were actually received by the medical

profession. 

In 1628, Harvey published his first work upon the circulation.  His  doctrines were a complete revolution of the

prevailing opinions of  all antiquity.  They immediately found both champions and opponents;  of which last,

one only, Riolanus, seemed to Harvey worthy of an  answer, on account of his "rank, fame, and learning."

Controversy in  science, as in religion, was not, in those days, carried on with all  the courtesy which our

present habits demand, and it is possible that  some hard words may have been applied to Harvey, as it is very

certain that he used the most contemptuous expressions towards  others. 

Harvey declares in his second letter to Riolanus, "Since the first  discovery of the circulation, hardly a day, or

a moment, has passed  without my hearing it both well and ill spoken of; some attack it  with great hostility,

others defend it with high encomiums; one party  believe that I have abundantly proved the truth of the

doctrine  against all the weight of opposing arguments, by experiments,  observations, and dissections; others

think it not yet sufficiently  cleared up, and free from objections."  Two really eminent  Professors, Plempius of

Louvain, and Walaeus of Leyden, were among  its early advocates. 

The opinions sanctioned by the authority of long ages, and the  names  of Hippocrates and Galen, dissolved

away, gradually, but  certainly,  before the demonstrations of Harvey.  Twentyfour years  after the  publication

of his first work, and six years before his  death, his  bust in marble was placed in the Hall of the College of

Physicians,  with a suitable inscription recording his discoveries. 

Two years after this he was unanimously invited to accept the  Presidency of that body; and he lived to see his

doctrine  established, and all reputable opposition withdrawn. 


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There were many circumstances connected with the discovery of Dr.  Jenner which were of a nature to excite

repugnance and opposition.  The practice of inoculation for the smallpox had already disarmed  that disease

of many of its terrors.  The introduction of a  contagious disease from a brute creature into the human system

naturally struck the public mind with a sensation of disgust and  apprehension, and a part of the medical

public may have shared these  feelings.  I find that Jenner's discovery of vaccination was made  public in June,

1798.  In July of the same year the celebrated  surgeon, Mr. Cline, vaccinated a child with virus received from

Dr.  Jenner, and in communicating the success of this experiment, he  mentions that Dr. Lister, formerly of the

SmallPox Hospital, and  himself, are convinced of the efficacy of the cowpox.  In November  of the same

year, Dr. Pearson published his "Inquiry," containing the  testimony of numerous practitioners in different

parts of the  kingdom, to the efficacy of the practice.  Dr. HAYGARTH, who was so  conspicuous in exposing

the follies of Perkinism, was among the very  earliest to express his opinion in favor of vaccination.  In 1801,

Dr. Lettsom mentions the circumstance "as being to the honor of the  medical professors, that they have very

generally encouraged this  salutary practice, although it is certainly calculated to lessen  their pecuniary

advantages by its tendency to extirpate a fertile  source of professional practice." 

In the same year the Medical Committee of Paris spoke of  vaccination  in a public letter, as "the most brilliant

and most  important  discovery of the eighteenth century."  The Directors of a  Society for  the Extermination of

the SmallPox, in a Report dated  October 1st,  1807, "congratulate the public on the very favorable  opinion

which  the Royal College of Physicians of London, after a most  minute and  laborious investigation made by

the command of his Majesty,  have a  second time expressed on the subject of vaccination, in their  Report  laid

before the House of Commons, in the last session of  Parliament;  in consequence of which the sum of twenty

thousand pounds  was voted  to Dr. Jenner, as a remuneration for his discovery, in  addition to  ten thousand

pounds before granted."  (In June, 1802.) 

These and similar accusations, so often brought up against the  Medical Profession, are only one mode in

which is manifested a spirit  of opposition not merely to medical science, but to all science, and  to all sound

knowledge.  It is a spirit which neither understands  itself nor the object at which it is aiming.  It gropes among

the  loose records of the past, and the floating fables of the moment, to  glean a few truths or falsehoods

tending to prove, if they prove  anything, that the persons who have passed their lives in the study  of a branch

of knowledge the very essence of which must always  consist in long and accurate observation, are less

competent to judge  of new doctrines in their own department than the rest of the  community.  It belongs to the

clown in society, the destructive in  politics, and the rogue in practice. 

The name of Harvey, whose great discovery was the legitimate result  of his severe training and patient study,

should be mentioned only to  check the pretensions of presumptuous ignorance.  The example of  Jenner, who

gave his inestimable secret, the result of twentytwo  years of experiment and researches, unpurchased, to the

public,  when, as was said in Parliament, he might have made a hundred  thousand pounds by it as well as

any smaller sum,should be referred  to only to rebuke the selfish venders of secret remedies, among whom

his early history obliges us reluctantly to record Samuel Hahnemann.  Those who speak of the great body of

physicians as if they were  united in a league to support the superannuated notions of the past  against the

progress of improvement, have read the history of  medicine to little purpose.  The prevalent failing of this

profession  has been, on the contrary, to lend a too credulous ear to ambitious  and plausible innovators.  If at

the present time ten years of public  notoriety have passed over any doctrine professing to be of  importance in

medical science, and if it has not succeeded in raising  up a powerful body of able, learned, and ingenious

advocates for its  claims, the fault must be in the doctrine and not in the medical  profession. 

Homoeopathy has had a still more extended period of trial than  this,  and we have seen with what results.  It

only remains to throw  out a  few conjectures as to the particular manner in which it is to  break  up and

disappear. 


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1.  The confidence of the few believers in this delusion will never  survive the loss of friends who may die of

any acute disease, under a  treatment such as that prescribed by Homoeopathy.  It is doubtful how  far cases of

this kind will be trusted to its tender mercies, but  wherever it acquires any considerable foothold, such cases

must come,  and with them the ruin of those who practise it, should any highly  valued life be thus sacrificed. 

2.  After its novelty has worn out, the ardent and capricious  individuals who constitute the most prominent

class of its patrons  will return to visible doses, were it only for the sake of a change. 

3.  The SemiHomoeopathic practitioner will gradually withdraw from  the rotten half of his business and try

to make the public forget his  connection with it. 

4.  The ultra Homoeopathist will either recant and try to rejoin  the  medical profession; or he will embrace

some newer and if possible  equally extravagant doctrine; or he will stick to his colors and go  down with his

sinking doctrine.  Very few will pursue the course last  mentioned. 

A single fact may serve to point out in what direction there will  probably be a movement of the dissolving

atoms of Homoeopathy.  On  the 13th page of the too frequently cited Manifesto of the "Examiner"  I read the

following stately paragraph: 

"Bigelius, M. D., physician to the Emperor of Russia, whose  elevated  reputation is well known in Europe, has

been an acknowledged  advocate  of Hahnemann's doctrines for several years.  He abandoned  Allopathia  for

Homoeopathia."  The date of this statement is January,  1840.  I  find on looking at the booksellers' catalogues

that one  Bigel, or  Bigelius, to speak more classically, has been at various  times  publishing Homoeopathic

books for some years. 

Again, on looking into the " Encyclographie des Sciences Medicales  "  for April, 1840, I find a work entitled "

Manual of HYDROSUDOPATHY,  or the Treatment of Diseases by Cold Water, etc., etc., by Dr. Bigel,

Physician of the School of Strasburg, Member of the Medico  Chirurgical Institute of Naples, of the

Academy of St.  Petersburg,  Assessor of the College of the Empire of Russia, Physician of his  late Imperial

Highness the Grand Duke Constantine, Chevalier of the  Legion of Honor, etc."  Hydrosudopathy or

Hydropathy, as it is  sometimes called, is a new medical doctrine or practice which has  sprung up in Germany

since Homoeopathy, which it bids fair to drive  out of the market, if, as Dr. Bigel says, fourteen physicians

afflicted with diseases which defied themselves and their colleagues  came to Graefenberg, in the year 1836

alone, and were cured.  Now Dr.  Bigel, "whose elevated reputation is well known in Europe," writes as

follows: "The reader will not fail to see in this defence of the  curative method of Graefenberg a profession of

medical faith, and he  will be correct in so doing."  And his work closes with the following  sentence, worthy of

so distinguished an individual: "We believe, with  religion, that the water of baptism purifies the soul from its

original sin; let us believe also, with experience, that it is for  our corporeal sins the redeemer of the human

body."  If Bigel,  Physician to the late Grand Duke Constantine, is identical with Bigel  whom the "Examiner"

calls Physician to the Emperor of Russia, it  appears that he is now actively engaged in throwing cold water at

once upon his patients and the future prospects of Homoeopathy. 

If, as must be admitted, no one of Hahnemann's doctrines is  received  with tolerable unanimity among his

disciples, except the  central  axiom, Similia similibus curantur; if this axiom itself relies  mainly  for its support

upon the folly and trickery of Hahnemann, what  can we  think of those who announce themselves ready to

relinquish all  the  accumulated treasures of our art, to trifle with life upon the  strength of these fantastic

theories?  What shall we think of  professed practitioners of medicine, if, in the words of Jahr, "from

ignorance, for their personal convenience, or through charlatanism,  they treat their patients one day

Homoeopathically and the next  Allopathically; " if they parade their pretended new science before  the

unguarded portion of the community; if they suffer their names to  be coupled with it wherever it may gain a

credulous patient; and deny  all responsibility for its character, refuse all argument for its  doctrines, allege no


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palliation for the ignorance and deception  interwoven with every thread of its flimsy tissue, when they are

questioned by those competent to judge and entitled to an answer? 

Such is the pretended science of Homoeopathy, to which you are  asked  to trust your lives and the lives of

those dearest to you.  A  mingled  mass of perverse ingenuity, of tinsel erudition, of imbecile  credulity, and of

artful misrepresentation, too often mingled in  practice, if we may trust the authority of its founder, with

heartless and shameless imposition.  Because it is suffered so often  to appeal unanswered to the public,

because it has its journals, its  patrons, its apostles, some are weak enough to suppose it can escape  the

inevitable doom of utter disgrace and oblivion.  Not many years  can pass away before the same curiosity

excited by one of Perkins's  Tractors will be awakened at the sight of one of the Infinitesimal  Globules.  If it

should claim a longer existence, it can only be by  falling into the hands of the sordid wretches who wring

their bread  from the cold grasp of disease and death in the hovels of ignorant  poverty. 

As one humble member of a profession which for more than two  thousand  years has devoted itself to the

pursuit of the best earthly  interests  of mankind, always assailed and insulted from without by  such as are

ignorant of its infinite perplexities and labors, always  striving in  unequal contest with the hundredarmed

giant who walks in  the  noonday, and sleeps not in the midnight, yet still toiling, not  merely for itself and the

present moment, but for the race and the  future, I have lifted my voice against this lifeless delusion,  rolling its

shapeless bulk into the path of a noble science it is too  weak to strike, or to injure. 

THE CONTAGIOUSNESS OF PUERPERAL FEVER  Printed in 1843; reprinted  with additions, 1855. 

THE POINT AT ISSUE. 

THE AFFIRMATIVE. 

"The disease known as Puerperal Fever is so far contagious as to be  frequently carried from patient to patient

by physicians and nurses."  O. W. Holmes, 1843. 

THE NEGATIVE. 

"The result of the whole discussion will, I trust, serve, not only  to  exalt your views of the value and dignity of

our profession, but to  divest your minds of the overpowering dread that you can ever become,  especially to

woman, under the extremely interesting circumstances of  gestation and parturition, the minister of evil; that

you can ever  convey, in any possible manner, a horrible virus, so destructive in  its effects, and so mysterious

in its operations as that attributed  to puerperal fever." Professor Hodge,  1852. 

"I prefer to attribute them to accident, or Providence, of which I  can form a conception, rather than to a

contagion of which I cannot  form any clear idea, at least as to this particular malady."  Professor Meigs,

1852. 

" .  .  .  in the propagation of which they have no more to do,  than  with the propagation of cholera from Jessore

to San Francisco,  and  from Mauritius to St. Petersburg."Professor Meigs, 1854. 

 

"I arrived at that certainty in the matter, that I could venture to  foretell what women would be affected with

the disease, upon hearing  by what midwife they were to be delivered, or by what nurse they were  to be

attended, during their lyingin; and, almost in every instance,  my prediction was verified." Gordon, 1795. 


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"A certain number of deaths is caused every year by the contagion  of  puerperal fever, communicated by the

nurses and medical  attendants."  Farr, in Fifth Annual Report of RegistrarGeneral of  England, 1843. 

".  .  .  boards of health, if such exist, or, without them, the  medical institutions of a country, should have the

power of coercing,  or of inflicting some kind of punishment on those who recklessly go  from cases of

puerperal fevers to parturient or puerperal females,  without using due precaution; and who, having been

shown the risk,  criminally encounter it, and convey pestilence and death to the  persons they are employed to

aid in the most interesting and  suffering period of female existence." Copland's Medical  Dictionary, Art.

Puerperal States and Diseases, 1852. 

"We conceive it unnecessary to go into detail to prove the  contagious  nature of this disease, as there are few,

if any, American  practitioners who do not believe in this doctrine." Dr. Lee, in  Additions to Article last

cited. 

 

[INTRODUCTORY NOTE.] It happened, some years ago, that a discussion  arose in a Medical Society of

which I was a member, involving the  subject of a certain supposed cause of disease, about which something

was known, a good deal suspected, and not a little feared.  The  discussion was suggested by a case, reported at

the preceding  meeting, of a physician who made an examination of the body of a  patient who had died with

puerperal fever, and who himself died in  less than a week, apparently in consequence of a wound received at

the examination, having attended several women in confinement in the  mean time, all of whom, as it was

alleged, were attacked with  puerperal fever. 

Whatever apprehensions and beliefs were entertained, it was plain  that a fuller knowledge of the facts relating

to the subject would be  acceptable to all present.  I therefore felt that it would be doing a  good service to look

into the best records I could find, and inquire  of the most trustworthy practitioners I knew, to learn what

experience had to teach in the matter, and arrived at the results  contained in the following pages. 

The Essay was read before the Boston Society for Medical  Improvement,  and, at the request of the Society,

printed in the "New  England  Quarterly Journal of Medicine and Surgery" for April, 1843.  As this  Journal

never obtained a large circulation, and ceased to be  published after a year's existence, and as the few copies I

had  struck off separately were soon lost sight of among the friends to  whom they were sent, the Essay can

hardly be said to have been fully  brought before the Profession. 

The subject of this Paper has the same profound interest for me at  the present moment as it had when I was

first collecting the terrible  evidence out of which, as it seems to me, the commonest exercise of  reason could

not help shaping the truth it involved.  It is not  merely on account of the bearing of the question,if there is a

question,on all that is most sacred in human life and happiness,  that the subject cannot lose its interest.  It is

because it seems  evident that a fair statement of the facts must produce its proper  influence on a very large

proportion of wellconstituted and  unprejudiced minds.  Individuals may, here and there, resist the  practical

bearing of the evidence on their own feelings or interests;  some may fail to see its meaning, as some persons

may be found who  cannot tell red from green; but I cannot doubt that most readers will  be satisfied and

convinced, to loathing, long before they have  finished the dark obituary calendar laid before them. 

I do not know that I shall ever again have so good an opportunity  of  being useful as was granted me by the

raising of the question which  produced this Essay.  For I have abundant evidence that it has made  many

practitioners more cautious in their relations with puerperal  females, and I have no doubt it will do so still, if

it has a chance  of being read, though it should call out a hundred counterblasts,  proving to the satisfaction of

their authors that it proved nothing.  And for my part, I had rather rescue one mother from being poisoned  by

her attendant, than claim to have saved forty out of fifty  patients to whom I had carried the disease.  Thus, I


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am willing to  avail myself of any hint coming from without to offer this paper once  more to the press.  The

occasion has presented itself, as will be  seen, in a convenient if not in a flattering form. 

I send this Essay again to the MEDICAL PROFESSION, without the  change  of a word or syllable.  I find, on

reviewing it, that it  anticipates  and eliminates those secondary questions which cannot be  entertained  for a

moment until the one great point of fact is  peremptorily  settled.  In its very statement of the doctrine

maintained it avoids  all discussion of the nature of the disease  "known as puerperal  fever," and all the

somewhat stale philology of  the word contagion.  It mentions, fairly enough, the names of sceptics,  or

unbelievers as  to the reality of personal transmission; of Dewees,  of Tonnelle, of  Duges, of Baudelocque, and

others; of course, not  including those  whose works were then unwritten or unpublished; nor  enumerating all

the Continental writers who, in ignorance of the great  mass of  evidence accumulated by British practitioners,

could hardly be  called  well informed on this subject.  It meets all the array of  negative  cases,those in which

disease did not follow exposure,by  the  striking example of smallpox, which, although one of the most

contagious of diseases, is subject to the most remarkable  irregularities and seeming caprices in its

transmission.  It makes  full allowance for other causes besides personal transmission,  especially for epidemic

influences.  It allows for the possibility of  different modes of conveyance of the destructive principle.  It

recognizes and supports the belief that a series of cases may  originate from a single primitive source which

affects each new  patient in turn; and especially from cases of Erysipelas.  It does  not undertake to discuss the

theoretical aspect of the subject; that  is a secondary matter of consideration.  Where facts are numerous,  and

unquestionable, and unequivocal in their significance, theory  must follow them as it best may, keeping time

with their step, and  not go before them, marching to the sound of its own drum and  trumpet.  Having thus

narrowed its area to a limited practical  platform of discussion, a matter of life and death, and not of  phrases or

theories, it covers every inch of it with a mass of  evidence which I conceive a Committee of Husbands, who

can count  coincidences and draw conclusions as well as a Synod of Accoucheurs,  would justly consider as

affording ample reasons for an unceremonious  dismissal of a practitioner (if it is conceivable that such a step

could be waited for), after five or six funerals had marked the path  of his daily visits, while other practitioners

were not thus  escorted.  To the Profession, therefore, I submit the paper in its  original form, and leave it to

take care of itself. 

To the MEDICAL STUDENTS, into whose hands this Essay may fall, some  words of introduction may be

appropriate, and perhaps, to a small  number of them, necessary.  There are some among them who, from

youth, or want of training, are easily bewildered and confused in any  conflict of opinions into which their

studies lead them.  They are  liable to lose sight of the main question in collateral issues, and  to be run away

with by suggestive speculations.  They confound belief  with evidence, often trusting the first because it is

expressed with  energy, and slighting the latter because it is calm and  unimpassioned.  They are not satisfied

with proof; they cannot  believe a point is settled so long as everybody is not silenced.  They  have not learned

that error is got out of the minds that cherish  it,  as the taenia is removed from the body, one joint, or a few

joints at  a time, for the most part, rarely the whole evil at once.  They  naturally have faith in their instructors,

turning to them for  truth,  and taking what they may choose to give them; babes in  knowledge, not  yet able to

tell the breast from the bottle, pumping  away for the milk  of truth at all that offers, were it nothing better  than

a Professor's  shrivelled forefinger. 

In the earliest and embryonic stage of professional development,  any  violent impression on the instructor's

mind is apt to be followed  by  some lasting effect on that of the pupil.  No mother's mark is more  permanent

than the mental naevi and moles, and excrescences, and  mutilations, that students carry with them out of the

lectureroom,  if once the teeming intellect which nourishes theirs has been scared  from its propriety by any

misshapen fantasy.  Even an impatient or  petulant expression, which to a philosopher would be a mere index

of  the low state of amiability of the speaker at the moment of its  utterance, may pass into the young mind as

an element of its future  constitution, to injure its temper or corrupt its judgment.  It is a  duty, therefore, which

we owe to this younger class of students, to  clear any important truth which may have been rendered

questionable  in their minds by such language, or any truthteller against whom  they may have been


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prejudiced by hasty epithets, from the impressions  such words have left.  Until this is done, they are not ready

for the  question, where there is a question, for them to decide.  Even if we  ourselves are the subjects of the

prejudice, there seems to be no  impropriety in showing that this prejudice is local or personal, and  not an

acknowledged conviction with the public at large.  It may be  necessary to break through our usual habits of

reserve to do this,  but this is the fault of the position in which others have placed us. 

Two widelyknown and highlyesteemed practitioners, Professors in  two  of the largest Medical Schools of

the Union, teaching the branch  of  art which includes the Diseases of Women, and therefore speaking  with

authority; addressing in their lectures and printed publications  large numbers of young men, many of them in

the tenderest immaturity  of knowledge, have recently taken ground in a formal way against the  doctrine

maintained in this paper: 

On the NonContagious Character of Puerperal Fever: An Introductory  Lecture.  By Hugh L.  Hodge, M. D.,

Professor of Obstetrics in the  University of Pennsylvania.  Delivered Monday, October 11, 1852.

Philadelphia, 1852. 

On the Nature, Signs, and Treatment of Childbed Fevers : in a  Series  of Letters addressed to the Students of

his Class.  By Charles  D.  Meigs, M.  D., Professor of Midwifery and the Diseases of Women and  Children in

Jefferson Medical College, Philadelphia, etc., etc.  Philadelphia, 1854.  Letter VI. 

The first of the two publications, Dr. Hodge's Lecture, while its  theoretical considerations and negative

experiences do not seem to me  to require any further notice than such as lay ready for them in my  Essay

written long before, is, I am pleased to say, unobjectionable  in tone and language, and may be read without

offence. 

This can hardly be said of the chapter of Dr. Meigs's volume which  treats of Contagion in Childbed Fever.

There are expressions used in  it which might well put a stop to all scientific discussions, were  they to form

the current coin in our exchange of opinions.  I leave  the "very young gentlemen," whose careful expositions

of the results  of practice in more than six thousand cases are characterized as "the  jejune and fizenless

dreamings of sophomore writers," to the  sympathies of those "dear young friends," and "dear young

gentlemen,"  who will judge how much to value their instructor's counsel to think  for themselves, knowing

what they are to expect if they happen not to  think as he does. 

One unpalatable expression I suppose the laws of construction  oblige  me to appropriate to myself, as my

reward for a certain amount  of  labor bestowed on the investigation of a very important question of  evidence,

and a statement of my own practical conclusions.  I take no  offence, and attempt no retort.  No man makes a

quarrel with me over  the counterpane that covers a mother, with her newborn infant at her  breast.  There is

no epithet in the vocabulary of slight and sarcasm  that can reach my personal sensibilities in such a

controversy.  Only  just so far as a disrespectful phrase may turn the student aside from  the examination of the

evidence, by discrediting or dishonoring the  witness, does it call for any word of notice. 

I appeal from the disparaging language by which the Professor in  the  Jefferson School of Philadelphia world

dispose of my claims to be  listened to.  I appeal, not to the vote of the Society for Medical  Improvement,

although this was an unusual evidence of interest in the  paper in question, for it was a vote passed among my

own townsmen;  nor to the opinion of any American, for none know better than the  Professors in the great

Schools of Philadelphia how cheaply the  praise of native contemporary criticism is obtained.  I appeal to the

recorded opinions of those whom I do not know, and who do not know  me, nor care for me, except for the

truth that I may have uttered; to  Copland, in his "Medical Dictionary," who has spoken of my Essay in

phrases to which the pamphlets of American "scribblers" are seldom  used from European authorities; to

Ramsbotham, whose compendious  eulogy is all that selflove could ask; to the "Fifth Annual Report"  of the

RegistrarGeneral of England, in which the secondhand  abstract of my Essay figures largely, and not


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without favorable  comment, in an important appended paper.  These testimonies, half  forgotten until this

circumstance recalled them, are dragged into the  light, not in a paroxysm of vanity, but to show that there

may be  food for thought in the small pamphlet which the Philadelphia Teacher  treats so lightly.  They were at

least unsought for, and would never  have been proclaimed but for the sake of securing the privilege of a

decent and unprejudiced hearing. 

I will take it for granted that they have so far counterpoised the  depreciating language of my

fellowcountryman and fellowteacher as  to gain me a reader here and there among the youthful class of

students I am now addressing.  It is only for their sake that I think  it necessary to analyze, or explain, or

illustrate, or corroborate  any portion of the following Essay.  But I know that nothing can be  made too plain

for beginners; and as I do not expect the  practitioner, or even the more mature student, to take the trouble to

follow me through an Introduction which I consider wholly unnecessary  and superfluous for them, I shall not

hesitate to stoop to the most  elementary simplicity for the benefit of the younger student.  I do  this more

willingly because it affords a good opportunity, as it  seems to me, of exercising the untrained mind in that

medical logic  which does not seem to have been either taught or practised in our  schools of late, to the extent

that might be desired. 

I will now exhibit, in a series of propositions reduced to their  simplest expression, the same essential

statements and conclusions as  are contained in the Essay, with such commentaries and explanations  as may

be profitable to the inexperienced class of readers addressed. 

I.  It has been long believed, by many competent observers, that  Puerperal Fever (so called) is sometimes

carried from patient to  patient by medical assistants. 

II.  The express object of this Essay is to prove that it is so  carried. 

III.  In order to prove this point, it is not necessary to consult  any medical theorist as to whether or not it is

consistent with his  preconceived notions that such a mode of transfer should exist. 

IV.  If the medical theorist insists on being consulted, and we see  fit to indulge him, he cannot be allowed to

assume that the alleged  laws of contagion, deduced from observation in other diseases, shall  be cited to

disprove the alleged laws deduced from observation in  this.  Science would never make progress under such

conditions.  Neither the long incubation of hydrophobia, nor the protecting power  of vaccination, would ever

have been admitted, if the results of  observation in these affections had been rejected as contradictory to  the

previously ascertained laws of contagion. 

V.  The disease in question is not a common one; producing, on the  average, about three deaths in a thousand

births, according to the  English Registration returns which I have examined. 

VI.  When an unusually large number of cases of this disease occur  about the same time, it is inferred,

therefore, that there exists  some special cause for this increased frequency.  If the disease  prevails extensively

over a wide region of country, it is attributed  without dispute to an epidemic influence.  If it prevails in a

single  locality, as in a hospital, and not elsewhere, this is considered  proof that some local cause is there

active in its production. 

VII.  When a large number of cases of this disease occur in rapid  succession, in one individual's ordinary

practice, and few or none  elsewhere, these cases appearing in scattered localities, in patients  of the same

average condition as those who escape under the care of  others, there is the same reason for connecting the

cause of the  disease with the person in this instance, as with the place in that  last mentioned. 


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VIII.  Many series of cases, answering to these conditions, are  given  in this Essay, and many others will be

referred to which have  occurred since it was written. 

IX.  The alleged results of observation may be set aside; first,  because the socalled facts are in their own

nature equivocal;  secondly, because they stand on insufficient authority; thirdly,  because they are not

sufficiently numerous.  But, in this case, the  disease is one of striking and wellmarked character; the

witnesses  are experts, interested in denying and disbelieving the facts; the  number of consecutive cases in

many instances frightful, and the  number of series of cases such that I have no room for many of them  except

by mere reference. 

X.  These results of observation, being admitted, may, we will  suppose, be interpreted in different methods.

Thus the coincidences  may be considered the effect of chance.  I have had the chances  calculated by a

competent person, that a given practitioner, A.,  shall have sixteen fatal cases in a month, on the following

data:  A.  to average attendance upon two hundred and fifty births in a year;  three deaths in one thousand births

to be assumed as the average from  puerperal fever; no epidemic to be at the time prevailing.  It  follows, from

the answer given me, that if we suppose every one of  the five hundred thousand annual births of England to

have been  recorded during the last halfcentury, there would not be one chance  in a million million million

millions that one such series should be  noted.  No possible fractional error in this calculation can render  the

chance a working probability.  Applied to dozens of series of  various lengths, it is obviously an absurdity.

Chance, therefore, is  out of the question as an explanation of the admitted coincidences. 

XI.  There is, therefore, some relation of cause and effect between  the physician's presence and the patient's

disease. 

XII.  Until it is proved to what removable condition attaching to  the  attendant the disease is owing, he is

bound to stay away from his  patients so soon as he finds himself singled out to be tracked by the  disease.

How long, and with what other precautions, I have  suggested, without dictating, at the close of my Essay.  If

the  physician does not at once act on any reasonable suspicion of his  being the medium of transfer, the

families where he is engaged, if  they are allowed to know the facts, should decline his services for  the time.

His feelings on the occasion, however interesting to  himself, should not be even named in this connection.  A

physician  who talks about ceremony and gratitude, and services rendered, and  the treatment he got, surely

forgets himself; it is impossible that  he should seriously think of these small matters where there is even  a

question whether he may not carry disease, and death, and  bereavement into any one of "his families," as they

are sometimes  called. 

I will now point out to the young student the mode in which he may  relieve his mind of any confusion, or

possibly, if very young, any  doubt, which the perusal of Dr. Meigs's Sixth Letter may have raised  in his mind. 

The most prominent ideas of the Letter are, first, that the  transmissible nature of puerperal fever appears

improbable, and,  secondly, that it would be very inconvenient to the writer.  Dr.  Woodville, Physician to the

SmallPox and Inoculation Hospital in  London, found it improbable, and exceedingly inconvenient to

himself,  that cow pox should prevent smallpox; but Dr. Jenner took the  liberty to prove the fact,

notwithstanding. 

I will first call the young student's attention to the show of  negative facts (exposure without subsequent

disease), of which much  seems to be thought.  And I may at the same time refer him to Dr.  Hodge's Lecture,

where he will find the same kind of facts and  reasoning.  Let him now take up Watson's Lectures, the good

sense and  spirit of which have made his book a universal favorite, and open to  the chapter on Continued

Fever.  He will find a paragraph containing  the following sentence: "A man might say, 'I was in the battle of

Waterloo, and saw many men around me fall down and die, and it was  said that they were struck down by

musketballs; but I know better  than that, for I was there all the time, and so were many of my  friends, and


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we were never hit by any musketballs.  Musketballs,  therefore, could not have been the cause of the deaths

we witnessed.'  And if, like contagion, they were not palpable to the senses, such a  person might go on to

affirm that no proof existed of there being any  such thing as musketballs."  Now let the student turn back to

the  chapter on Hydrophobia in the same volume.  He will find that John  Hunter knew a case in which, of

twentyone persons bitten, only one  died of the disease.  He will find that one dog at Charenton was  bitten at

different times by thirty different mad dogs, and outlived  it all.  Is there no such thing, then, as hydrophobia?

Would one  take no especial precautions if his wife, about to become a mother,  had been bitten by a rabid

animal, because so many escape?  Or let  him look at "Underwood on Diseases of Children,"[Philadelphia,

1842,  p.  244, note.] and he will find the case of a young woman who was  inoculated eight times in thirty

days, at the same time attending  several children with smallpox, and yet was not infected.  But seven  weeks

afterwards she took the disease and died. 

It would seem as if the force of this argument could hardly fail to  be seen, if it were granted that every one of

these series of cases  were so reported as to prove that there could have been no transfer  of disease.  There is

not one of them so reported, in the Lecture or  the Letter, as to prove that the disease may not have been

carried by  the practitioner.  I strongly suspect that it was so carried in some  of these cases, but from the

character of the very imperfect evidence  the question can never be settled without further disclosures. 

Although the Letter is, as I have implied, principally taken up  with  secondary and collateral questions, and

might therefore be set  aside  as in the main irrelevant, I am willing, for the student's sake,  to  touch some of

these questions briefly, as an illustration of its  logical character. 

The first thing to be done, as I thought when I wrote my Essay, was  to throw out all discussions of the word

contagion, and this I did  effectually by the careful wording of my statement of the subject to  be discussed.

My object was not to settle the etymology or  definition of a word, but to show that women had often died in

childbed, poisoned in some way by their medical attendants.  On the  other point, I, at least, have no

controversy with anybody, and I  think the student will do well to avoid it in this connection.  If I  must define

my position, however, as well as the term in question, I  am contented with Worcester's definition; provided

always this avowal  do not open another side controversy on the merits of his Dictionary,  which Dr. Meigs has

not cited, as compared with Webster's, which he  has. 

I cannot see the propriety of insisting that all the laws of the  eruptive fevers must necessarily hold true of this

peculiar disease  of puerperal women.  If there were any such propriety, the laws of  the eruptive fevers must at

least be stated correctly.  It is not  true, for instance, as Dr. Meigs states, that contagion is "no  respecter of

persons;" that "it attacks all individuals alike."  To  give one example: Dr. Gregory, of the SmallPox Hospital,

who ought  to know, says that persons pass through life apparently insensible to  or unsusceptible of the

smallpox virus, and that the same persons do  not take the vaccine disease. 

As to the short time of incubation, of which so much is made, we  have  no right to decide beforehand whether

it shall be long or short,  in  the cases we are considering.  A dissection wound may produce  symptoms of

poisoning in six hours; the bite of a rabid animal may  take as many months. 

After the student has read the case in Dr. Meigs's 136th paragraph,  and the following one, in which he

exclaims against the idea of  contagion, because the patient, delivered on the 26th of December,  was attacked

in twentyfour hours, and died on the third day, let him  read what happened at the "Black Assizes" of 1577

and 1750.  In the  first case, six hundred persons sickened the same night of the  exposure, and three hundred

more in three days. [Elliotson's  Practice, p.  298.]  Of those attacked in the latter year, the  exposure being on

the 11th of May, Alderman Lambert died on the 13th,  UnderSheriff Cox on the 14th, and many of note

before the  20th.  But  these are old stories.  Let the student listen then to Dr.  Gerhard,  whose reputation as a

cautious observer he may be supposed  to know.  "The nurse was shaving a man, who died in a few hours after

his  entrance; he inhaled his breath, which had a nauseous taste, and  in an  hour afterwards was taken with


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nausea, cephalalgia, and singing  of the  ears.  From that moment the attack began, and assumed a severe

character.  The assistant was supporting another patient, who died  soon afterwards; he felt the pungent heat

upon his skin, and was  taken immediately with the symptoms of typhus."[Am.  Jour.  Med.  Sciences, Feb.

1837, p.  299.]  It is by notes of cases, rather  than  notes of admiration, that we must be guided, when we study

the  Revised  Statutes of Nature, as laid down from the curule chairs of  Medicine. 

Let the student read Dr. Meigs's 140th paragraph soberly, and then  remember, that not only does he infer,

suspect, and surmise, but he  actually asserts (page 154, "there was poison in the house," because  three out of

five patients admitted into a ward had puerperal fever  and died.  Have I not as much right to draw a positive

inference from  "Dr. A.'s " seventy exclusive cases as he from the three cases in the  ward of the Dublin

Hospital?  All practical medicine, and all action  in common affairs, is founded on inferences.  How does Dr.

Meigs know  that the patients he bled in puerperal fever would not have all got  well if he had not bled them? 

"You see a man discharge a gun at another; you see the flash, you  hear the report, you see the person fall a

lifeless corpse; and you  infer, from all these circumstances, that there was a ball discharged  from the gun,

which entered his body and caused his death, because  such is the usual and natural cause of such an effect.

But you did  not see the ball leave the gun, pass through the air, and enter the  body of the slain; and your

testimony to the fact of killing is,  therefore, only inferential,in other words, circumstantial.  It is  possible

that no ball was in the gun; and we infer that there was,  only because we cannot account for death on any

other supposition."  [Chief Justice Gibson, in Am.  Law Journal, vol.  vi.  p.  123.] 

"The question always comes to this: Is the circumstance of  intercourse with the sick followed by the

appearance of the disease  in a proportion of cases so much greater than any other circumstance  common to

any portion of the inhabitants of the place under  observation, as to make it inconceivable that the succession

of cases  occurring in persons having that intercourse should have been the  result of chance?  If so, the

inference is unavoidable, that that  intercourse must have acted as a cause of the disease.  All  observations

which do not bear strictly on that point are irrelevant,  and, in the case of an epidemic first appearing in a town

or  district, a succession of two cases is sometimes sufficient to  furnish evidence which, on the principle I

have stated, is nearly  irresistible." 

Possibly an inexperienced youth may be awestruck by the quotation  from Cuvier.  These words, or their

equivalent, are certainly to be  found in his Introduction.  So are the words "top not come down"!  to  be found

in the Bible, and they were as much meant for the ladies'  headdresses as the words of Cuvier were meant to

make clinical  observation wait for a permit from anybody to look with its eyes and  count on its fingers.  Let

the inquiring youth read the whole  Introduction, and he will see what they mean. 

I intend no breach of courtesy, but this is a proper place to warn  the student against skimming the prefaces

and introductions of works  for mottoes and embellishments to his thesis.  He cannot learn  anatomy by

thrusting an exploring needle into the body.  He will be  very liable to misquote his author's meaning while he

is picking off  his outside sentences.  He may make as great a blunder as that simple  prince who praised the

conductor of his orchestra for the piece just  before the overture; the musician was too good a courtier to tell

him  that it was only the tuning of the instruments. 

To the six propositions in the 142d paragraph, and the remarks  about  "specific" diseases, the answer, if any is

necessary, seems very  simple.  An inflammation of a serous membrane may give rise to  secretions which act

as a poison, whether that be a "specific" poison  or not, as Dr. Homer has told his young readers, and as

dissectors  know too well; and that poison may produce its symptoms in a few  hours after the system has

received it, as any may see in Druitt's  "Surgery," if they care to look.  Puerperal peritonitis may produce  such

a poison, and puerperal women may be very sensible to its  influences, conveyed by contact or exhalation.

Whether this is so or  not, facts alone can determine, and to facts we have had recourse to  settle it. 


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The following statement is made by Dr. Meigs in his 142d paragraph,  and developed more at length, with

rhetorical amplifications, in the  134th.  "No human being, save a pregnant or parturient woman, is  susceptible

to the poison."  This statement is wholly incorrect, as I  am sorry to have to point out to a Teacher in Dr.

Meigs's position.  I  do not object to the erudition which quotes Willis and Fernelius,  the  last of whom was

pleasantly said to have "preserved the dregs of  the  Arabs in the honey of his Latinity."  But I could wish that

more  modern authorities had not been overlooked.  On this point, for  instance, among the numerous facts

disproving the statement, the  "American Journal of Medical Sciences," published not far from his

lectureroom, would have presented him with a respectable catalog of  such cases.  Thus he might refer to Mr.

Storrs's paper "On the  Contagious Effects of Puerperal Fever on the Male Subject; or on  Persons not

Childbearing"(Jan.  1846), or to Dr. Reid's case (April,  1846), or to Dr. Barron's statement of the children's

dying of  peritonitis in an epidemic of puerperal fever at the Philadelphia  Hospital (Oct.  1842), or to various

instances cited in Dr.  Kneeland's article (April, 186).  Or, if he would have referred to  the "New York

Journal," he might have seen Prof. Austin Flint's  cases.  Or, if he had honored my Essay so far, he might have

found  striking instances of the same kind in the first of the new series of  cases there reported and elsewhere.  I

do not see the bearing of his  proposition, if it were true.  But it is one of those assertions that  fall in a moment

before a slight examination of the facts; and I  confess my surprise, that a professor who lectures on the

Diseases of  Women should have ventured to make it. 

Nearly seven pages are devoted to showing that I was wrong in  saying  I would not be "understood to imply

that there exists a doubt  in the  mind of any wellinformed member of the medical profession as  to the  fact

that puerperal fever is sometimes communicated from one  person  to another, both directly and indirectly."  I

will devote seven  lines  to these seven pages, which seven lines, if I may say it without  offence, are, as it

seems to me, six more than are strictly  necessary. 

The following authors are cited as sceptics by Dr. Meigs :  Dewees.  I cited the same passage.  Did not know

half the facts.  Robert Lee.  Believes the disease is sometimes communicable by  contagion.  Tonnelle,

Baudelocque.  Both cited by me.  Jacquemier.  Published  three years after my Essay.  Kiwisch.  Behindhand

in  knowledge of  Puerperal Fever." [B. F.  Med.  Rev.  Jan.  1842.]  Paul Dubois.  Scanzoni. 

These Continental writers not well informed on this point.[See Dr.  Simpson's Remarks at Meeting of Edin.

Med.  Chir.  Soc.  (Am.  Jour.  Oct.  1851.)] 

The story of Von Busch is of interest and value, but there is  nothing  in it which need perplex the student.  It is

not pretended  that the  disease is always, or even, it may be, in the majority of  cases,  carried about by

attendants; only that it is so carried in  certain  cases.  That it may have local and epidemic causes, as well as

that  depending on personal transmission, is not disputed.  Remember  how  smallpox often disappears from a

community in spite of its  contagious character, and the necessary exposure of many persons to  those suffering

from it; in both diseases contagion is only one of  the coefficients of the disease. 

I have already spoken of the possibility that Dr. Meigs may have  been  the medium of transfer of puerperal

fever in some of the cases he  has  briefly catalogued.  Of Dr. Rutter's cases I do not know how to  speak.  I only

ask the student to read the facts stated by Dr.  Condie, as given in my Essay, and say whether or not a man

should  allow his wife to be attended by a practitioner in whose hands  "scarcely a female that has been

delivered for weeks past has escaped  an attack,"  "while no instance of the disease has occurred in the  patients

of any other accoucheur practising in the same district."  If  I understand Dr. Meigs and Dr. Hodge, they would

not warn the  physician or spare the patient under such circumstances.  They would  "go on," if I understand

them, not to seven, or seventy, only, but to  seventy times seven, if they could find patients.  If this is not  what

they mean, may we respectfully ask them to state what they do  mean, to their next classes, in the name of

humanity, if not of  science! 


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I might repeat the question asked concerning Dr. Rutter's cases,  with  reference to those reported by Dr.

Roberton.  Perhaps, however,  the  student would like to know the opinion of a person in the habit of  working

at matters of this kind in a practical point of view.  To  satisfy him on this ground, I addressed the following

question to the  President of one of our principal Insurance Companies, leaving Dr.  Meigs's book and my

Essay in his hands at the same time. 

Question.  "If such facts as Roberton's cases were before you, and  the attendant had had ten, or even five fatal

cases, or three, or two  even, would you, or would you not, if insuring the life of the next  patient to be taken

care of by that attendant, expect an extra  premium over that of an average case of childbirth?" 

Answer.  " Of course I should require a very large extra premium,  if  I would take take risk at all." 

But I do not choose to add the expressions of indignation which the  examination of the facts before him

called out.  I was satisfied from  the effect they produced on him, that if all the hideous catalogues  of cases

now accumulated were fully brought to the knowledge of the  public, nothing, since the days of Burke and

Hare, has raised such a  cry of horror as would be shrieked in the ears of the Profession. 

Dr. Meigs has elsewhere invoked "Providence" as the alternative of  accident, to account for the

"coincidences."  ("Obstetrics," Phil.  1852, p.  631.) If so, Providence either acts through the agency of

secondary causes, as in other diseases, or not.  If through such  causes, let us find out what they are, as we try

to do in other  cases.  It may be true that offences, or diseases, will come, but  "woe unto him through whom

they come," if we catch him in the  voluntary or careless act of bringing them!  But if Providence does  not act

through secondary causes in this particular sphere of  etiology, then why does Dr. Meigs take such pains to

reason so  extensively about the laws of contagion, which, on that supposition,  have no more to do with this

case than with the plague which  destroyed the people after David had numbered them?  Above all, what

becomes of the theological aspect of the question, when he asserts  that a practitioner was "only unlucky in

meeting with the epidemic  cases?" ( Op.  cit.  p.  633.) We do not deny that the God of battles  decides the fate

of nations; but we like to have the biggest  squadrons on our side, and we are particular that our soldiers

should  not only say their prayers, but also keep their powder dry.  We do  not deny the agency of Providence

in the disaster at Norwalk, but we  turn off the engineer, and charge the Company five thousand dollars  apiece

for every life that is sacrificed. 

Why a grand jury should not bring in a bill against a physician who  switches off a score of women one after

the other along his private  track, when he knows that there is a black gulf at the end of it,  down which they

are to plunge, while the great highway is clear, is  more than I can answer.  It is not by laying the open draw to

Providence that he is to escape the charge of manslaughter. 

To finish with all these lesser matters of question, I am unable to  see why a female must necessarily be

unattended in her confinement,  because she declines the services of a particular practitioner.  In  all the series

of cases mentioned, the deathcarrying attendant was  surrounded by others not tracked by disease and its

consequences.  Which, I would ask, is worse,to call in another, even a rival  practitioner, or to submit an

unsuspecting female to a risk which an  Insurance Company would have nothing to do with? 

I do not expect ever to return to this subject.  There is a point  of  mental saturation, beyond which argument

cannot be forced without  breeding impatient, if not harsh, feelings towards those who refuse  to be convinced.

If I have so far manifested neither, it is well to  stop here, and leave the rest to those younger friends who may

have  more stomach for the dregs of a stale argument. 

The extent of my prefatory remarks may lead some to think that I  attach too much importance to my own

Essay.  Others may wonder that I  should expend so many words upon the two productions referred to, the

Letter and the Lecture.  I do consider my Essay of much importance so  long as the doctrine it maintains is


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treated as a question, and so  long as any important part of the defence of that doctrine is thought  to rest on its

evidence or arguments.  I cannot treat as  insignificant any opinions bearing on life, and interests dearer than

life, proclaimed yearly to hundreds of young men, who will carry them  to their legitimate results in practice. 

The teachings of the two Professors in the great schools of  Philadelphia are sure to be listened to, not only by

their immediate  pupils, but by the Profession at large.  I am too much in earnest for  either humility or vanity,

but I do entreat those who hold the keys  of life and death to listen to me also for this once.  I ask no  personal

favor; but I beg to be heard in behalf of the women whose  lives are at stake, until some stronger voice shall

plead for them. 

I trust that I have made the issue perfectly distinct and  intelligible.  And let it be remembered that this is no

subject to be  smoothed over by nicely adjusted phrases of halfassent and half  censure divided between the

parties.  The balance must be struck  boldly and the result declared plainly.  If I have been hasty,  presumptuous,

illinformed, illogical; if my array of facts means  nothing; if there is no reason for any caution in the view of

these  facts; let me be told so on such authority that I must believe it,  and I will be silent henceforth,

recognizing that my mind is in a  state of disorganization.  If the doctrine I have maintained is a  mournful

truth; if to disbelieve it, and to practise on this  disbelief, and to teach others so to disbelieve and practise, is to

carry desolation, and to charter others to carry it, into confiding  families, let it be proclaimed as plainly what

is to be thought of  the teachings of those who sneer at the alleged dangers, and scout  the very idea of

precaution.  Let it be remembered that persons are  nothing in this matter; better that twenty pamphleteers

should be  silenced, or as many professors unseated, than that one mother's life  should be taken.  There is no

quarrel here between men, but there is  deadly incompatibility and exterminating warfare between doctrines.

Coincidences, meaning nothing, though a man have a monopoly of the  disease for weeks or months; or cause

and effect, the cause being in  some way connected with the person; this is the question.  If I am  wrong, let me

be put down by such a rebuke as no rash declaimer has  received since there has been a public opinion in the

medical  profession of America; if I am right, let doctrines which lead to  professional homicide be no longer

taught from the chairs of those  two great Institutions.  Indifference will not do here; our  Journalists and

Committees have no right to take up their pages with  minute anatomy and tediously detailed cases, while it is

a question  whether or not the "blackdeath" of childbed is to be scattered  broadcast by the agency of the

mother's friend and adviser.  Let the  men who mould opinions look to it; if there is any voluntary  blindness,

any interested oversight, any culpable negligence, even,  in such a matter, and the facts shall reach the public

ear; the  pestilencecarrier of the lyingin chamber must look to God for  pardon, for man will never forgive

him. 

THE CONTAGIOUSNESS OF PUERPERAL FEVER. 

In collecting, enforcing, and adding to the evidence accumulated  upon  this most serious subject, I would not

be understood to imply  that  there exists a doubt in the mind of any wellinformed member of  the  medical

profession as to the fact that puerperal fever is  sometimes  communicated from one person to another, both

directly and  indirectly.  In the present state of our knowledge upon this point I  should consider such doubts

merely as a proof that the sceptic had  either not examined the evidence, or, having examined it, refused to

accept its plain and unavoidable consequences.  I should be sorry to  think, with Dr. Rigby, that it was a case

of "oblique vision;" I  should be unwilling to force home the argumentum ad hominem of Dr.  Blundell, but I

would not consent to make a question of a momentous  fact which is no longer to be considered as a subject

for trivial  discussions, but to be acted upon with silent promptitude.  It  signifies nothing that wise and

experienced practitioners have  sometimes doubted the reality of the danger in question; no man has  the right

to doubt it any longer.  No negative facts, no opposing  opinions, be they what they may, or whose they may,

can form any  answer to the series of cases now within the reach of all who choose  to explore the records of

medical science. 


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If there are some who conceive that any important end would be  answered by recording such opinions, or by

collecting the history of  all the cases they could find in which no evidence of the influence  of contagion

existed, I believe they are in error.  Suppose a few  writers of authority can be found to profess a disbelief in

contagion,and they are very few compared with those who think  differently,is it quite clear that they

formed their opinions on a  view of all the facts, or is it not apparent that they relied mostly  on their own

solitary experience?  Still further, of those whose  names are quoted, is it not true that scarcely a single one

could by  any possibility have known the half or the tenth of the facts bearing  on the subject which have

reached such a frightful amount within the  last few years?  Again, as to the utility of negative facts, as we  may

briefly call them,instances, namely, in which exposure has not  been followed by disease,although, like

other truths, they may be  worth knowing, I do not see that they are like to shed any important  light upon the

subject before us.  Every such instance requires a  good deal of circumstantial explanation before it can be

accepted.  It  is not enough that a practitioner should have had a single case of  puerperal fever not followed by

others.  It must be known whether he  attended others while this case was in progress, whether he went  directly

from one chamber to others, whether he took any, and what  precautions.  It is important to know that several

women were exposed  to infection derived from the patient, so that allowance may be made  for want of

predisposition.  Now if of negative facts so sifted there  could be accumulated a hundred for every one plain

instance of  communication here recorded, I trust it need not be said that we are  bound to guard and watch

over the hundredth tenant of our fold,  though the ninety and nine may be sure of escaping the wolf at its

entrance.  If any one is disposed, then, to take a hundred instances  of lives endangered or sacrificed out of

those I have mentioned, and  make it reasonably clear that within a similar time and compass ten  thousand

escaped the same exposure, I shall thank him for his  industry, but I must be permitted to hold to my own

practical  conclusions, and beg him to adopt or at least to examine them also.  Children that walk in calico

before open fires are not always burned  to death; the instances to the contrary may be worth recording; but  by

no means if they are to be used as arguments against woollen  frocks and high fenders. 

I am not sure that this paper will escape another remark which it  might be wished were founded in justice.  It

may be said that the  facts are too generally known and acknowledged to require any formal  argument or

exposition, that there is nothing new in the positions  advanced, and no need of laying additional statements

before the  Profession.  But on turning to two works, one almost universally, and  the other extensively

appealed to as authority in this country, I see  ample reason to overlook this objection.  In the last edition of

Dewees's Treatise on the "Diseases of Females," it is expressly said,  "In this country, under no circumstance

that puerperal fever has  appeared hitherto, does it afford the slightest ground for the belief  that it is

contagious."  In the "Philadelphia Practice of Midwifery"  not one word can be found in the chapter devoted to

this disease  which would lead the reader to suspect that the idea of contagion had  ever been entertained.  It

seems proper, therefore, to remind those  who are in the habit of referring to these works for guidance, that

there may possibly be some sources of danger they have slighted or  omitted, quite as important as a trifling

irregularity of diet, or a  confined state of the bowels, and that whatever confidence a  physician may have in

his own mode of treatment, his services are of  questionable value whenever he carries the bane as well as the

antidote about his person. 

The practical point to be illustrated is the following: 

The disease known as Puerperal Fever is so far contagious as to be  frequently carried from patient to patient

by physicians and nurses. 

Let me begin by throwing out certain incidental questions, which,  without being absolutely essential, would

render the subject more  complicated, and by making such concessions and assumptions as may be  fairly

supposed to be without the pale of discussion. 

1.  It is granted that all the forms of what is called puerperal  fever may not be, and probably are not, equally

contagious or  infectious.  I do not enter into the distinctions which have been  drawn by authors, because the


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facts do not appear to me sufficient to  establish any absolute line of demarcation between such forms as may

be propagated by contagion and those which are never so propagated.  This general result I shall only support

by the authority of Dr.  Ramsbotham, who gives, as the result of his experience, that the same  symptoms

belong to what he calls the infectious and the sporadic  forms of the disease, and the opinion of Armstrong in

his original  Essay.  If others can show any such distinction, I leave it to them  to do it.  But there are cases

enough that show the prevalence of the  disease among the patients of a single practitioner when it was in no

degree epidemic, in the proper sense of the term. I may refer to  those of Mr. Roberton and of Dr. Peirson,

hereafter to be cited, as  examples. 

2.  I shall not enter into any dispute about the particular mode of  infection, whether it be by the atmosphere

the physician carries  about him into the sickchamber, or by the direct application of the  virus to the

absorbing surfaces with which his hand comes in contact.  Many facts and opinions are in favor of each of

these modes of  transmission.  But it is obvious that in the majority of cases it  must be impossible to decide by

which of these channels the disease  is conveyed, from the nature of the intercourse between the physician  and

the patient. 

3.  It is not pretended that the contagion of puerperal fever must  always be followed by the disease.  It is true

of all contagious  diseases, that they frequently spare those who appear to be fully  submitted to their influence.

Even the vaccine virus, fresh from the  subject, fails every day to produce its legitimate effect, though  every

precaution is taken to insure its action.  This is still more  remarkably the case with scarlet fever and some

other diseases. 

4.  It is granted that the disease may be produced and variously  modified by many causes besides contagion,

and more especially by  epidemic and endemic influences.  But this is not peculiar to the  disease in question.

There is no doubt that smallpox is propagated  to a great extent by contagion, yet it goes through the same

periods  of periodical increase and diminution which have been remarked in  puerperal fever.  If the question is

asked how we are to reconcile  the great variations in the mortality of puerperal fever in different  seasons and

places with the supposition of contagion, I will answer  it by another question from Mr. Farr's letter to the

Registrar  General.  He makes the statement that "five die weekly of smallpox  in the metropolis when the

disease is not epidemic,"and adds, "The  problem for solution is, Why do the five deaths become 10, 15,

20,  31, 58, 88, weekly, and then progressively fall through the same  measured steps?" 

5.  I take it for granted, that if it can be shown that great  numbers  of lives have been and are sacrificed to

ignorance or  blindness on  this point, no other error of which physicians or nurses  may be  occasionally

suspected will be alleged in palliation of this;  but  that whenever and wherever they can be shown to carry

disease and  death instead of health and safety, the common instincts of humanity  will silence every attempt to

explain away their responsibility. 

The treatise of Dr. Gordon of Aberdeen was published in the year  1795, being among the earlier special

works upon the disease.  Apart  of his testimony has been occasionally copied into other works, but  his

expressions are so clear, his experience is given with such manly  distinctness and disinterested honesty, that

it may be quoted as a  model which might have been often followed with advantage. 

"This disease seized such women only as were visited, or delivered  by  a practitioner, or taken care of by a

nurse, who had previously  attended patients affected with the disease." 

"I had evident proofs of its infectious nature, and that the  infection was as readily communicated as that of

the smallpox or  measles, and operated more speedily than any other infection with  which I am acquainted." 

"I had evident proofs that every person who had been with a patient  in the puerperal fever became charged

with an atmosphere of  infection, which was communicated to every pregnant woman who  happened to come


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within its sphere.  This is not an assertion, but a  fact, admitting of demonstration, as may be seen by a perusal

of the  foregoing table,"referring to a table of seventyseven cases, in  many of which the channel of

propagation was evident. 

He adds, "It is a disagreeable declaration for me to mention, that  I  myself was the means of carrying the

infection to a great number of  women."  He then enumerates a number of instances in which the  disease was

conveyed by midwives and others to the neighboring  villages, and declares that "these facts fully prove that

the cause  of the puerperal fever, of which I treat, was a specific contagion,  or infection, altogether

unconnected with a noxious constitution of  the atmosphere." 

But his most terrible evidence is given in these words: "I ARRIVED  AT  THAT CERTAINTY IN THE

MATTER, THAT I COULD VENTURE TO FORETELL WHAT  WOMEN WOULD BE AFFECTED

WITH THE DISEASE, UPON HEARING BY WHAT  MIDWIFE THEY WERE TO BE DELIVERED, OR

BY WHAT NURSE THEY WERE TO BE  ATTENDED, DURING THEIR LYINGIN: AND ALMOST IN

EVERY INSTANCE, MY  PREDICTION WAS VERIFIED." 

Even previously to Gordon, Mr. White of Manchester had said, "I am  acquainted with two gentlemen in

another town, where the whole  business of midwifery is divided betwixt them, and it is very  remarkable that

one of them loses several patients every year of the  puerperal fever, and the other never so much as meets

with the  disorder,"a difference which he seems to attribute to their various  modes of treatment. [On the

Management of Lyingin Women, p.  120.] 

Dr. Armstrong has given a number of instances in his Essay on  Puerperal Fever, of the prevalence of the

disease among the patients  of a single practitioner.  At Sunderland, "in all, fortythree cases  occurred from the

1st of January to the 1st of October, when the  disease ceased; and of this number forty were witnessed by Mr.

Gregson and his assistant, Mr. Gregory, the remainder having been  separately seen by three accoucheurs."

There is appended to the  London edition of this Essay, a letter from Mr. Gregson, in which  that gentleman

says, in reference to the great number of cases  occurring in his practice, "The cause of this I cannot pretend

fully  to explain, but I should be wanting in common liberality if I were to  make any hesitation in asserting,

that the disease which appeared in  my practice was highly contagious, and communicable from one  puerperal

woman to another."  "It is customary among the lower and  middle ranks of people to make frequent personal

visits to puerperal  women resident in the same neighborhood, and I have ample evidence  for affirming that

the infection of the disease was often carried  about in that manner; and, however painful to my feelings, I

must in  candor declare, that it is very probable the contagion was conveyed,  in some instances, by myself,

though I took every possible care to  prevent such a thing from happening, the moment that I ascertained  that

the distemper was infectious."  Dr. Armstrong goes on to mention  six other instances within his knowledge, in

which the disease had at  different times and places been limited, in the same singular manner,  to the practice

of individuals, while it existed scarcely if at all  among the patients of others around them.  Two of the

gentlemen  became so convinced of their conveying the contagion, that they  withdrew for a time from

practice. 

I find a brief notice, in an American Journal, of another series of  cases, first mentioned by Mr. Davies, in the

"Medical Repository."  This gentleman stated his conviction that the disease is contagious. 

"In the autumn of 1822 he met with twelve cases, while his medical  friends in the neighborhood did not meet

with any, ' or at least very  few.'  He could attribute this circumstance to no other cause than  his having been

present at the examination, after death, of two  cases, some time previous, and of his having imparted the

disease to  his patients, notwithstanding every precaution.'" 

Dr. Gooch says, "It is not uncommon for the greater number of cases  to occur in the practice of one man,

whilst the other practitioners  of the neighborhood, who are not more skilful or more busy, meet with  few or


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none.  A practitioner opened the body of a woman who had died  of puerperal fever, and continued to wear the

same clothes.  A lady  whom he delivered a few days afterwards was attacked with and died of  a similar

disease; two more of his lyingin patients, in rapid  succession, met with the same fate; struck by the thought,

that he  might have carried contagion in his clothes, he instantly changed  them, and met with no more cases of

the kind.'  A woman in the  country, who was employed as washerwoman and nurse, washed the linen  of one

who had died of puerperal fever; the next lyingin patient she  nursed died of the same disease; a third nursed

by her met with the  same fate, till the neighborhood, getting afraid of her, ceased to  employ her." 

In the winter of the year 1824, "Several instances occurred of its  prevalence among the patients of particular

practitioners, whilst  others who were equally busy met with few or none.  One instance of  this kind was very

remarkable.  A general practitioner, in large  midwifery practice, lost so many patients from puerperal fever,

that  he determined to deliver no more for some time, but that his partner  should attend in his place.  This plan

was pursued for one month,  during which not a case of the disease occurred in their practice.  The elder

practitioner, being then sufficiently recovered, returned  to his practice, but the first patient he attended was

attacked by  the disease and died.  A physician, who met him in consultation soon  afterwards, about a case of a

different kind, and who knew nothing of  his misfortune, asked him whether puerperal fever was at all

prevalent in his neighborhood, on which he burst into tears, and  related the above circumstances. 

"Among the cases which I saw this season in consultation, four  occurred in one month in the practice of one

medical man, and all of  them terminated fatally." [Lond.  Med.  Gaz.  May 2, 1835.] 

Dr. Ramsbotham asserted, in a Lecture at the London Hospital, that  he  had known the disease spread through

a particular district, or be  confined to the practice of a particular person, almost every patient  being attacked

with it, while others had not a single case.  It  seemed capable, he thought, of conveyance, not only by

common modes;  but through the dress of the attendants upon the patient. 

In a letter to be found in the "London Medical Gazette"for January,  1840, Mr. Roberton of Manchester makes

the statement which I here  give in a somewhat condensed form. 

A midwife delivered a woman on the 4th of December, 1830, who died  soon after with the symptoms of

puerperal fever.  In one month from  this date the same midwife delivered thirty women, residing in  different

parts of an extensive suburb, of which number sixteen  caught the disease and all died.  These were the only

cases which had  occurred for a considerable time in Manchester.  The other midwives  connected with the

same charitable institution as the woman already  mentioned are twentyfive in number, and deliver, on an

average,  ninety women a week, or about three hundred and eighty a month.  None  of these women had a case

of puerperal fever.  "Yet all this time  this woman was crossing the other midwives in every direction, scores

of the patients of the charity being delivered by them in the very  same quarters where her cases of fever were

happening." 

Mr. Roberton remarks, that little more than half the women she  delivered during this month took the fever;

that on some days all  escaped, on others only one or more out of three or four; a  circumstance similar to what

is seen in other infectious maladies. 

Dr. Blundell says, "Those who have never made the experiment can  have  but a faint conception how difficult

it is to obtain the exact  truth  respecting any occurrence in which feelings and interests are  concerned.

Omitting particulars, then, I content myself with  remarking, generally, that from more than one district I have

received accounts of the prevalence of puerperal fever in the  practice of some individuals, while its

occurrence in that of others,  in the same neighborhood, was not observed.  Some, as I have been  told, have

lost ten, twelve, or a greater number of patients, in  scarcely broken succession; like their evil genius, the

puerperal  fever has seemed to stalk behind them wherever they went.  Some have  deemed it prudent to retire

for a time from practice.  In fine, that  this fever may occur spontaneously, I admit; that its infectious  nature


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may be plausibly disputed, I do not deny; but I add,  considerately, that in my own family I had rather that

those I  esteemed the most should be delivered, unaided, in a stable, by the  mangerside, than that they should

receive the best help, in the  fairest apartment, but exposed to the vapors of this pitiless  disease.  Gossiping

friends, wetnurses, monthly nurses, the  practitioner himself, these are the channels by which, as I suspect,

the infection is principally conveyed." 

At a meeting of the Royal Medical and Chirurgical Society, Dr. King  mentioned that some years since a

practitioner at Woolwich lost  sixteen patients from puerperal fever in the same year.  He was  compelled to

give up practice for one or two years, his business  being divided among the neighboring practitioners.  No

case of  puerperal fever occurred afterwards, neither had any of the  neighboring surgeons any cases of this

disease. 

At the same meeting Mr. Hutchinson mentioned the occurrence of  three  consecutive cases of puerperal fever,

followed subsequently by  two  others, all in the practice of one accoucheur.[Lancet, May 2,  1840.] 

Dr. Lee makes the following statement: "In the last two weeks of  September, 1827, five fatal cases of uterine

inflammation came under  our observation.  All the individuals so attacked had been attended  in labor by the

same midwife, and no example of a febrile or  inflammatory disease of a serious nature occurred during that

period  among the other patients of the Westminster General Dispensary, who  had been attended by the other

midwives belonging to that  institution." 

The recurrence of long series of cases like those I have cited,  reported by those most interested to disbelieve

in contagion,  scattered along through an interval of half a century, might have  been thought sufficient to

satisfy the minds of all inquirers that  here was something more than a singular coincidence.  But if, on a  more

extended observation, it should be found that the same ominous  groups of cases clustering about individual

practitioners were  observed in a remote country, at different times, and in widely  separated regions, it would

seem incredible that any should be found  too prejudiced or indolent to accept the solemn truth knelled into

their ears by the funeral bells from both sides of the ocean,the  plain conclusion that the physician and the

disease entered, hand in  hand, into the chamber of the unsuspecting patient. 

That such series of cases have been observed in this country, and  in  this neighborhood, I proceed to show. 

In Dr. Francis's "Notes to Denman's Midwifery," a passage is cited  from Dr. Hosack, in which he refers to

certain puerperal cases which  proved fatal to several lyingin women, and in some of which the  disease was

supposed to be conveyed by the accoucheurs themselves. 

A writer in the "New York Medical and Physical Journal" for  October,  1829, in speaking of the occurrence of

puerperal fever,  confined to  one man's practice, remarks, "We have known cases of this  kind occur,  though

rarely, in New York." 

I mention these little hints about the occurrence of such cases,  partly because they are the first I have met

with in American medical  literature, but more especially because they serve to remind us that  behind the

fearful array of published facts there lies a dark list of  similar events, unwritten in the records of science, but

long  remembered by many a desolated fireside. 

Certainly nothing can be more open and explicit than the account  given by Dr. Peirson of Salem, of the cases

seen by him.  In the  first nineteen days of January, 1829, he had five consecutive cases  of puerperal fever,

every patient he attended being attacked, and the  three first cases proving fatal.  In March of the same year he

had  two moderate cases, in June, another case, and in July, another,  which proved fatal.  "Up to this period,"

he remarks, "I am not  informed that a single case had occurred in the practice of any other  physician.  Since

that period I have had no fatal case in my  practice, although I have had several dangerous cases.  I have


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attended in all twenty cases of this disease, of which four have been  fatal.  I am not aware that there has been

any other case in the town  of distinct puerperal peritonitis, although I am willing to admit my  information

may be very defective on this point.  I have been told of  some I 'mixed cases,' and 'morbid affections after

delivery.'" 

In the "Quarterly Summary of the Transactions of the College of  Physicians of Philadelphia" may be found

some most extraordinary  developments respecting a series of cases occurring in the practice  of a member of

that body. 

Dr. Condie called the attention of the Society to the prevalence,  at  the present time, of puerperal fever of a

peculiarly insidious and  malignant character.  "In the practice of one gentleman extensively  engaged as an

obstetrician, nearly every female he has attended in  confinement, during several weeks past, within the above

limits" (the  southern sections and neighboring districts), "had been attacked by  the fever." 

"An important query presents itself, the Doctor observed, in  reference to the particular form of fever now

prevalent.  Is it,  namely, capable of being propagated by contagion, and is a physician  who has been in

attendance upon a case of the disease warranted in  continuing, without interruption, his practice as an

obstetrician?  Dr. C., although not a believer in the contagious character of many  of those affections generally

supposed to be propagated in this  manner, has nevertheless become convinced by the facts that have  fallen

under his notice, that the puerperal fever now prevailing is  capable of being communicated by contagion.

How otherwise can be  explained the very curious circumstance of the disease in one  district being exclusively

confined to the practice of a single  physician, a Fellow of this College, extensively engaged in  obstetrical

practice,while no instance of the disease has occurred  in the patients under the care of any other

accoucheur practising  within the same district; scarcely a female that has been delivered  for weeks past has

escaped an attack?" 

Dr. Rutter, the practitioner referred to, "observed that, after the  occurrence of a number of cases of the disease

in his practice, he  had left the city and remained absent for a week, but on returning,  no article of clothing he

then wore having been used by him before,  one of the very first cases of parturition he attended was followed

by an attack of the fever, and terminated fatally; he cannot,  readily, therefore, believe in the transmission of

the disease from  female to female, in the person or clothes of the physician." 

The meeting at which these remarks were made was held on the 3d of  May, 1842.  In a letter dated December

20, 1842, addressed to Dr.  Meigs, and to be found in the "Medical Examiner,"  he speaks of  "those horrible

cases of puerperal fever, some of which you did me  the favor to see with me during the past summer," and

talks of his  experience in the disease, "now numbering nearly seventy cases, all  of which have occurred

within less than a twelvemonth past." 

And Dr. Meigs asserts, on the same page, "Indeed, I believe that  his  practice in that department of the

profession was greater than  that  of any other gentleman, which was probably the cause of his  seeing a  greater

number of the cases."  This from a professor of  midwifery,  who some time ago assured a gentleman whom he

met in  consultation,  that the night on which they met was the eighteenth in  succession  that he himself had

been summoned from his repose, seems  hardly  satisfactory. 

I must call the attention of the inquirer most particularly to the  (Quarterly Report above referred to, and the

letters of Dr. Meigs and  Dr. Rutter, to be found in the "Medical Examiner."  Whatever  impression they may

produce upon his mind, I trust they will at least  convince him that there is some reason for looking into this

apparently uninviting subject. 

At a meeting of the College of Physicians just mentioned, Dr.  Warrington stated, that a few days after

assisting at an autopsy of  puerperal peritonitis, in which he laded out the contents of the  abdominal cavity


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with his hands, he was called upon to deliver three  women in rapid succession.  All of these women were

attacked with  different forms of what is commonly called puerperal fever.  Soon  after these he saw two other

patients, both on the same day, with the  same disease.  Of these five patients two died. 

At the same meeting, Dr. West mentioned a fact related to him by  Dr.  Samuel Jackson of Northumberland.

Seven females, delivered by Dr.  Jackson in rapid succession, while practising in Northumberland  County,

were all attacked with puerperal fever, and five of them  died.  "Women," he said, "who had expected me to

attend upon them,  now becoming alarmed, removed out of my reach, and others sent for a  physician residing

several miles distant.  These women, as well as  those attended by midwives; all did well; nor did we hear of

any  deaths in childbed within a radius of fifty miles, excepting two,  and these I afterwards ascertained to

have been caused by other  diseases."  He underwent, as he thought, a thorough purification, and  still his next

patient was attacked with the disease and died.  He  was led to suspect that the contagion might have been

carried in the  gloves which he had worn in attendance upon the previous cases.  Two  months or more after

this he had two other cases.  He could find  nothing to account for these, unless it were the instruments for

giving enemata, which had been used in two of the former cases, and  were employed by these patients.  When

the first case occurred, he  was attending and dressing a limb extensively mortified from  erysipelas, and went

immediately to the accouchement with his clothes  and gloves most thoroughly imbued with its efluvia.  And

here I may  mention, that this very Dr. Samuel Jackson of Northumberland is one  of Dr. Dewees's authorities

against contagion. 

The three following statements are now for the first time given to  the public.  All of the cases referred to

occurred within this State,  and two of the three series in Boston and its immediate vicinity. 

I.  The first is a series of cases which took place during the last  spring in a town at some distance from this

neighborhood.  A  physician of that town, Dr. C., had the following consecutive cases. 

No.  1, delivered March 20, died March 24.

  "  2,   "       April  9,   "  April 14.

  "  3,   "         "   10,   "   "    14.

  "  4,   "         "   11,   "   "    18.

  "  5,   "         "   27,   "   May   3.

  "  6,   "         "   28, had some symptoms,(recovered.)

  "  7,   "        May   8, had some symptoms,(also recovered.)

These were the only cases attended by this physician during the  period referred to.  "They were all attended by

him until their  termination, with the exception of the patient No.  6, who fell into  the hands of another

physician on the 2d of May.  (Dr. C. left town  for a few days at this time.) Dr. C.  attended cases immediately

before and after the abovenamed periods, none of which, however,  presented any peculiar symptoms of the

disease. 

About the 1st of July he attended another patient in a neighboring  village, who died two or three days after

delivery. 

The first patient, it is stated, was delivered on the 20th of  March.  "On the 19th, Dr. C. made the autopsy of a

man who died  suddenly,  sick only fortyeight hours; had oedema of the thigh, and  gangrene  extending from

a little above the ankle into the cavity of  the  abdomen."  Dr. C. wounded himself, very slightly, in the right

hand  during the autopsy.  The hand was quite painful the night  following,  during his attendance on the patient

No. 1.  He did not see  this  patient after the 20th, being confined to the house, and very  sick  from the wound

just mentioned, from this time until the 3d of  April. 

Several cases of erysipelas occurred in the house where the autopsy  mentioned above took place, soon after

the examination.  There were  also many cases of erysipelas in town at the time of the fatal  puerperal cases


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which have been mentioned. 

The nurse who laid out the body of the patient No. 3 was taken on  the  evening of the same day with sore

throat and erysipelas, and died  in  ten days from the first attack. 

The nurse who laid out the body of the patient No. 4 was taken on  the  day following with symptoms like

those of this patient, and died  in a  week, without any external marks of erysipelas. 

"No other cases of similar character with those of Dr. C. occurred  in  the practice of any of the physicians in

the town or vicinity at  the  time.  Deaths following confinement have occurred in the practice  of  other

physicians during the past year, but they were not cases of  puerperal fever.  No postmortem examinations

were held in any of  these puerperal cases." 

Some additional statements in this letter are deserving of  insertion. 

"A physician attended a woman in the immediate neighborhood of the  cases numbered 2, 3, and 4.  This

patient was confined the morning of  March 1st, and died on the night of March 7th.  It is doubtful  whether this

should be considered a case of puerperal fever.  She had  suffered from canker, indigestion, and diarrhoea for a

year previous  to her delivery.  Her complaints were much aggravated for two or  three months previous to

delivery; she had become greatly emaciated,  and weakened to such an extent that it had not been expected

that she  would long survive her confinement, if indeed she reached that  period.  Her labor was easy enough;

she flowed a good deal, seemed  exceedingly prostrated, had ringing in the ears, and other symptoms  of

exhaustion; the pulse was quick and small.  On the second and  third day there was some tenderness and

tumefaction of the abdomen,  which increased somewhat on the fourth and fifth.  He had cases in  midwifery

before and after this, which presented nothing peculiar." 

It is also mentioned in the same letter, that another physician had  a  case during the last summer and another

last fall, both of which  recovered. 

Another gentleman reports a case last December, a second case five  weeks, and another three weeks since.

All these recovered.  A case  also occurred very recently in the practice of a physician in the  village where the

eighth patient of Dr. C. resides, which proved  fatal.  "This patient had some patches of erysipelas on the legs

and  arms.  The same physician has delivered three cases since, which have  all done well.  There have been no

other cases in this town or its  vicinity recently.  There have been some few cases of erysipelas."  It  deserves

notice that the partner of Dr. C., who attended the  autopsy  of the man above mentioned and took an active

part in it; who  also  suffered very slightly from a prick under the thumbnail  received  during the examination,

had twelve cases of midwifery  between March  26th and April 12th, all of which did well, and  presented no

peculiar  symptoms.  It should also be stated, that  during these seventeen days  he was in attendance on all the

cases of  erysipelas in the house where  the autopsy had been performed. 

I owe these facts to the prompt kindness of a gentleman whose  intelligence and character are sufficient

guaranty for their  accuracy. 

The two following letters were addressed to my friend Dr. Scorer,  by  the gentleman in whose practice the

cases of puerperal fever  occurred.  His name renders it unnecessary to refer more particularly  to these

gentlemen, who on their part have manifested the most  perfect freedom and courtesy in affording these

accounts of their  painful experience. 

"January 28, 1843. 


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II.  .  .  .  "The time to which you allude was in 1830.  The first  case was in February, during a very cold time.

She was confined the  4th, and died the 12th.  Between the 10th and 28th of this month, I  attended six women

in labor, all of whom did well except the last, as  also two who were confined March 1st and 5th.  Mrs. E.,

confined  February 28th, sickened, and died March 8th.  The next day, 9th, I  inspected the body, and the night

after attended a lady, Mrs. B., who  sickened, and died 16th.  The 10th, I attended another, Mrs. G., who

sickened, but recovered.  March 16th, I went from Mrs. G.'s room to  attend a Mrs. H., who sickened, and died

21st.  The 17th, I inspected  Mrs. B.  On the 19th, I went directly from Mrs. H.'s room to attend  another lady,

Mrs. G., who also sickened, and died 22d.  While Mrs.  B. was sick, on 15th, I went directly from her room a

few rods, and  attended another woman, who was not sick.  Up to 20th of this month I  wore the same clothes.  I

now refused to attend any labor, and did  not till April 21st, when, having thoroughly cleansed myself, I

resumed my practice, and had no more puerperal fever. 

"The cases were not confined to a narrow space.  The two nearest  were  half a mile from each other, and half

that distance from my  residence.  The others were from two to three miles apart, and nearly  that distance from

my residence.  There were no other cases in their  immediate vicinity which came to my knowledge.  The

general health of  all the women was pretty good, and all the labors as good as common,  except the first.  This

woman, in consequence of my not arriving in  season, and the child being halfborn at some time before I

arrived,  was very much exposed to the cold at the time of confinement, and  afterwards, being confined in a

very open, cold room.  Of the six  cases you perceive only one recovered. 

"In the winter of 1817 two of my patients had puerperal fever, one  very badly, the other not so badly.  Both

recovered.  One other had  swelled leg, or phlegmasia dolens, and one or two others did not  recover as well as

usual. 

"In the summer of 1835 another disastrous period occurred in my  practice.  July 1st, I attended a lady in labor,

who was afterwards  quite ill and feverish; but at the time I did not consider her case a  decided puerperal

fever.  On the 8th, I attended one who did well.  On  the 12th, one who was seriously sick.  This was also an

equivocal  case, apparently arising from constipation and irritation of the  rectum.  These women were ten

miles apart and five from my residence.  On 15th and 20th, two who did well.  On 25th, I attended another.

This was a severe labor, and followed by unequivocal puerperal fever,  or peritonitis.  She recovered.  August

2d and 3d, in about twenty  four hours I attended four persons.  Two of them did very well; one  was attacked

with some of the common symptoms, which however subsided  in a day or two, and the other had decided

puerperal fever, but  recovered.  This woman resided five miles from me.  Up to this time I  wore the same coat.

All my other clothes had frequently been  changed.  On 6th, I attended two women, one of whom was not sick

at  all; but the other, Mrs. L., was afterwards taken ill.  On 10th, I  attended a lady, who did very well.  I had

previously changed all my  clothes, and had no garment on which had been in a puerperal room.  On  12th, I

was called to Mrs. S., in labor.  While she was ill, I  left  her to visit Mrs. L., one of the ladies who was

confined on 6th.  Mrs.  L.  had been more unwell than usual, but I had not considered  her case  anything more

than common till this visit.  I had on a  surtout at this  visit, which, on my return to Mrs.  S., I left in  another

room.  Mrs.  S.  was delivered on 13th with forceps.  These  women both died of  decided puerperal fever. 

"While I attended these women in their fevers, I changed my  clothes,  and washed my hands in a solution of

chloride of lime after  each  visit.  I attended seven women in labor during this period, all  of  whom recovered

without sickness. 

"In my practice I have had several single cases of puerperal fever,  some of whom have died and some have

recovered.  Until the year 1830  I had no suspicion that the disease could be communicated from one  patient to

another by a nurse or midwife; but I now think the  foregoing facts strongly favor that idea.  I was so much

convinced of  this fact, that I adopted the plan before related. 


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"I believe my own health was as good as usual at each of the above  periods.  I have no recollections to the

contrary. 

"I believe I have answered all your questions.  I have been more  particular on some points perhaps than

necessary; but I thought you  could form your own opinion better than to take mine.  In 1830 I  wrote to Dr.

Charming a more particular statement of my cases.  If I  have not answered your questions sufficiently,

perhaps Dr. C.  may  have my letter to him, and you can find your answer there." [In a  letter to myself, this

gentleman also stated, "I do not recollect  that there was any erysipelas or any other disease particularly

prevalent at the time."] 

"BOSTON, February 3, 1843. 

III.  "MY DEAR SIR,I received a note from you last evening,  requesting me to answer certain questions

therein proposed, touching  the cases of puerperal fever which came under my observation the past  summer.  It

gives me pleasure to comply with your request, so far as  it is in my power so to do, but, owing to the hurry in

preparing for  a journey, the notes of the cases I had then taken were lost or  mislaid.  The principal facts,

however, are too vivid upon my  recollection to be soon forgotten.  I think, therefore, that I shall  be able to

give you all the information you may require. 

"All the cases that occurred in my practice took place between the  7th of May and the 17th of June 1842. 

"They were not confined to any particular part of the city.  The  first two cases were patients residing at the

South End, the next was  at the extreme North End, one living in Sea Street and the other in  Roxbury.  The

following is the order in which they occurred: 

"Case 1.  Mrs._____  was confined on the 7th of May, at 5 o'clock,  P. M., after a natural labor of six hours.  At

12 o'clock at night,  on the 9th (thirtyone hours after confinement), she was taken with  severe chill, previous

to which she was as comfortable as women  usually are under the circumstances.  She died on the 10th. 

"Case 2.  Mrs._____  was confined on the 10th of June (four weeks  after Mrs.  C.), at 11 A. M., after a natural,

but somewhat severe  labor of five hours.  At 7 o'clock, on the morning of the 11th, she  had a chill.  Died on the

12th. 

"Case 3.  Mrs._____ , confined on the 14th of June, was comfortable  until the 18th, when symptoms of

puerperal fever were manifest.  She  died on the 20th. 

"Case 4.  Mrs._____ , confined June 17th, at 5 o'clock, A.  M., was  doing well until the morning of the 19th.

She died on the evening of  the 21st. 

"Case 5.  Mrs._____  was confined with her fifth child on the 17th  of  June, at 6 o'clock in the evening.  This

patient had been attacked  with puerperal fever, at three of her previous confinements, but the  disease yielded

to depletion and other remedies without difficulty.  This time, I regret to say, I was not so fortunate.  She was

not  attacked, as were the other patients, with a chill, but complained of  extreme pain in abdomen, and

tenderness on pressure, almost from the  moment of her confinement.  In this as in the other cases, the  disease

resisted all remedies, and she died in great distress on the  22d of the same month.  Owing to the extreme heat

of the season, and  my own indisposition, none of the subjects were examined after death.  Dr. Channing, who

was in attendance with me on the three last cases,  proposed to have a postmortem examination of the

subject of case No.  5, but from some cause which I do not now recollect it was not  obtained. 

"You wish to know whether I wore the same clothes when attending  the  different cases.  I cannot positively

say, but I should think I  did  not, as the weather became warmer after the first two cases; I  therefore think it


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probable that I made a change of at least a part  of my dress.  I have had no other case of puerperal fever in my

own  practice for three years, save those above related, and I do not  remember to have lost a patient before

with this disease.  While  absent, last July, I visited two patients sick with puerperal fever,  with a friend of

mine in the country.  Both of them recovered. 

"The cases that I have recorded were not confined to any particular  constitution or temperament, but it seized

upon the strong and the  weak, the old and the young,one being over forty years, and the  youngest under

eighteen years of age .  .  .  .  If the disease is of  an erysipelatous nature, as many suppose, contagionists may

perhaps  find some ground for their belief in the fact, that, for two weeks  previous to my first case of

puerperal fever, I had been attending a  severe case of erysipelas, and the infection may have been conveyed

through me to the patient; but, on the other hand, why is not this  the case with other physicians, or with the

same physician at all  times, for since my return from the country I have had a more  inveterate case of

erysipelas than ever before, and no difficulty  whatever has attended any of my midwifery cases?" 

I am assured, on unquestionable authority, that "About three years  since, a gentleman in extensive midwifery

business, in a neighboring  State, lost in the course of a few weeks eight patients in childbed,  seven of them

being undoubted cases of puerperal fever.  No other  physician of the town lost a single patient of this disease

during  the same period."  And from what I have heard in conversation with  some of our most experienced

practitioners, I am inclined to think  many cases of the kind might be brought to light by extensive  inquiry. 

This long catalogue of melancholy histories assumes a still darker  aspect when we remember how kindly

nature deals with the parturient  female, when she is not immersed in the virulent atmosphere of an  impure

lyingin hospital, or poisoned in her chamber by the  unsuspected breath of contagion.  From all causes

together, not more  than four deaths in a thousand births and miscarriages happened in  England and Wales

during the period embraced by the first Report of  the RegistrarGeneral."  In the second Report the mortality

was shown  to be about five in one thousand. In the Dublin Lyingin Hospital,  during the seven years of Dr.

Collins's mastership, there was one  case of puerperal fever to 178 deliveries, or less than six to the  thousand,

and one death from this disease in 278 cases, or between  three and four to the thousand a yet during this

period the disease  was endemic in the hospital, and might have gone on to rival the  horrors of the pestilence

of the Maternite, had not the poison been  destroyed by a thorough purification. 

In private practice, leaving out of view the cases that are to be  ascribed to the selfacting system of

propagation, it would seem that  the disease must be far from common.  Mr. White of Manchester says,  "Out

of the whole number of lyingin patients whom I have delivered  (and I may safely call it a great one), I have

never lost one, nor to  the best of my recollection has one been greatly endangered, by the  puerperal, miliary,

low nervous, putrid malignant, or milk fever."  Dr. Joseph Clarke informed Dr. Collins, that in the course of

forty  five years' most extensive practice he lost but four patients from  this disease.  One of the most eminent

practitioners of Glasgow, who  has been engaged in very extensive practice for upwards of a quarter  of a

century, testifies that he never saw more than twelve cases of  real puerperal fever.[Lancet, May 4, 1833] 

I have myself been told by two gentlemen practising in this city,  and  having for many years a large midwifery

business, that they had  neither of them lost a patient from this disease, and by one of them  that he had only

seen it in consultation with other physicians.  In  five hundred cases of midwifery, of which Dr. Storer has

given an  abstract in the first number of this Journal, there was only one  instance of fatal puerperal peritonitis. 

In the view of these facts, it does appear a singular coincidence,  that one man or woman should have ten,

twenty, thirty, or seventy  cases of this rare disease following his or her footsteps with the  keenness of a

beagle, through the streets and lanes of a crowded  city, while the scores that cross the same paths on the same

errands  know it only by name.  It is a series of similar coincidences which  has led us to consider the dagger,

the musket, and certain innocent  looking white powders as having some little claim to be regarded as

dangerous.  It is the practical inattention to similar coincidences  which has given rise to the unpleasant but


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often necessary documents  called indictments, which has sharpened a form of the cephalotome  sometimes

employed in the case of adults, and adjusted that  modification of the fillet which delivers the world of those

who  happen to be too much in the way while such striking coincidences are  taking place. 

I shall now mention a few instances in which the disease appears to  have been conveyed by the process of

direct inoculation. 

Dr. Campbell of Edinburgh states that in October, 1821, he assisted  at the postmortem examination of a

patient who died with puerperal  fever.  He carried the pelvic viscera in his pocket to the class  room.  The

same evening he attended a woman in labor without  previously changing his clothes; this patient died.  The

next morning  he delivered a woman with the forceps; she died also, and of many  others who were seized with

the disease within a few weeks, three  shared the same fate in succession. 

In June, 1823, he assisted some of his pupils at the autopsy of a  case of puerperal fever.  He was unable to

wash his hands with proper  care, for want of the necessary accommodations.  On getting home he  found that

two patients required his assistance.  He went without  further ablution, or changing his clothes; both these

patients died  with puerperal fever.  This same Dr. Campbell is one of Dr.  Churchill's authorities against

contagion. 

Mr. Roberton says that in one instance within his knowledge a  practitioner passed the catheter for a patient

with puerperal fever  late in the evening; the same night he attended a lady who had the  symptoms of the

disease on the second day.  In another instance a  surgeon was called while in the act of inspecting the body of

a woman  who had died of this fever, to attend a labor; within fortyeight  hours this patient was seized with

the fever.' 

On the 16th of March, 1831, a medical practitioner examined the  body  of a woman who had died a few days

after delivery, from puerperal  peritonitis.  On the evening of the 17th he delivered a patient, who  was seized

with puerperal fever on the 19th, and died on the 24th.  Between this period and the 6th of April, the same

practitioner  attended two other patients, both of whom were attacked with the same  disease and died. 

In the autumn of 1829 a physician was present at the examination of  a  case of puerperal fever, dissected out

the organs, and assisted in  sewing up the body.  He had scarcely reached home when he was  summoned to

attend a young lady in labor.  In sixteen hours she was  attacked with the symptoms of puerperal fever, and

narrowly escaped  with her life. 

In December, 1830, a midwife, who had attended two fatal cases of  puerperal fever at the British Lyingin

Hospital, examined a patient  who had just been admitted, to ascertain if labor had commenced.  This  patient

remained two days in the expectation that labor would  come on,  when she returned home and was then

suddenly taken in labor  and  delivered before she could set out for the hospital.  She went on  favorably for two

days, and was then taken with puerperal fever and  died in thirtysix hours. 

"A young practitioner, contrary to advice, examined the body of a  patient who had died from puerperal fever;

there was no epidemic at  the time; the case appeared to be purely sporadic.  He delivered  three other women

shortly afterwards; they all died with puerperal  fever, the symptoms of which broke out very soon after labor.

The  patients of his colleague did well, except one, where he assisted to  remove some coagula from the uterus;

she was attacked in the same  manner as those whom he had attended, and died also."  The writer in  the

"British and Foreign Medical Review," from whom I quote this  statement,and who is no other than Dr.

Rigby, adds, "We trust that  this fact alone will forever silence such doubts, and stamp the well  merited

epithet of 'criminal,' as above quoted, upon such attempts."  [Brit.  and For.  Medical Review for Jan.  1842, p.

112.] 


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>From the cases given by Mr. Ingleby, I select the following.  Two  gentlemen, after having been engaged in

conducting the postmortem  examination of a case of puerperal fever, went in the same dress,  each

respectively, to a case of midwifery.  "The one patient was  seized  with the rigor about thirty hours afterwards.

The other  patient was seized with a rigor the third morning after delivery.  One  recovered, one died." [Edin.

Med.  and Surg.  Journal, April,  1838.] 

One of these same gentlemen attended another woman in the same  clothes two days after the autopsy referred

to.  "The rigor did not  take place until the evening of the fifth day from the first visit.  Result fatal."  These

cases belonged to a series of seven, the first  of which was thought to have originated in a case of erysipelas.

"Several cases of a mild character followed the foregoing seven, and  their nature being now most

unequivocal, my friend declined visiting  all midwifery cases for a time, and there was no recurrence of the

disease."  These cases occurred in 1833.  Five of them proved fatal.  Mr. Ingleby gives another series of seven

eases which occurred to a  practitioner in 1836, the first of which was also attributed to his  having opened

several erysipelatous abscesses a short time  previously. 

I need not refer to the case lately read before this Society, in  which a physician went, soon after performing

an autopsy of a case of  puerperal fever, to a woman in labor, who was seized with the same  disease and

perished.  The forfeit of that error has been already  paid. 

At a meeting of the Medical and Chirurgical Society before referred  to, Dr. Merriman related an instance

occurring in his own practice,  which excites a reasonable suspicion that two lives were sacrificed  to a still

less dangerous experiment.  He was at the examination of a  case of puerperal fever at two o'clock in the

afternoon.  He took  care not to touch the body.  At nine o'clock the same evening he  attended a woman in

labor; she was so nearly delivered that he had  scarcely anything to do.  The next morning she had severe

rigors, and  in fortyeight hours she was a corpse.  Her infant had erysipelas and  died in two days. [Lancet,

May 2, 1840.] 

In connection with the facts which have been stated, it seems  proper  to allude to the dangerous and often fatal

effects which have  followed from wounds received in the postmortem examination of  patients who have

died of puerperal fever.  The fact that such wounds  are attended with peculiar risk has been long noticed.  I

find that  Chaussier was in the habit of cautioning his students against the  danger to which they were exposed

in these dissections. [Stein, L'Art  d'Accoucher, 1794; Dict. des Sciences Medicales, art.  "Puerperal."]  The

head pharmacien of the Hotel Dieu, in his analysis of the fluid  effused in puerperal peritonitis, says that

practitioners are  convinced of its deleterious qualities, and that it is very dangerous  to apply it to the denuded

skin. [Journal de Pharmacie, January,  1836.]  Sir Benjamin Brodie speaks of it as being well known that the

inoculation of lymph or pus from the peritoneum of a puerperal  patient is often attended with dangerous and

even fatal symptoms.  Three cases in confirmation of this statement, two of them fatal,  have been reported to

this Society within a few months. 

Of about fifty cases of injuries of this kind, of various degrees  of  severity, which I have collected from

different sources, at least  twelve were instances of infection from puerperal peritonitis.  Some  of the others are

so stated as to render it probable that they may  have been of the same nature.  Five other cases were of

peritoneal  inflammation; three in males.  Three were what was called enteritis,  in one instance complicated

with erysipelas; but it is well known  that this term has been often used to signify inflammation of the

peritoneum covering the intestines.  On the other hand, no case of  typhus or typhoid fever is mentioned as

giving rise to dangerous  consequences, with the exception of the single instance of an  undertaker mentioned

by Mr. Travers, who seems to have been poisoned  by a fluid which exuded from the body.  The other

accidents were  produced by dissection, or some other mode of contact with bodies of  patients who had died

of various affections.  They also differed much  in severity, the cases of puerperal origin being among the most

formidable and fatal.  Now a moment's reflection will show that the  number of cases of serious consequences

ensuing from the dissection  of the bodies of those who had perished of puerperal fever is so  vastly


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disproportioned to the relatively small number of autopsies  made in this complaint as compared with typhus

or pneumonia (from  which last disease not one case of poisoning happened), and still  more from all diseases

put together, that the conclusion is  irresistible that a most fearful morbid poison is often generated in  the

course of this disease.  Whether or not it is sui generis,  confined to this disease, or produced in some others,

as, for  instance, erysipelas, I need, not stop to inquire. 

In connection with this may be taken the following statement of Dr.  Rigby.  "That the discharges from a

patient under puerperal fever are  in the highest degree contagious we have abundant evidence in the  history

of lyingin hospitals.  The puerperal abscesses are also  contagious, and may be communicated to healthy

lyingin women by  washing with the same sponge; this fact has been repeatedly proved in  the Vienna

Hospital; but they are equally communicable to women not  pregnant; on more than one occasion the women

engaged in washing the  soiled bedlinen of the General Lyingin Hospital have been attacked  with abscess

in the fingers or hands, attended with rapidly spreading  inflammation of the cellular tissue." 

Now add to all this the undisputed fact, that within the walls of  lyingin hospitals there is often generated a

miasm, palpable as the  chlorine used to destroy it, tenacious so as in some cases almost to  defy extirpation,

deadly in some institutions as the plague; which  has killed women in a private hospital of London so fast that

they  were buried two in one coffin to conceal its horrors; which enabled  Tonnelle to record two hundred and

twentytwo autopsies at the  Maternite of Paris; which has led Dr. Lee to express his deliberate  conviction

that the loss of life occasioned by these institutions  completely defeats the objects of their founders; and out

of this  train of cumulative evidence, the multiplied groups of cases  clustering about individuals, the deadly

results of autopsies, the  inoculation by fluids from the living patient, the murderous poison  of hospitals,

does there not result a conclusion that laughs all  sophistry to scorn, and renders all argument an insult? 

I have had occasion to mention some instances in which there was an  apparent relation between puerperal

fever and erysipelas.  The length  to which this paper has extended does not allow me to enter into the

consideration of this most important subject.  I will only say, that  the evidence appears to me altogether

satisfactory that some most  fatal series of puerperal fever have been produced by an infection  originating in

the matter or effluvia of erysipelas.  In evidence of  some connection between the two diseases, I need not go

back to the  older authors, as Pouteau or Gordon, but will content myself with  giving the following references,

with their dates; from which it will  be seen that the testimony has been constantly coming before the

profession for the last few years. 

"London Cyclopaedia of Practical Medicine," article Puerperal  Fever,  1833. 

Mr. Ceeley's Account of the Puerperal Fever at Aylesbury.  "Lancet,"  1835. 

Dr. Ramsbotham's Lecture.  "London Medical Gazette," 1835. 

Mr. Yates Ackerly's Letter in the same Journal, 1838. 

Mr. Ingleby on Epidemic Puerperal Fever.  "Edinburgh Medical and  Surgical Journal," 1838. 

Mr. Paley's Letter.  "London Medical Gazette," 1839. 

Remarks at the Medical and Chirurgical Society. "Lancet," 1840. 

Dr. Rigby's "System of Midwifery."  1841. 

"Nunneley on Erysipelas,"a work which contains a large number of  references on the subject.  1841. 


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"British and Foreign Quarterly Review," 1842. 

Dr. S.  Jackson of Northumberland, as already quoted from the  Summary  of the College of Physicians, 1842. 

And lastly, a startling series of cases by Mr. Storrs of Doncaster,  to be, found in the "American Journal of the

Medical Sciences" for  January, 1843. 

The relation of puerperal fever with other continued fevers would  seem to be remote and rarely obvious.  Hey

refers to two cases of  synochus occurring in the Royal Infirmary of Edinburgh, in women who  had attended

upon puerperal patients.  Dr. Collins refers to several  instances in which puerperal fever has appeared to

originate from a  continued proximity to patients suffering with typhus. 

Such occurrences as those just mentioned, though most important to  be  remembered and guarded against,

hardly attract our notice in the  midst of the gloomy facts by which they are surrounded.  Of these  facts, at the

risk of fatiguing repetitions, I have summoned a  sufficient number, as I believe, to convince the most

incredulous  that every attempt to disguise the truth which underlies them all is  useless. 

It is true that some of the historians of the disease, especially  Hulme, Hull, and Leake, in England; Tonnelle,

Duges, and Baudelocque,  in France, profess not to have found puerperal fever contagious.  At  the most they

give us mere negative facts, worthless against an  extent of evidence which now overlaps the widest range of

doubt, and  doubles upon itself in the redundancy of superfluous demonstration.  Examined in detail, this and

much of the show of testimony brought up  to stare the daylight of conviction out of countenance, proves to be

in a great measure unmeaning and inapplicable, as might be easily  shown were it necessary.  Nor do I feel the

necessity of enforcing  the conclusion which arises spontaneously from the facts which have  been enumerated,

by formally citing the opinions of those grave  authorities who have for the last halfcentury been sounding

the  unwelcome truth it has cost so many lives to establish. 

"It is to the British practitioner," says Dr. Rigby, "that we are  indebted for strongly insisting upon this

important and dangerous  character of puerperal fever." 

The names of Gordon, John Clarke, Denman, Burns, Young, Hamilton,  Haighton, Good, Waller; Blundell,

Gooch, Ramsbotham, Douglas, Lee,  Ingleby, Locock, Abercrombie, Alison; Travers, Rigby, and Watson,

many of whose writings I have already referred to, may have some  influence with those who prefer the

weight of authorities to the  simple deductions of their own reason from the facts laid before  them.  A few

Continental writers have adopted similar conclusions. It  gives me pleasure to remember, that while the

doctrine has been  unceremoniously discredited in one of the leading Journals, and made  very light of by

teachers in two of the principal Medical Schools, of  this country, Dr. Channing has for many years

inculcated, and  enforced by examples, the danger to be apprehended and the  precautions to be taken in the

disease under consideration. 

I have no wish to express any harsh feeling with regard to the  painful subject which has come before us.  If

there are any so far  excited by the story of these dreadful events that they ask for some  word of indignant

remonstrance to show that science does not turn the  hearts of its followers into ice or stone, let me remind

them that  such words have been uttered by those who speak with an authority I  could not claim.  It is as a

lesson rather than as a reproach that I  call up the memory of these irreparable errors and wrongs.  No tongue

can tell the heartbreaking calamity they have caused; they have  closed the eyes just opened upon a new

world of love and happiness;  they have bowed the strength of manhood into the dust; they have cast  the

helplessness of infancy into the stranger's arms, or bequeathed  it, with less cruelty, the death of its dying

parent.  There is no  tone deep enough for regret, and no voice loud enough for warning.  The woman about to

become a mother, or with her newborn infant upon  her bosom, should be the object of trembling care and

sympathy  wherever she bears her tender burden, or stretches her aching limbs.  The very outcast of the streets


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has pity upon her sister in  degradation, when the seal of promised maternity is impressed upon  her.  The

remorseless vengeance of the law, brought down upon its  victim by a machinery as sure as destiny, is arrested

in its fall at  a word which reveals her transient claim for mercy.  The solemn  prayer of the liturgy singles out

her sorrows from the multiplied  trials of life, to plead for her in the hour of peril.  God forbid  that any member

of the profession to which she trusts her life,  doubly precious at that eventful period, should hazard it

negligently, unadvisedly, or selfishly! 

There may be some among those whom I address who are disposed to  ask  the question, What course are we

to follow in relation to this  matter?  The facts are before them, and the answer must be left to  their own

judgment and conscience.  If any should care to know my own  conclusions, they are the following; and in

taking the liberty to  state them very freely and broadly, I would ask the inquirer to  examine them as freely in

the light of the evidence which has been  laid before him. 

1.  A physician holding himself in readiness to attend cases of  midwifery should never take any active part in

the postmortem  examination of cases of puerperal fever. 

2.  If a physician is present at such autopsies, he should use  thorough ablution, change every article of dress,

and allow twenty  four hours or more to elapse before attending to any case of  midwifery.  It may be well to

extend the same caution to cases of  simple peritonitis. 

3.  Similar precautions should be taken after the autopsy or  surgical  treatment of cases of erysipelas, if the

physician is obliged  to  unite such offices with his obstetrical duties, which is in the  highest degree

inexpedient. 

4.  On the occurrence of a single case of puerperal fever in his  practice, the physician is bound to consider the

next female he  attends in labor, unless some weeks at least have elapsed, as in  danger of being infected by

him, and it is his duty to take every  precaution to diminish her risk of disease and death. 

5.  If within a short period two cases of puerperal fever happen  close to each other, in the practice of the same

physician, the  disease not existing or prevailing in the neighborhood, he would do  wisely to relinquish his

obstetrical practice for at least one month,  and endeavor to free himself by every available means from any

noxious influence he may carry about with him. 

6.  The occurrence of three or more closely connected cases, in the  practice of one individual, no others

existing in the neighborhood,  and no other sufficient cause being alleged for the coincidence, is  prima facie

evidence that he is the vehicle of contagion. 

7.  It is the duty of the physician to take every precaution that  the  disease shall not be introduced by nurses or

other assistants, by  making proper inquiries concerning them, and giving timely warning of  every suspected

source of danger. 

8.  Whatever indulgence may be granted to those who have heretofore  been the ignorant causes of so much

misery, the time has come when  the existence of a private pestilence in the sphere of a single  physician

should be looked upon, not as a misfortune, but a crime;  and in the knowledge of such occurrences the duties

of the  practitioner to his profession should give way to his paramount  obligations to society. 

ADDITIONAL REFERENCES AND CASES. 

Fifth Annual Report of the RegistrarGeneral of England, 


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1843.  Appendix.  Letter from William Farr, Esq. Several new  series  of cases are given in the Letter of Mr.

Stows, contained in the  Appendix to this Report.  Mr. Stows suggests precautions similar to  those I have laid

down, and these precautions are strongly enforced  by Mr. Farr, who is, therefore, obnoxious to the same

criticisms as  myself. 

Hall and Dexter, in Am.  Journal of Med.  Sc.  for January, 1844.  Cases of puerperal fever seeming to

originate in erysipelas. 

Elkington, of Birmingham, in Provincial Med.  Journal, cited in Am.  Journ.  Med.  Se.  for April, 1844.Six

cases in less than a  fortnight, seeming to originate in a case of erysipelas. 

West's Reports, in Brit.  and For.  Med.  Review for October, 1845,  and January, 1847.Affection of the arm,

resembling malignant  pustule, after removing the placenta of a patient who died from  puerperal fever.

Reference to cases at Wurzburg, as proving  contagion, and to Keiller's cases in the Monthly Journal for

February, 1846, as showing connection of puerperal fever and  erysipelas. 

Kneeland. Contagiousness of Puerperal Fever.  Am.  Jour.  Med.  Se., January, 1846.  Also, Connection

between Puerperal Fever and  Epidemic Erysipelas.  Ibid., April, 1846. 

Robert Storrs. Contagious Effects of Puerperal Fever on the Male  Subject; or on Persons not

Childbearing.  (From Provincial Med.  and  Surg.  Journal.) Am.  Jour.  Med.  Sc., January, 184,6.  Numerous

cases.  See also Dr. Reid's case in same Journal for April, 1846. 

Routh's paper in Proc.  of Royal Med.  Chir.  Soc., Am.  Jour.  Med.  Sc., April, 1849, also in B.  and F.  Med.

Chir.  Review,  April,  1850. 

Hill, of Leuchars. A Series of Cases illustrating the Contagious  Nature of Erysipelas and of Puerperal

Fever, and their Intimate  Pathological Connection.  (From Monthly Journal of Med.  Sc.) Am.  Jour.  Med.  Se.,

July, 1850. 

Skoda on the Causes of Puerperal Fever.  (Peritonitis in rabbits,  from inoculation with different morbid

secretions.) Am.  Jour.  Med.  Se., October, 1850. 

Arneth.  Paper read before the National Academy of Medicine.  Annales  d'Hygiene, Tome LXV.  2e Partie.

(Means of Disinfection  proposed by  M.  "Semmeliveis" (Semmelweiss.) Lotions of chloride of  lime and use

of nailbrush before admission to lyingin wards.  Alleged sudden and  great decrease of mortality from

puerperal fever.  Cause of disease  attributed to inoculation with cadaveric matters.)  See also Routh's  paper,

mentioned above. 

Moir.  Remarks at a meeting of the Edinburgh MedicoChirurgical  Society.  Refers to cases of Dr. Kellie, of

Leith.  Sixteen in  succession, all fatal.  Also to several instances of individual  pupils having had a succession

of cases in various quarters of the  town, while others, practising as extensively in the same localities,  had

none.  Also to several special cases not mentioned elsewhere.  Am.  Jour.  Med.  Se.  for October, 1851.  (From

New Monthly Journal  of  Med.  Science.) 

Simpson. Observations at a Meeting of the Edinburgh Obstetrical  Society.  (An "eminent gentleman,"

according to Dr.  Meigs, whose  "name is as well known in America as in (his) native land."  Obstetrics.  Phil.

1852, pp.  368, 375.) The student is referred to  this paper for a valuable resume of many of the facts, and the

necessary inferences, relating to this subject.  Also for another  series of cases, Mr. Sidey's, five or six in rapid

succession.  Dr.  Simpson attended the dissection of two of Dr. Sidey's cases, and  freely handled the diseased

parts.  His next four childbed patients  were affected with puerperal fever, and it was the first time he had


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seen it in practice.  As Dr. Simpson is a gentleman (Dr. Meigs, as  above), and as "a gentleman's hands are

clean " (Dr. Meigs' Sixth  Letter), it follows that a gentleman with clean hands may carry the  disease.  Am.

Jour.  Med.  Sc., October, 1851. 

Peddle. The five or six cases of Dr. Sidey, followed by the four  of  Dr. Simpson, did not end the series.  A

practitioner in Leith  having  examined in Dr. Simpson's house, a portion of the uterus  obtained  from one of

the patients, had immediately afterwards three  fatal  cases of puerperal fever.  Dr.  Veddie referred to two

distinct  series of consecutive cases in his own practice.  He had since taken  precautions, and not met with any

such cases.  Am.  Jour.  Med.  Sc.,  October, 1851. 

Copland.  Considers it proved that puerperal fever maybe propagated  by the hands and the clothes, or either,

of a third person, the bed  clothes or bodyclothes of a patient.  Mentions a new series of  cases, one of which

he saw, with the practitioner who had attended  them.  She was the sixth he had had within a few days.  All

died.  Dr.  Copland insisted that contagion had caused these cases; advised  precautionary measures, and the

practitioner had no other cases for a  considerable time.  Considers it criminal, after the evidence

adduced,which he could have quadrupled,and the weight of  authority brought forward, for a practitioner

to be the medium of  transmitting contagion and death to his patients.  Dr. Copland lays  down rules similar to

those suggested by myself, and is therefore  entitled to the same epithet for so doing.  Medical Dictionary,

New  York, 1852.  Article, Puerperal States and Diseases. 

If there is any appetite for facts so craving as to be yet  unappeased,Lesotho, necdum satiata,more can be

obtained.  Dr.  Hodge remarks that "the frequency and importance of this  singular  circumstance (that the

disease is occasionally more  prevalent with one  practitioner than another) has been exceedingly  overrated."

More than  thirty strings of cases, more than two hundred  and fifty sufferers  from puerperal fever, more than

one hundred and  thirty deaths appear  as the results of a sparing estimate of such  among the facts I have

gleaned as could be numerically valued.  These  facts constitute, we  may take it for granted, but a small

fraction of  those that have  actually occurred.  The number of them might be  greater, but "'t is  enough, 't will

serve," in Mercutio's modest  phrase, so far as  frequency is concerned.  For a just estimate of the  importance of

the  singular circumstance, it might be proper to  consult the languid  survivors, the widowed husbands, and the

motherless children, as well  as "the unfortunate accoucheur." 

III. CURRENTS AND COUNTERCURRENTS IN MEDICAL SCIENCE

An Address delivered before the Massachusetts Medical Society, at  the  Annual Meeting, May 30, 1860. 

               "Facultate magis quam violentia.

                                   HIPPOCRATES.

Our Annual Meeting never fails to teach us at least one lesson.  The  art whose province it is to heal and to

save cannot protect its  own  ranks from the inroads of disease and the waste of the Destroyer. 

Seventeen of our associates have been taken from us since our last  Anniversary.  Most of them followed their

calling in the villages or  towns that lie among the hills or along the inland streams.  Only  those who have

lived the kindly, mutually dependent life of the  country, can tell how near the physician who is the main

reliance in  sickness of all the families throughout a thinly settled region comes  to the hearts of the people

among whom he labors, how they value him  while living, how they cherish his memory when dead.  For these

friends of ours who have gone before, there is now no more toil; they  start from their slumbers no more at the

cry of pain; they sally  forth no more into the storms; they ride no longer over the lonely  roads that knew them

so well; their wheels are rusting on their axles  or rolling with other burdens; their watchful eyes are closed to

all  the sorrows they lived to soothe.  Not one of these was famous in the  great world; some were almost

unknown beyond their own immediate  circle.  But they have left behind them that loving remembrance which


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is better than fame, and if their epitaphs are chiselled briefly in  stone, they are written at full length on living

tablets in a  thousand homes to which they carried their everwelcome aid and  sympathy. 

One whom we have lost, very widely known and honored, was a leading  practitioner of this city.  His image

can hardly be dimmed in your  recollection, as he stood before you only three years ago, filling  the same place

with which I am now honored.  To speak of him at all  worthily, would be to write the history of professional

success, won  without special aid at starting, by toil, patience, good sense, pure  character, and pleasing

manners; won in a straight uphill ascent,  without one breathingspace until he sat down, not to rest, but to

die.  If prayers could have shielded him from the stroke, if love  could have drawn forth the weapon, and skill

could have healed the  wound, this passing tribute might have been left to other lips and to  another generation. 

Let us hope that our dead have at last found that rest which  neither  summer nor winter, nor day nor night, had

granted to their  unending  earthly labors!  And let us remember that our duties to our  brethren  do not cease

when they become unable to share our toils, or  leave  behind them in want and woe those whom their labor

had  supported.  It  is honorable to the Profession that it has organized an  Association a  for the relief of its

suffering members and their  families; it owes  this tribute to the illrewarded industry and  sacrifices of its less

fortunate brothers who wear out health and life  in the service of  humanity.  I have great pleasure in referring

to  this excellent  movement, which gives our liberal profession a chance  to show its  liberality, and serves to

unite us all, the successful and  those whom  fortune has cast down, in the bonds of a true brotherhood. 

A medical man, as he goes about his daily business after twenty  years  of practice, is apt to suppose that he

treats his patients  according  to the teachings of his experience.  No doubt this is true  to some  extent; to what

extent depending much on the qualities of the  individual.  But it is easy to prove that the prescriptions of even

wise physicians are very commonly founded on something quite  different from experience.  Experience must

be based on the permanent  facts of nature.  But a glance at the prevalent modes of treatment of  any two

successive generations will show that there is a changeable  as well as a permanent element in the art of

healing; not merely  changeable as diseases vary, or as new remedies are introduced, but  changeable by the

going out of fashion of special remedies, by the  decadence of a popular theory from which their fitness was

deduced,  or other cause not more significant.  There is no reason to suppose  that the present time is essentially

different in this respect from  any other.  Much, therefore, which is now very commonly considered to  be the

result of experience, will be recognized in the next, or in  some succeeding generation, as no such result at all,

but as a  foregone conclusion, based on some prevalent belief or fashion of the  time. 

There are, of course, in every calling, those who go about the work  of the day before them, doing it according

to the rules of their  craft, and asking no questions of the past or of the future, or of  the aim and end to which

their special labor is contributing.  These  often consider and call themselves practical men.  They pull the oars

of society, and have no leisure to watch the currents running this or  that way; let theorists and philosophers

attend to them.  In the mean  time, however, these currents are carrying the practical men, too,  and all their

work may be thrown away, and worse than thrown away, if  they do not take knowledge of them and get out

of the wrong ones and  into the right ones as soon as they may.  Sir Edward Parry and his  party were going

straight towards the pole in one of their arctic  expeditions, travelling at the rate of ten miles a day.  But the ice

over which they travelled was drifting straight towards the equator,  at the rate of twelve miles a day, and yet

no man among them would  have known that he was travelling two miles a day backward unless he  had lifted

his eyes from the track in which he was plodding.  It is  not only going backward that the plain practical

workman is liable  to, if he will not look up and look around; he may go forward to ends  he little dreams of.  It

is a simple business for a mason to build up  a niche in a wall; but what if, a hundred years afterwards when

the  wall is torn down, the skeleton of a murdered man drop out of the  niche?  It was a plain practical piece of

carpentry for a Jewish  artisan to fit two pieces of timber together according to the legal  pattern in the time of

Pontius Pilate; he asked no questions,  perhaps, but we know what burden the cross bore on the morrow!  And

so, with subtler tools than trowels or axes, the statesman who works  in policy without principle, the

theologian who works in forms  without a soul, the physician who, calling himself a practical man,  refuses to


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recognize the larger laws which govern his changing  practice, may all find that they have been building truth

into the  wall, and hanging humanity upon the cross. 

The truth is, that medicine, professedly founded on observation, is  as sensitive to outside influences, political,

religious,  philosophical, imaginative, as is the barometer to the changes of  atmospheric density.  Theoretically

it ought to go on its own  straightforward inductive path, without regard to changes of  government or to

fluctuations of public opinion.  But look a moment  while I clash a few facts together, and see if some sparks

do not  reveal by their light a closer relation between the Medical Sciences  and the conditions of Society and

the general thought of the time,  than would at first be suspected. 

Observe the coincidences between certain great political and  intellectual periods and the appearance of

illustrious medical  reformers and teachers.  It was in the age of Pericles, of Socrates,  of Plato, of Phidias, that

Hippocrates gave to medical knowledge the  form which it retained for twenty centuries.  With the world

conquering Alexander, the worldembracing Aristotle, appropriating  anatomy and physiology, among his

manifold spoils of study, marched  abreast of his royal pupil to wider conquests.  Under the same  Ptolemies

who founded the Alexandrian Library and Museum, and ordered  the Septuagint version of the Hebrew

Scriptures, the infallible  Herophilus ["Contradicere Herophilo in anatomicis, est contradicere  evangelium,"

was a saying of Fallopius.] made those six hundred  dissections of which Tertullian accused him, and the

sagacious  Erasistratus introduced his mild antiphlogistic treatment in  opposition to the polypharmacy and

antidotal practice of his time.  It  is significant that the largeminded Galen should have been the  physician

and friend of the imperial philosopher Marcus Aurelius.  The  Arabs gave laws in various branches of

knowledge to those whom  their  arms had invaded, or the terror of their spreading dominion had  reached, and

the point from which they started was, as Humboldt  acknowledges, "the study of medicine, by which they

long ruled the  Christian Schools," and to which they added the department of  chemical pharmacy. 

Look at Vesalius, the contemporary of Luther.  Who can fail to see  one common spirit in the radical

ecclesiastic and the reforming  courtphysician?  Both still to some extent under the dominion of the  letter:

Luther holding to the real presence; Vesalius actually  causing to be drawn and engraved two muscles which

he knew were not  found in the human subject, because they had been described by Galen,  from dissections of

the lower animals.  Both breaking through old  traditions in the search of truth; one, knife in hand, at the risk

of  life and reputation, the other at the risk of fire and fagot, with  that mightier weapon which all the devils

could not silence, though  they had been thicker than the tiles on the housetops.  How much the  physician of

the Catholic Charles V. had in common with the great  religious destructive, may be guessed by the relish

with which he  tells the story how certain Pavian students exhumed the body of an  "elegans scortum," or

lovely dame of ill repute, the favorite of a  monk of the order of St. Anthony, who does not seem to have

resisted  temptation so well as the founder of his order.  We have always  ranked the physician Rabelais among

the early reformers, but I do not  know that Vesalius has ever been thanked for his hit at the morals of  the

religious orders, or for turning to the good of science what was  intended for the "benefit of clergy." 

Our unfortunate medical brother, Michael Servetus, the spiritual  patient to whom the theological moxa was

applied over the entire  surface for the cure of his heresy, came very near anticipating  Harvey.  The same

quickened thought of the time which led him to  dispute the dogma of the Church, opened his mind to the

facts which  contradicted the dogmas of the Faculty. 

Harvey himself was but the posthumous child of the great  Elizabethan  period.  Bacon was at once his teacher

and his patient.  The founder  of the new inductive philosophy had only been dead two  years when the  treatise

on the Circulation, the firstfruit of the  Restoration of  Science, was given to the world. 

And is it to be looked at as a mere accidental coincidence, that  while Napoleon was modernizing the political

world, Bichat was  revolutionizing the science of life and the art that is based upon  it; that while the young

general was scaling the Alps, the young  surgeon was climbing the steeper summits of unexplored nature; that


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the same year read the announcement of those admirable "Researches on  Life and Death," and the bulletins of

the battle of Marengo? 

If we come to our own country, who can fail to recognize that  Benjamin Rush, the most conspicuous of

American physicians, was the  intellectual offspring of the movement which produced the Revolution?  "The

same hand," says one of his biographers," which subscribed the  declaration of the political independence of

these States,  accomplished their emancipation from medical systems formed in  foreign countries, and wholly

unsuitable to the state of diseases in  America." 

Following this general course of remark, I propose to indicate in a  few words the direction of the main

intellectual current of the time,  and to point out more particularly some of the eddies which tend to  keep the

science and art of medicine from moving with it, or even to  carry them backwards. 

The two dominant words of our time are law and average, both  pointing  to the uniformity of the order of

being in which we live.  Statistics  have tabulated everything,population, growth, wealth,  crime,  disease.  We

have shaded maps showing the geographical  distribution  of larceny and suicide.  Analysis and classification

have  been at  work upon all tangible and visible objects.  The Positive  Philosophy  of Comte has only given

expression to the observing and  computing  mind of the nineteenth century. 

In the mean time, the great stronghold of intellectual  conservatism,  traditional belief, has been assailed by

facts which  would have been  indicted as blasphemy but a few generations ago.  Those new tables of  the law,

placed in the hands of the geologist by  the same living God  who spoke from Sinai to the Israelites of old,

have remodelled the  beliefs of half the civilized world.  The solemn  scepticism of  science has replaced the

sneering doubts of witty  philosophers.  The  more positive knowledge we gain, the more we  incline to question

all  that has been received without absolute proof. 

As a matter of course, this movement has its partial reactions.  The  province of faith is claimed as a port free

of entry to  unsupported  individual convictions.  The tendency to question is met  by the  unanalyzing instinct of

reverence.  The old church calls back  its  frightened truants.  Some who have lost their hereditary religious

belief find a resource in the revelations of Spiritualism.  By a  parallel movement, some of those who have

become medical infidels  pass over to the mystic band of believers in the fancied miracles of  Homoeopathy. 

Under these influences transmitted to, or at least shared by, the  medical profession, the old question between

"Nature," so called, and  "Art," or professional tradition, has reappeared with new interest.  I  say the old

question, for Hippocrates stated the case on the side  of  "Nature" more than two thousand years ago.  Miss

Florence  Nightingale,and if I name her next to the august Father of the  Healing Art, its noblest daughter

well deserves that place of honor,  Miss Florence Nightingale begins her late volume with a paraphrase  of

his statement.  But from a very early time to this there has  always been a strong party against "Nature."

Themison called the  practice of Hippocrates "a meditation upon death."  Dr. Rush says:  "It is impossible to

calculate the mischief which Hippocrates, has  done, by first marking Nature with his name and afterwards

letting  her loose upon sick people.  Millions have perished by her hands in  all ages and countries."  Sir John

Forbes, whose defence of "Nature"  in disease you all know, and to the testimonial in whose honor four  of

your Presidents have contributed, has been recently greeted, on  retiring from the profession, with a wish that

his retirement had  been twenty years sooner, and the opinion that no man had done so  much to destroy the

confidence of the public in the medical  profession. 

In this Society we have had the Hippocratic and the Themisonic side  fairly represented.  The treatise of one of

your early Presidents on  the Mercurial Treatment is familiar to my older listeners.  Others  who have held the

same office have been noted for the boldness of  their practice, and even for partiality to the use of complex

medication. 


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On the side of "Nature" we have had, first of all, that remarkable  discourse on SelfLimited Diseases, [On

SelfLimited Diseases.  A  Discourse delivered before the Massachusetts Medical Society, at  their Annual

Meeting, May 27, 1835.  By Jacob Bigelow, M. D.] which  has given the keynote to the prevailing medical

tendency of this  neighborhood, at least, for the quarter of a century since it was  delivered.  Nor have we

forgotten the address delivered at  Springfield twenty years later, [Search out the Secrets, of Nature.  By

Augustus A.  Gould, M.  D.  Read at the Annual Meeting, June 27,  1855.] full of good sense and useful

suggestions, to one of which  suggestions we owe the learned, impartial, judicious, wellwritten  Prize Essay

of Dr. Worthington Hooker. [Rational Therapeutics.  A  Prize Essay.  By Worthington Hooker, M.  D., of New

Haven.  Boston.  1857.] We should not omit from the list the important address of  another of our colleagues,

[On the Treatment of Compound and  Complicated Fractures. By William J.  Walker, M.  D.  Read at the

Annual Meeting, May 29, 1845.] showing by numerous cases the power of  Nature in healing compound

fractures to be much greater than is  frequently supposed,affording, indeed, more striking illustrations  than

can be obtained from the history of visceral disease, of the  supreme wisdom, forethought, and adaptive

dexterity of that divine  Architect, as shown in repairing the shattered columns which support  the living

temple of the body. 

We who are on the side of "Nature" please ourselves with the idea  that we are in the great current in which

the true intelligence of  the time is moving.  We believe that some who oppose, or fear, or  denounce our

movement are themselves caught in various eddies that  set back against the truth.  And we do most earnestly

desire and most  actively strive, that Medicine, which, it is painful to remember, has  been spoken of as "the

withered branch of science" at a meeting of  the British Association, shall be at length brought fully to share,

if not to lead, the great wave of knowledge which rolls with the  tides that circle the globe. 

If there is any State or city which might claim to be the American  headquarters of the naturetrusting heresy,

provided it be one, that  State is Massachusetts, and that city is its capital.  The effect  which these doctrines

have upon the confidence reposed in the  profession is a matter of opinion.  For myself, I do not believe this

confidence can be impaired by any investigations which tend to limit  the application of troublesome, painful,

uncertain, or dangerous  remedies.  Nay, I will venture to say this, that if every specific  were to fail utterly, if

the cinchona trees all died out, and the  arsenic mines were exhausted, and the sulphur regions were burned

up,  if every drug from the vegetable, animal, and mineral kingdom were to  disappear from the market, a body

of enlightened men, organized as a  distinct profession, would be required just as much as now, and  respected

and trusted as now, whose province should be to guard  against the causes of disease, to eliminate them if

possible when  still present, to order all the conditions of the patient so as to  favor the efforts of the system to

right itself, and to give those  predictions of the course of disease which only experience can  warrant, and

which in so many cases relieve the exaggerated fears of  sufferers and their friends, or warn them in season of

impending  danger.  Great as the loss would be if certain active remedies could  no longer be obtained, it would

leave the medical profession the most  essential part of it's duties, and all, and more than all, its  present share

of honors; for it would be the deathblow to  charlatanism, which depends for its success almost entirely on

drugs,  or at least on a nomenclature that suggests them. 

There is no offence, then, or danger in expressing the opinion,  that,  after all which has been said, the

community is still overdosed:  The  best proof of it is, that no families take so little medicine as  those of

doctors, except those of apothecaries, and that old  practitioners are more sparing of active medicines than

younger  ones." [Dr. James Jackson has kindly permitted me to make the  following extract from a letter just

received by him from Sir James  Clark, and dated May 26, 1860:  "As a physician advances in age, he

generally, I think, places less confidence in the ordinary medical  treatment than he did, not only during his

early, but even his middle  period of life."]  The conclusion from these facts is one which the  least promising

of Dr. Howe's pupils in the mental department could  hardly help drawing. 

Part of the blame of overmedication must, I fear, rest with the  profession, for yielding to the tendency to

selfdelusion, which  seems inseparable from the practice of the art of healing.  I need  only touch on the


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common modes of misunderstanding or misapplying the  evidence of nature. 

First, there is the natural incapacity for sound observation, which  is like a faulty ear in music.  We see this in

many persons who know  a good deal about books, but who are not sharpsighted enough to buy  a horse or

deal with human diseases. 

Secondly, there is in some persons a singular inability to weigh  the  value of testimony; of which, I think,

from a pretty careful  examination of his books, Hahnemann affords the best specimen outside  the walls of

Bedlam. 

The inveterate logical errors to which physicians have always been  subject are chiefly these: 

The mode of inference per enumerationem simplicem, in scholastic  phrase; that is, counting only their

favorable cases.  This is the  old trick illustrated in Lord Bacon's story of the gifts of the  shipwrecked people,

hung up in the temple. Behold! they vowed these  gifts to the altar, and the gods saved them.  Ay, said a

doubting  bystander, but how many made vows of gifts and were shipwrecked  notwithstanding?  The

numerical system is the best corrective of this  and similar errors.  The arguments commonly brought against

its  application to all matters of medical observation, treatment  included, seem to apply rather to the tabulation

of facts ill  observed, or improperly classified, than to the method itself. 

The post hoc ergo propter hoc error: he got well after taking my  medicine; therefore in consequence of taking

it. 

The false induction from genuine facts of observation, leading to  the  construction of theories which are then

deductively applied in the  face of the results of direct observation.  The school of Broussais  has furnished us

with a good example of this error. 

And lastly, the error which Sir Thomas Browne calls giving "a  reason  of the golden tooth;" that is, assuming

a falsehood as a fact,  and  giving reasons for it, commonly fanciful ones, as is constantly  done  by that class of

incompetent observers who find their "golden  tooth"  in the fabulous effects of the homoeopathie materia

medica,which  consists of sugar of milk and a nomenclature. 

Another portion of the blame rests with the public itself, which  insists on being poisoned.  Somebody buys all

the quack medicines  that build palaces for the mushroom, say rather, the toadstool  millionaires.  Who is it?

These people have a constituency of  millions.  The popular belief is all but universal that sick persons  should

feed on noxious substances.  One of our members was called not  long since to a man with a terribly sore

mouth.  On inquiry he found  that the man had picked up a box of unknown pills, in Howard Street,  and had

proceeded to take them, on general principles, pills being  good for people.  They happened to contain

mercury, and hence the  trouble for which he consulted our associate. 

The outside pressure, therefore, is immense upon the physician,  tending to force him to active treatment of

some kind.  Certain old  superstitions, still lingering in the mind of the public, and not yet  utterly expelled

from that of the profession, are at the bottom of  this, or contribute to it largely.  One of the most ancient is,

that  disease is a malignant agency, or entity, to be driven out of the  body by offensive substances, as the

smoke of the fish's heart and  liver drove the devil out of Tobit's bridal chamber, according to the  Apochrypha.

Epileptics used to suck the blood from the wounds of  dying gladiators. [Plinii Hist.  Mundi.  lib.  xxviii.  c.  4.]

The  Hon. Robert Boyle's little book was published some twenty or thirty  years before our late President, Dr.

Holyoke, was born. [A Collection  of Choice and Safe Remedies.  The Fifth Edition, corrected.  London,  1712.

Dr. Holyoke was born in 1728.] In it he recommends, as  internal medicines, most of the substances

commonly used as  fertilizers of the soil.  His "Album Graecum" is best left  untranslated, and his "Zebethum

Occidentale" is still more  transcendentally unmentionable except in a strange dialect.  It  sounds odiously to us


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to hear him recommend for dysentery a powder  made from "the sole of an old shoe worn by some man that

walks much."  Perhaps nobody here ever heard of tying a stocking, which had been  worn during the day,

round the neck at night for a sore throat.  The  same idea of virtue in unlovely secretions! [The idea is very

ancient.  "Sordes hominis" "Sudore et oleo medicinam facientibus."  Plin.  xxviii.  4.] 

Even now the Homoeopathists have been introducing the venom of  serpents, under the learned title of

Lachesis, and outraging human  nature with infusions of the pediculus capitis; that is, of course,  as we

understand their dilutions, the names of these things; for if a  finetoothcomb insect were drowned in Lake

Superior, we cannot agree  with them in thinking that every drop of its waters would be  impregnated with all

the pedicular virtues they so highly value.  They  know what they are doing.  They are appealing to the

detestable  old  superstitious presumption in favor of whatever is nauseous and  noxious  as being good for the

sick. 

Again, we all occasionally meet persons stained with nitrate of  silver, given for epilepsy.  Read what Dr.

Martin says, about the way  in which it came to be used, in his excellent address before the  Norfolk County

Medical Society, and the evidence I can show, but have  not time for now, and then say what you think of the

practice which  on such presumptions turns a white man as blue as the doubletattooed  King of the Cannibal

Islands!  [Note A.] 

If medical superstitions have fought their way down through all the  rationalism and scepticism of the

nineteenth century, of course the  theories of the schools, supported by great names, adopted into the  popular

belief and incorporated with the general mass of  misapprehension with reference to disease, must be expected

to meet  us at every turn in the shape of bad practice founded on false  doctrine.  A French patient complains

that his blood heats him, and  expects his doctor to bleed him.  An English or American one says he  is bilious,

and will not be easy without a dose of calomel.  A doctor  looks at a patient's tongue, sees it coated, and says

the stomach is  foul; his head full of the old saburral notion which the extreme  inflammationdoctrine of

Broussais did so much to root out, but which  still leads, probably, to much needless and injurious wrong of

the  stomach and bowels by evacuants, when all they want is to be let  alone.  It is so hard to get anything out of

the dead hand of medical  tradition!  The mortmain of theorists extinct in science clings as  close as that of

ecclesiastics defunct in law. 

One practical hint may not be out of place here.  It seems to be  sometimes forgotten, by those who must know

the fact, that the tongue  is very different, anatomically and physiologically, from the  stomach.  Its condition

does not in the least imply a similar one of  the stomach, which is a very different structure, covered with a

different kind of epithelium, and furnished with entirely different  secretions.  A silversmith will, for a dollar,

make a small hoe, of  solid silver, which will last for centuries, and will give a patient  more comfort, used for

the removal of the accumulated epithelium and  fungous growths which constitute the "fur," than many a

prescription  with a splitfooted Rx before it, addressed to the parts out of  reach. 

I think more of this little implement on account of its agency in  saving the Colony at Plymouth in the year

1623.  Edward Winslow heard  that Massasoit was sick and like to die.  He found him with a  houseful of people

about him, women rubbing his arms and legs, and  friends "making such a hellish noise" as they probably

thought would  scare away the devil of sickness.  Winslow gave him some conserve,  washed his mouth,

scraped his tongue, which was in a horrid state,  got down some drink, made him some broth, dosed him with

an infusion  of strawberry leaves and sassafras root, and had the satisfaction of  seeing him rapidly recover.

Massasoit, full of gratitude, revealed  the plot which had been formed to destroy the colonists, whereupon  the

Governor ordered Captain Miles Standish to see to them; who  thereupon, as everybody remembers, stabbed

Pecksuot with his own  knife, broke up the plot, saved the colony, and thus rendered  Massachusetts and the

Massachusetts Medical Society a possibility, as  they now are a fact before us.  So much for this parenthesis of

the  tonguescraper, which helped to save the young colony from a much  more serious scrape, and may save

the Union yet, if a Presidential  candidate should happen to be taken sick as Massasoit was, and his  tongue


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wanted cleaning,which process would not hurt a good many  politicians, with or without a typhoid fever. 

Again, see how the "bilious" theory works in everyday life here  and  now, illustrated by a case from actual

life.  A youthful  practitioner, whose last molars have not been a great while cut,  meets an experienced and

noted physician in consultation.  This is  the case.  A slender, lymphatic young woman is suckling two lusty

twins, the intervals of suction being occupied on her part with  palpitations, headaches, giddiness, throbbing in

the head, and  various nervous symptoms, her cheeks meantime getting bloodless, and  her strength running

away in company with her milk.  The old  experienced physician, seeing the yellowish waxy look which is

common  in anaemic patients, considers it a "bilious" case, and is for giving  a rousing emetic.  Of course, he

has to be wheedled out of this, a  recipe is written for beefsteaks and porter, the twins are  ignominiously

expelled from the anaemic bosom, and forced to take  prematurely to the bottle, and this prolific mother is

saved for  future usefulness in the line of maternity. 

The practice of making a profit on the medicine ordered has been  held  up to reprobation by one at least of the

orators who have  preceded  me.  That the effect of this has been ruinous in English  practice I  cannot doubt, and

that in this country the standard of  practice was  in former generations lowered through the same agency is  not

unlikely.  I have seen an old accountbook in which the physician  charged an extra price for gilding his rich

patients' pills.  If all  medicine were very costly, and the expense of it always came out of  the physician's fee, it

would really be a less objectionable  arrangement than this other most pernicious one.  He would naturally

think twice before he gave an emetic or cathartic which evacuated his  own pocket, and be sparing of the

cholagogues that emptied the  biliary ducts of his own wallet, unless he were sure they were  needed.  If there is

any temptation, it should not be in favor of  giving noxious agents, as it clearly must be in the case of English

druggists and "General Practitioners."  The complaint against the  other course is a very old one.  Pliny,

inspired with as truly Roman  horror of quackery as the elder Cato,who declared that the Greek  doctors had

sworn to exterminate all barbarians, including the  Romans, with their drugs, but is said to have physicked his

own wife  to death, notwithstanding,Pliny says, in so many words, that the  cerates and cataplasms, plasters,

collyria, and antidotes, so  abundant in his time, as in more recent days, were mere tricks to  make money. 

A pretty strong eddy, then, or rather many eddies, setting  constantly  back from the current of sober

observation of nature, in  the  direction of old superstitions and fancies, of exploded theories,  of  old ways of

making money, which are very slow to pass out of  fashion 

But there are other special American influences which we are bound  to  take cognizance of.  If I wished to

show a student the difficulties  of getting at truth from medical experience, I would give him the  history of

epilepsy to read.  If I wished him to understand the  tendencies of the American medical mind, its sanguine

enterprise, its  selfconfidence, its audacious handling of Nature, its impatience  with her oldfashioned ways

of taking time to get a sick man well, I  would make him read the life and writings of Benjamin Rush.  Dr.

Rush  thought and said that there were twenty times more intellect and a  hundred times more knowledge in

the country in 1799 than before the  Revolution.  His own mind was in a perpetual state of exaltation  produced

by the stirring scenes in which he had taken a part, and the  quickened life of the time in which he lived.  It was

not the state  to favor sound, calm observation.  He was impatient, and Nature is  profoundly imperturbable.  We

may adjust the beating of our hearts to  her pendulum if we will and can, but we may be very sure that she  will

not change the pendulum's rate of going because our hearts are  palpitating.  He thought he had mastered

yellowfever.  "Thank God,"  he said, "out of one hundred patients whom I have visited or  prescribed for this

day, I have lost none."  Where was all his legacy  of knowledge when Norfolk was decimated?  Where was it

when the blue  flies were buzzing over the coffins of the unburied dead piled up in  the cemetery of New

Orleans, at the edge of the huge trenches yawning  to receive them? 

One such instance will do as well as twenty.  Dr. Rush must have  been  a charming teacher, as he was an

admirable man.  He was  observing,  rather than a sound observer; eminently observing, curious,  even,  about all

manner of things.  But he could not help feeling as if  Nature had been a good deal shaken by the Declaration


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of  Independence, and that American art was getting to be rather too much  for her,especially as illustrated

in his own practice.  He taught  thousands of American students, he gave a direction to the medical  mind of the

country more than any other one man; perhaps he typifies  it better than any other.  It has clearly tended to

extravagance in  remedies and trust in remedies, as in everything else.  How could a  people which has a

revolution once in four years, which has contrived  the Bowieknife and the revolver, which has chewed the

juice out of  all the superlatives in the language in Fourth of July orations, and  so used up its epithets in the

rhetoric of abuse that it takes two  great quarto dictionaries to supply the demand; which insists in  sending out

yachts and horses and boys to outsail, outrun, out  fight, and checkmate all the rest of creation; how could

such a  people be content with any but "heroic" practice"?  What wonder that  the stars and stripes wave over

doses of ninety grains of sulphate of  quinine, [More strictly, ninetysix grains in two hours. Dunglison's

Practice, 1842, vol.  ii.  p.  520.  Eighty grains in one dose.  Ibid.  p.  536.  Ninetysix grains of sulphate of quinine

are equal  to eight  ounces of good bark. Wood Bache.] and that the American  eagle  screams with delight to

see three drachms of calomel given at a  single  mouthful? 

Add to this the great number of Medical Journals, all useful, we  hope, most of them necessary, we trust,

many of them excellently well  conducted, but which must find something to fill their columns, and  so print

all the new plans of treatment and new remedies they can get  hold of, as the newspapers, from a similar

necessity, print the  shocking catastrophes and terrible murders. 

Besides all this, here are we, the great body of teachers in the  numberless medical schools of the Union, some

of us lecturing to  crowds who clap and stamp in the cities, some of us wandering over  the country, like other

professional fertilizers, to fecundate the  minds of less demonstrative audiences at various scientific stations;

all of us talking habitually to those supposed to know less than  ourselves, and loving to claim as much for our

art as we can, not to  say for our own schools, and possibly indirectly for our own  practical skill.  Hence that

annual crop of introductory lectures;  the useful blossoming into the ornamental, as the cabbage becomes

glorified in the cauliflower; that lectureroom literature of  adjectives, that declamatory exaggeration, that

splendid show of  erudition borrowed from D'Israeli, and credited to Lord Bacon and the  rest, which have

suggested to our friends of the Medical Journals an  occasional epigram at our expense.  Hence the tendency in

these  productions, and in medical lectures generally, to overstate the  efficacy of favorite methods of cure, and

hence the premium offered  for showy talkers rather than sagacious observers, for the men of  adjectives rather

than of nouns substantive in the more ambitious of  these institutions. 

Such are some of the eddies in which we are liable to become  involved  and carried back out of the broad

stream of philosophical,  or, in  other words, truthloving, investigations.  The causes of  disease, in  the mean

time, have been less earnestly studied in the  eagerness of  the search for remedies.  Speak softly!  Women have

been  borne out  from an oldworld hospital, two in one coffin, that the  horrors of  their prisonhouse might

not be known, while the very men  who were  discussing the treatment of the disease were stupidly  conveying

the  infection from bed to bed, as ratkillers carry their  poisons from  one household to another.  Do not some

of you remember  that I have  had to fight this privatepestilence question against a  scepticism  which sneered

in the face of a mass of evidence such as the  calm  statisticians of the Insurance office could not listen to

without  horror and indignation? [The Contagiousness of Puerperal Fever."N.  E.  Quan Jour.  of Medicine and

Surgery, April, 1843.  Reprinted,  with Additions.  Boston: Ticknor Fields.  1855.] Have we forgotten  what is

told in one of the books published under our own sanction,  that a simple measure of ventilation, proposed by

Dr. John Clark, had  saved more than sixteen thousand children's lives in a single  hospital?  How long would it

have taken small doses of calomel and  rhubarb to save as many children?  These may be useful in prudent

hands, but how insignificant compared to the great hygienic  conditions!  Causes, causes, and again

causes,more and more we fall  back on these as the chief objects of our attention.  The shortest  system of

medical practice that I know of is the oldest, but not the  worst.  It is older than Hippocrates, older than Chiron

the Centaur.  Nature taught it to the first mother when she saw her firstborn  child putting some ugly pebble

or lurid berry into its mouth.  I know  not in what language it was spoken, but I know that in English it  would

sound thus: Spit it out! 


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Art can do something more than say this.  It can sometimes reach  the  pebble or berry after it has been

swallowed.  But the great thing  is  to keep these things out of children's mouths, and as soon as they  are

beyond our reach, to be reasonable and patient with Nature, who  means well, but does not like to hurry, and

who took nine calendar  months, more or less, to every mother's son among us, before she  thought he was fit

to he shown to the public. 

Suffer me now to lay down a few propositions, whether old or new it  matters little, not for your immediate

acceptance, nor yet for your  hasty rejection, but for your calm consideration. 

But first, there are a number of terms which we are in the habit of  using in a vague though not unintelligible

way, and which it is as  well now to define.  These terms are the tools with which we are to  work, and the first

thing is to sharpen them.  It is nothing to us  that they have been sharpened a thousand times before; they

always  get dull in the using, and every new workman has a right to carry  them to the grindstone and sharpen

them to suit himself. 

Nature, in medical language, as opposed to Art, means trust in the  reactions of the living system against,

ordinary normal impressions. 

Art, in the same language, as opposed to Nature, means an  intentional  resort to extraordinary abnormal

impressions for the  relief of  disease. 

The reaction of the living system is the essence of both.  Food is  nothing, if there is no digestive act to

respond to it.  We cannot  raise a blister on a dead man, or hope that a carminative forced  between his lips will

produce its ordinary happy effect. 

Disease, disease,disturbed quiet, uncomfortableness,means  imperfect or abnormal reaction of the

living system, and its more or  less permanent results. 

Food, in its largest sense, is whatever helps to build up the  normal  structures, or to maintain their natural

actions. 

Medicine, in distinction from food, is every unnatural or noxious  agent applied for the relief of disease. 

Physic means properly the Natural art, and Physician is only the  Greek synonyme of Naturalist. 

With these few explanations I proceed to unfold the propositions I  have mentioned. 

Disease and death, if we may judge by the records of creation, are  inherently and essentially necessary in the

present order of things.  A perfect intelligence, trained by a perfect education, could do no  more than keep the

laws of the physical and spiritual universe.  An  imperfect intelligence, imperfectly taught,and this is the

condition of our finite humanity,will certainly fail to keep all  these laws perfectly.  Disease is one of the

penalties of one of the  forms of such failure.  It is prefigured in the perturbations of the  planets, in the

disintegration of the elemental masses; it has left  its traces in the fossil organisms of extinct creations.

[Professor  Agassiz has kindly handed me the following note: "There are abnormal  structures in animals of all

ages anterior to the creation of  mankind.  Malformed specimens of Crinoids are known from the Triassic  and

Jurassic deposits.  Malformed and diseased bones of tertiary  mammalia have been collected in the caverns of

Gailenreuth with  traces of healing."] 

But it is especially the prerogative, I had almost said privilege,  of  educated and domesticated beings, from

man down to the potato,  serving to teach them, and such as train them, the laws of life, and  to get rid of those

who will not mind or cannot be kept subject to  these laws. 


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Disease, being always an effect, is always in exact proportion to  the  sum of its causes, as much in the case of

Spigelius, who dies of a  scratch, as in that of the man who recovers after an iron bar has  been shot through his

brain.  The one prevalent failing of the  medical art is to neglect the causes and quarrel with the effect. 

There are certain general facts which include a good deal of what  is  called and treated as disease.  Thus, there

are two opposite  movements of life to be seen in cities and elsewhere, belonging to  races which, from various

persistent causes, are breeding down and  tending to run out, and to races which are breeding up, or

accumulating vital capital,a descending and an ascending series.  Let me give an example of each; and that

I may incidentally remove a  common impression about this country as compared with the Old World,  an

impression which got tipsy with conceit and staggered into the  attitude of a formal proposition in the work of

Dr. Robert Knox, I  will illustrate the downward movement from English experience, and  the upward

movement from a family history belonging to this immediate  neighborhood. 

Miss Nightingale speaks of "the fact so often seen of a  greatgrandmother, who was a tower of physical

vigor, descending into  a grandmother perhaps a little less vigorous, but still sound as a  bell, and healthy to the

core, into a mother languid and confined to  her carriage and house; and lastly into a daughter sickly and

confined to her bed." So much for the descending English series; now  for the ascending American series. 

Something more than one hundred and thirty years ago there  graduated  at Harvard College a delicate youth,

who lived an invalid  life and  died at the age of about fifty.  His two children were both  of  moderate physical

power, and one of them diminutive in stature.  The  next generation rose in physical development, and reached

eighty  years of age and more in some of its members.  The fourth generation  was of fair average endowment.

The fifth generation, greatgreat  grandchildren of the slender invalid, are several of, them of  extraordinary

bodily and mental power; large in stature, formidable  alike with their brains and their arms, organized on a

more extensive  scale than either of their parents. 

This brief account illustrates incidentally the fallacy of the  universaldegeneration theory applied to

American life; the same on  which one of our countrymen has lately brought some very forcible  facts to bear

in a muscular discussion of which we have heard rather  more than is good for us. But the two series,

American and English,  ascending and descending, were adduced with the main purpose of  showing the

immense difference of vital endowments in different  strains of blood; a difference to which all ordinary

medication is in  all probability a matter of comparatively trivial purport.  Many  affections which art has to

strive against might be easily shown to  be vital to the wellbeing of society.  Hydrocephalus, tabes

mesenterica, and other similar maladies, are natural agencies which  cut off the children of races that are

sinking below the decent  minimum which nature has established as the condition of viability,  before they

reach the age of reproduction.  They are really not so  much diseases, as manifestations of congenital

incapacity for life;  the race would be ruined if art could ever learn always to preserve  the individuals subject

to them.  We must do the best we can for  them, but we ought also to know what these "diseases" mean. 

Again, invalidism is the normal state of many organizations.  It  can  be changed to disease, but never to

absolute health by medicinal  appliances.  There are many ladies, ancient and recent, who are  perpetually

taking remedies for irremediable pains and aches.  They  ought to have headaches and backaches and

stomachaches; they are  not well if they do not have them.  To expect them to live without  frequent twinges is

like expecting a doctor's old chaise to go  without creaking; if it did, we might be sure the springs were

broken.  There is no doubt that the constant demand for medicinal  remedies from patients of this class leads to

their overuse; often  in the case of cathartics, sometimes in that of opiates.  I have been  told by an intelligent

practitioner in a Western town, that the  constant prescription of opiates by certain physicians in his  vicinity

has rendered the habitual use of that drug in all that  region very prevalent; more common, I should think, than

alcoholic  drunkenness in the most intemperate localities of which I have known  anything.  A frightful

endemic demoralization betrays itself in the  frequency with which the haggard features and drooping

shoulders of  the opiumdrunkards are met with in the streets. 


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The next proposition I would ask you to consider is this:  The  presumption always is that every noxious agent,

including  medicines  proper, which hurts a well man, hurts a sick one.  [ Note B.] 

Let me illustrate this proposition before you decide upon it.  If  it  were known that a prizefighter were to have

a drastic purgative  administered two or three days before a contest, or a large blister  applied to his back, no

one will question that it would affect the  betting on his side unfavorably; we will say to the amount of five

per cent.  Now the drain upon the resources of the system produced in  such a case must be at its minimum, for

the subject is a powerful  man, in the prime of life, and in admirable condition.  If the drug  or the blister takes

five per cent. from his force of resistance, it  will take at least as large a fraction from any invalid.  But this

invalid has to fight a champion who strikes hard but cannot be hit in  return, who will press him sharply for

breath, but will never pant  himself while the wind can whistle through his fleshless ribs.  The  suffering

combatant is liable to want all his stamina, and five per  cent. may lose him the battle. 

All noxious agents, all appliances which are not natural food or  stimuli, all medicines proper, cost a patient,

on the average, five  per cent. of his vital force, let us say.  Twenty times as much waste  of force produced by

any of them, that is, would exactly kill him,  nothing less than kill him, and nothing more.  If this, or

something  like this, is true, then all these medications are, prima facie,  injurious. 

In the game of LifeorDeath, Rouge et Noir, as played between the  Doctor and the Sexton, this five per

cent., this certain small injury  entering into the chances is clearly the sexton's perquisite for  keeping the green

table, over which the game is played, and where he  hoards up his gains.  Suppose a blister to diminish a man's

pain,  effusion or dyspnoea to the saving of twenty per cent. in vital  force; his profit from it is fifteen, in that

case, for it always  hurts him five to begin with, according to our previous assumption. 

Presumptions are of vast importance in medicine, as in law.  A man  is  presumed innocent until he is proved

guilty.  A medicinethat is,  a  noxious agent, like a blister, a seton, an emetic, or a cathartic  should always

be presumed to be hurtful.  It always is directly  hurtful; it may sometimes be indirectly beneficial.  If this

presumption were established, and disease always assumed to be the  innocent victim of circumstances, and

not punishable by medicines,  that is, noxious agents, or poisons, until the contrary was shown, we  should not

so frequently hear the remark commonly, perhaps  erroneously, attributed to Sir Astley Cooper, but often

repeated by  sensible persons, that, on the whole, more harm than good is done by  medication.  Throw out

opium, which the Creator himself seems to  prescribe, for we often see the scarlet poppy growing in the

cornfields, as if it were foreseen that wherever there is hunger to  be fed there must also be pain to be soothed;

throw out a few  specifics which our art did not discover, and is hardly needed to  apply [ Note C.]; throw out

wine, which is a food, and the vapors  which produce the miracle of anaesthesia, and I firmly believe that  if

the whole materia medica, as now used, could be sunk to the bottom  of the sea, it would be all the better for

mankind,and all the  worse for the fishes. 

But to justify this proposition, I must add that the injuries  inflicted by overmedication are to a great extent

masked by disease.  Dr. Hooker believes that the typhus syncopatia of a preceding  generation in New England

"was often in fact a brandy and opium  disease."  How is a physician to distinguish the irritation produced  by

his blister from that caused by the inflammation it was meant to  cure?  How can he tell the exhaustion

produced by his evacuants from  the collapse belonging to the disease they were meant to remove? 

Lastly, medication without insuring favorable hygienic conditions  is  like amputation without ligatures.  I had

a chance to learn this  well  of old, when physician to the Broad Street district of the Boston  Dispensary.

There, there was no help for the utter want of wholesome  conditions, and if anybody got well under my care,

it must have been  in virtue of the roughandtumble constitution which emerges from the  struggle for life in

the street gutters, rather than by the aid of my  prescriptions. 


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But if the materia medica were lost overboard, how much more pains  would be taken in ordering all the

circumstances surrounding the  patient (as can be done everywhere out of the crowded pauper  districts), than

are taken now by too many who think they do their  duty and earn their money when they write a recipe for a

patient left  in an atmosphere of domestic malaria, or to the most negligent kind  of nursing!  I confess that I

should think my chance of recovery from  illness less with Hippocrates for my physician and Mrs. Gamp for

my  nurse, than if I were in the hands of Hahnemann himself, with  Florence Nightingale or good Rebecca

Taylor to care for me. 

If I am right in maintaining that the presumption is always against  the use of noxious agents in disease, and if

any whom I might  influence should adopt this as a principle of practice, they will  often find themselves

embarrassed by the imperative demand of  patients and their friends for such agents where a case is not made

out against this standing presumption.  I must be permitted to say,  that I think the French, a not wholly

uncivilized people, are in  advance of the English and ourselves in the art of prescribing for  the sick without

hurting them.  And I do confess that I think their  varied ptisans and syrups are as much preferable to the

mineral  regimen of bugpoison and ratsbane, so long in favor on the other  side of the Channel, as their art of

preparing food for the table to  the rude cookery of those hardfeeding and muchdosing islanders.  We  want a

reorganized cuisine of invalidism perhaps as much as the  culinary, reform, for which our lyceum lecturers,

and others who live  much at hotels and taverns, are so urgent.  Will you think I am  disrespectful if I ask

whether, even in Massachusetts, a dose of  calomel is not sometimes given by a physician on the same

principle  as that upon which a landlord occasionally prescribes bacon and  eggs,because he cannot think of

anything else quite so handy?  I  leave my suggestion of borrowing a hint from French practice to your  mature

consideration. 

I may, however, call your attention, briefly, to the singular fact,  that English and American practitioners are

apt to accuse French  medical practice of inertness, and French surgical practice of  unnecessary activity.  Thus,

Dr. Bostock considers French medical  treatment, with certain exceptions, as "decidedly less effective"  than

that of his own country."  Mr. S. Cooper, again, defends the  simple British practice of procuring union by the

first intention  against the attacks of M. Roux and Baron Larrey. [Cooper's Surg.  Diet.  art.  "Wounds."  Yet Mr.

John Bell gives the French surgeons  credit for introducing this doctrine of adhesion, and accuses  O'Halloran

of "rudeness and ignorance," and "bold, uncivil language,"  in disputing their teaching.  Princ.  of Surgery, vol.

i.  p.  42.  Mr. Hunter succeeded at last in naturalizing the doctrine and  practice, but even he had to struggle

against the perpetual jealousy  of rivals, and died at length assassinated by an insult.]  We have  often heard

similar opinions maintained by our own countrymen.  While  AngloAmerican criticism blows hot or cold on

the two departments of  French practice, it is not, I hope, indecent to question whether all  the wisdom is

necessarily with us in both cases. 

Our art has had two or three lessons which have a deep meaning to  those who are willing to read them

honestly.  The use of water  dressings in surgery completed the series of reforms by which was  abolished the

"coarse and cruel practice" of the older surgeons, who  with their dressings and acrid balsams, their tents and

leaden tubes,  "absolutely delayed the cure."  The doctrine of Broussais, transient  as was its empire, reversed

the practice of half of Christendom for a  season, and taught its hasty disciples to shun their old favorite

remedies as mortal poisons.  This was not enough permanently to shift  the presumption about drugs where it

belonged, and so at last, just  as the sympathetic powder and the Unguentum Armarium came in a

superstitious age to kill out the abuses of external overmedication,  the solemn farce of Homoeopathy was

enacted in the face of our own  too credulous civilization, that under shelter of its pretences the  "inward

bruises" of overdrugged viscera might be allowed to heal by  the first intention.  Its lesson we must accept,

whether we will or  not; its follies we are tired of talking about.  The security of the  medical profession against

this and all similar fancies is in the  average constitution of the human.  mind with regard to the laws of

evidence. 


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My friends and brothers in Art!  There is nothing to be feared from  the utterance of any seeming heresy to

which you may have listened.  I  cannot compromise your collective wisdom.  If I have strained the  truth one

hair's breadth for the sake of an epigram or an antithesis,  you are accustomed to count the normal pulsebeats

of sound judgment,  and know full well how to recognize the feverthrobs of conceit and  the nervous

palpitations of rhetoric. 

The freedom with which each of us speaks his thought in this  presence, belongs in part to the assured position

of the Profession  in our Commonwealth, to the attitude of Science, which is always  fearless, and to the genius

of the soil on which we stand, from which  Nature withheld the fatal gift of malaria only to fill it with

exhalations that breed the fever of inquiry in our blood and in our  brain.  But mainly we owe the large license

of speech we enjoy to  those influences and privileges common to us all as selfgoverning  Americans. 

This Republic is the chosen home of minorities, of the less power  in  the presence of the greater.  It is a

common error to speak of our  distinction as consisting in the rule of the majority.  Majorities,  the greater

material powers, have always ruled before.  The history  of most countries has been that of majorities, mounted

majorities,  clad in iron, armed with death treading down the tenfold more  numerous minorities.  In the old

civilizations they root themselves  like oaks in the soil; men must live in their shadow or cut them  down.  With

us the majority is only the flower of the passing noon,  and the minority is the bud which may open in the next

morning's sun.  We must be tolerant, for the thought which stammers on a single  tongue today may organize

itself in the growing consciousness of the  time, and come back to us like the voice of the multitudinous waves

of the ocean on the morrow. 

Twentyfive years have passed since one of your honored Presidents  spoke to this Society of certain

limitations to the power of our Art,  now very generally conceded.  Some were troubled, some were almost

angry, thinking the Profession might suffer from such concessions.  It  has certainly not suffered here; if, as

some affirm, it has lost  respect anywhere, it was probably for other, and no doubt sufficient  reasons. 

Since that time the civilization of this planet has changed hands.  Strike out of existence at this moment every

person who was breathing  on that day, May 27, 1835, and every institution of society, every  art and every

science would remain intact and complete in the living  that would be left.  Every idea the world then held has

been since  dissolved and recrystallized. 

We are repeating the same process.  Not to make silver shrines for  our old divinities, even though by this craft

we should have our  wealth, was this Society organized and carried on by the good men and  true who went

before us.  Not for this, but to melt the gold out of  the past, though its dross should fly in dust to all the winds

of  heaven, to save all our old treasures of knowledge and mine deeply  for new, to cultivate that mutual

respect of which outward courtesy  is the sign, to work together, to feel together, to take counsel  together, and

to stand together for the truth, now, always, here,  everywhere; for this our fathers instituted, and we accept,

the  offices and duties of this timehonored Society. 

BORDER LINES OF KNOWLEDGE IN SOME PROVINCES OF MEDICAL

SCIENCE.

An Introductory Lecture delivered before the Medical Class  of  Harvard University, November 6, 1861. 

[This Lecture appears as it would have been delivered had the time  allowed been less strictly, limited.

Passages necessarily omitted  have been restored, and points briefly touched have been more fully  considered.

A few notes have been added for the benefit of that  limited class of students who care to track an author

through the  highways and byways of his reading.  I owe my thanks to several of  my professional brethren

who have communicated with me on subjects  with which they are familiar; especially to Dr. John Dean, for


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the  opportunity of profiting by his unpublished labors, and to Dr. Hasket  Derby, for information and

references to recent authorities relating  to the anatomy and physiology of the eye.] 

The entrance upon a new course of Lectures is always a period of  interest to instructors and pupils.  As the

birth of a child to a  parent, so is the advent of a new class to a teacher.  As the light  of the untried world to the

infant, so is the dawning of the light  resting over the unexplored realms of science to the student.  In the  name

of the Faculty I welcome you, Gentlemen of the Medical Class,  newborn babes of science, or lustier

nurslings, to this morning of  your medical life, and to the arms and the bosom of this ancient  University.

Fourteen years ago I stood in this place for the first  time to address those who occupied these benches.  As I

recall these  past seasons of our joint labors, I feel that they have been on the  whole prosperous, and not

undeserving of their prosperity. 

For it has been my privilege to be associated with a body of true  and  faithful workers; I cannot praise them

freely to their faces, or I  should be proud to discourse of the harmonious diligence and the  noble spirit in

which they have toiled together, not merely to teach  their several branches, but to elevate the whole standard

of  teaching. 

I may speak with less restraint of those gentlemen who have aided  me  in the most laborious part of my daily

duties, the Demonstrators,  to  whom the successive classes have owed so much of their instruction.  They rise

before me, the dead and the living, in the midst of the  most grateful recollections.  The fair, manly face and

stately figure  of my friend, Dr. Samuel Parkman, himself fit for the highest offices  of teaching, yet willing to

be my faithful assistant in the time of  need, come back to me with the long sigh of regret for his early loss  to

our earthly companionship.  Every year I speak the eulogy of Dr.  Ainsworth's patient toil as I show his

elaborate preparations: When I  take down my "American Cyclopaedia" and borrow instruction from the

learned articles of Dr. Kneeland, I cease to regret that his  indefatigable and intelligent industry was turned

into a broader  channel.  And what can I say too cordial of my long associated  companion and friend, Dr.

Hodges, whose admirable skill, working  through the swiftest and surest fingers that ever held a scalpel

among us, has delighted class after class, and filled our Museum with  monuments which will convey his

name to unborn generations? 

This day belongs, however, not to myself and my recollections, but  to  all of us who teach and all of you who

listen, whether experts in  our  specialties or aliens to their mysteries, or timid neophytes just  entering the

portals of the hall of science.  Look in with me, then,  while I attempt to throw some rays into its interior,

which shall  illuminate a few of its pillars and cornices, and show at the same  time how many niches and

alcoves remain in darkness. 

SCIENCE is the topography of ignorance.  From a few elevated points  we triangulate vast spaces, inclosing

infinite unknown details.  We  cast the lead, and draw up a little sand from abysses we may never  reach with

our dredges. 

The best part of our knowledge is that which teaches us where  knowledge leaves off and ignorance begins.

Nothing more clearly  separates a vulgar from a superior mind, than the confusion in the  first between the

little that it truly knows, on the one hand, and  what it half knows and what it thinks it knows on the other. 

That which is true of every subject is especially true of the  branch  of knowledge which deals with living

beings.  Their existence  is a  perpetual death and reanimation.  Their identity is only an idea,  for  we put off our

bodies many times during our lives, and dress in  new  suits of bones and muscles. 

               "Thou art not thyself;

     For thou exist'st on many a thousand grains

     That issue out of dust."


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If it is true that we understand ourselves but imperfectly in  health,  this truth is more signally manifested in

disease, where  natural  actions imperfectly understood, disturbed in an obscure way by  half  seen causes, are

creeping and winding along in the dark toward  their  destined issue, sometimes using our remedies as safe

steppingstones,  occasionally, it may be, stumbling over them as  obstacles. 

I propose in this lecture to show you some points of contact  between  our ignorance and our knowledge in

several of the branches  upon the  study of which you are entering.  I may teach you a very  little  directly, but I

hope much more from the trains of thought I  shall  suggest.  Do not expect too much ground to be covered in

this  rapid  survey.  Our task is only that of sending out a few pickets  under the  starry flag of science to the edge

of that dark domain where  the  ensigns of the obstinate rebel, Ignorance, are flying undisputed.  We  are not

making a reconnoissance in force, still less advancing  with  the main column.  But here are a few roads along

which we have to  march together, and we wish to see clearly how far our lines extend,  and where the enemy's

outposts begin. 

Before touching the branches of knowledge that deal with  organization  and vital functions, let us glance at

that science which  meets you at  the threshold of your study, and prepares you in some  measure to deal  with

the more complex problems of the living  laboratory. 

CHEMISTRY.  includes the art of separating and combining the  elements  of matter, and the study of the

changes produced by these  operations.  We can hardly say too much of what it has contributed to  our

knowledge of the universe and our power of dealing with its  materials.  It has given us a catalogue raisonne of

the substances  found upon our planet, and shown how everything living and dead is  put together from them.

It is accomplishing wonders before us every  day, such as Arabian storytellers used to string together in their

fables.  It spreads the, sensitive film on the artificial retina  which looks upon us through the optician's lens for

a few seconds,  and fixes an image that will outlive its original.  It questions the  light of the sun, and detects

the vaporized metals floating around  the great luminary,iron, sodium, lithium, and the rest,as if the

chemist of our remote planet could fill his bellglasses from its  fiery atmosphere.  It lends the power which

flashes our messages in  thrills that leave the lazy chariot of day behind them.  It seals up  a few dark grains in

iron vases, and lo! at the touch of a single  spark, rises in smoke and flame a mighty Afrit with a voice like

thunder and an arm that shatters like an earthquake.  The dreams of  Oriental fancy have become the sober

facts of our everyday life, and  the chemist is the magician to whom we owe them. 

To return to the colder scientific aspect of chemistry.  It has  shown  us how bodies stand affected to each other

through an almost  boundless range of combinations.  It has given us a most ingenious  theory to account for

certain fixed relations in these combinations.  It has successfully eliminated a great number of proximate

compounds,  more or less stable, from organic structures.  It has invented others  which form the basis of long

series of wellknown composite  substances.  In fact, we are perhaps becoming overburdened with our  list of

proximate principles, demonstrated and hypothetical. 

How much nearer have we come to the secret of force than Lully and  Geber and the whole crew of juggling

alchemists?  We have learned a  great deal about the how, what have we learned about the why? 

Why does iron rust, while gold remains untarnished, and gold  amalgamate, while iron refuses the alliance of

mercury? 

The alchemists called gold Sol, the sun, and iron Mars, and pleased  themselves with fancied relations

between these substances and the  heavenly bodies, by which they pretended to explain the facts they

observed.  Some of their superstitions have lingered in practical  medicine to the present day, but chemistry

has grown wise enough to  confess the fact of absolute ignorance. 


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What is it that makes common salt crystallize in the form of cubes,  and saltpetre in the shape of sixsided

prisms?  We see no reason why  it should not have been just the other way, salt in prisms and  saltpetre in

cubes, or why either should take an exact geometrical  outline, any more than coagulating albumen. 

But although we had given up attempting to explain the essential  nature of affinities and of crystalline types,

we might have supposed  that we had at least fixed the identity of the substances with which  we deal, and

determined the laws of their combination.  All at once  we find that a simple substance changes face, puts off

its  characteristic qualities and resumes them at will;not merely when  we liquefy or vaporize a solid, or

reverse the process; but that a  solid is literally transformed into another solid under our own eyes.  We thought

we knew phosphorus.  We warm a portion of it sealed in an  empty tube, for about a week.  It has become a

brown infusible  substance, which does not shine in the dark nor oxidate in the air.  We heat it to 500 F., and it

becomes common phosphorus again.  We  transmute sulphur in the same singular way.  Nature, you know,

gives  us carbon in the shape of coal and in that of the diamond.  It is  easy to call these changes by the name

allotropism, but not the less  do they confound our hasty generalizations. 

These facts of allotropism have some corollaries connected with  them  rather startling to us of the nineteenth

century.  There may be  other  transmutations possible besides those of phosphorus and sulphur.  When Dr.

Prout, in 1840, talked about azote and carbon being "formed"  in the living system, it was looked upon as one

of those freaks of  fancy to which philosophers, like other men, are subject.  But when  Professor Faraday, in

1851, says, at a meeting of the British  Association, that "his hopes are in the direction of proving that  bodies

called simple were really compounds, and may be formed  artificially as soon as we are masters of the laws

influencing their  combinations,"when he comes forward and says that he has tried  experiments at

transmutation, and means, if his life is spared, to  try them again,how can we be surprised at the popular

story of  1861, that Louis Napoleon has established a goldfactory and is  glutting the mints of Europe with

bullion of his own making? 

And so with reference to the law of combinations.  The old maxim  was,  Corpora non agunt nisi soluta.  If two

substances, a and b, are  inclosed in a glass vessel, c, we do not expect the glass to change  them, unless a or b

or the compound a b has the power of dissolving  the glass.  But if for a I take oxygen, for b hydrogen, and for

c a  piece of spongy platinum, I find the first two combine with the  common signs of combustion and form

water, the third in the mean time  undergoing no perceptible change.  It has played the part of the  unwedded

priest, who marries a pair without taking a fee or having  any further relation with the parties.  We call this

catalysis,  catalytic action, the action of presence, or by what learned name we  choose.  Give what name to it

we will, it is a manifestation of power  which crosses our established laws of combination at a very open  angle

of intersection.  I think we may find an analogy for it in  electrical induction, the disturbance of the equilibrium

of the  electricity of a body by the approach of a charged body to it,  without interchange of electrical

conditions between the two bodies.  But an analogy is not an explanation, and why a few drops of yeast

should change a saccharine mixture to carbonic acid and alcohol,a  little leaven leavening the whole

lump,not by combining with it,  but by setting a movement at work, we not only cannot explain, but  the

fact is such an exception to the recognized laws of combination  that Liebig is unwilling to admit the new

force at all to which  Berzelius had given the name so generally accepted. 

The phenomena of isomerism, or identity of composition and  proportions of constituents with difference of

qualities, and of  isomorphism, or identity of form in crystals which have one element  substituted for another,

were equally surprises to science; and  although the mechanism by which they are brought about can be to a

certain extent explained by a reference to the hypothetical atoms of  which the elements are constituted, yet

this is only turning the  difficulty into a fraction with an infinitesimal denominator and an  infinite numerator. 

So far we have studied the working of force and its seeming  anomalies  in purely chemical phenomena.  But

we soon find that  chemical force  is developed by various other physical agencies,by  heat, by light,  by

electricity, by magnetism, by mechanical agencies;  and, vice  versa, that chemical action develops heat, light,


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electricity,  magnetism, mechanical force, as we see in our matches,  galvanic  batteries, and explosive

compounds.  Proceeding with our  experiments,  we find that every kind of force is capable of producing  all

other  kinds, or, in Mr. Faraday's language, that "the various  forms under  which the forces of matter are made

manifest have a common  origin,  or, in other words, are so directly related and mutually  dependent  that they

are convertible one into another." 

Out of this doctrine naturally springs that of the conservation of  force, so ably illustrated by Mr. Grove, Dr.

Carpenter, and Mr.  Faraday.  This idea is no novelty, though it seems so at first sight.  It was maintained and

disputed among the giants of philosophy.  Des  Cartes and Leibnitz denied that any new motion originated in

nature,  or that any ever ceased to exist; all motion being in a  circle,  passing from one body to another, one

losing what the other  gained.  Newton, on the other hand, believed that new motions were  generated  and

existing ones destroyed.  On the first supposition,  there is a  fixed amount of force always circulating in the

universe.  On the  second, the total amount may be increasing or diminishing.  You will  find in the "Annual of

Scientific Discovery" for 1858 a very  interesting lecture by Professor Helmholtz of Bonn, in which it is

maintained that a certain portion of force is lost in every natural  process, being converted into unchangeable

heat, so that the universe  will come to a standstill at last, all force passing into heat, and  all heat into a state

of equilibrium. 

The doctrines of the convertibility or specific equivalence of the  various forms of force, and of its

conservation, which is its logical  consequence, are very generally accepted, as I believe, at the  present time,

among physicists.  We are naturally led to the  question, What is the nature of force?  The three illustrious

philosophers just referred to agree in attributing the general  movements of the universe to the immediate

Divine action.  The  doctrine of "preestablished harmony" was an especial contrivance of  Leibnitz to remove

the Creator from unworthy association with the  less divine acts of living beings.  Obsolete as this expression

sounds to our ears, the phrase laws of the universe, which we use so  constantly with a wider application,

appears to me essentially  identical with it. 

Force does not admit of explanation, nor of proper definition, any  more than the hypothetical substratum of

matter.  If we assume the  Infinite as omnipresent, omniscient, omnipotent, we cannot suppose  Him excluded

from any part of His creation, except from rebellious  souls which voluntarily exclude Him by the exercise of

their fatal  prerogative of freewill.  Force, then, is the act of immanent  Divinity.  I find no meaning in

mechanical explanations.  Newton's  hypothesis of an ether filling the heavenly spaces does not, I  confess, help

my conceptions.  I will, and the muscles of my vocal  organs shape my speech.  God wills, and the universe

articulates His  power, wisdom, and goodness.  That is all I know.  There is no bridge  my mind can throw from

the "immaterial " cause to the "material"  effect. 

The problem of force meets us everywhere, and I prefer to encounter  it in the world of physical phenomena

before reaching that of living  actions.  It is only the name for the incomprehensible cause of  certain changes

known to our consciousness, and assumed to be outside  of it.  For me it is the Deity Himself in action. 

I can therefore see a large significance in the somewhat bold  language of Burdach : "There is for me but one

miracle, that of  infinite existence, and but one mystery, the manner in which the  finite proceeds from the

infinite.  So soon as we recognize this  incomprehensible act as the general and primordial miracle, of which

our reason perceives the necessity, but the manner of which our  intelligence cannot grasp, so soon as we

contemplate the nature known  to us by experience in this light, there is for us no other  impenetrable miracle

or mystery." 

Let us turn to a branch of knowledge which deals with certainties  up  to the limit of the senses, and is involved

in no speculations  beyond  them.  In certain points of view, HUMAN ANATOMY may be  considered an

almost exhausted science.  From time to time some small  organ which  had escaped earlier observers has been

pointed out,such  parts as  the tensor tarsi, the otic ganglion, or the Pacinian bodies;  but some  of our best


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anatomical works are those which have been  classic for  many generations. The plates of the bones in

Vesalius,  three  centuries old, are still masterpieces of accuracy, as of art.  The  magnificent work of Albinus on

the muscles, published in 1747, is  still supreme in its department, as the constant references of the  most

thorough recent treatise on the subject, that of Theile,  sufficiently show.  More has been done in unravelling

the mysteries  of the fasciae, but there has been a tendency to overdo this kind of  material analysis.  Alexander

Thomson split them up into cobwebs, as  you may see in the plates to Velpeau's Surgical Anatomy.  I well

remember how he used to shake his head over the coarse work of Scarpa  and Astley Cooper,as if Denner,

who painted the separate hairs of  the beard and pores of the skin in his portraits, had spoken lightly  of the

pictures of Rubens and Vandyk. 

Not only has little been added to the catalogue of parts, but some  things long known had become

halfforgotten. Louis and others  confounded the solitary glands of the lower part of the small  intestine with

those which "the great Brunner," as Haller calls him,  described in 1687 as being found in the duodenum.  The

display of the  fibrous structure of the brain seemed a novelty as shown by  Spurzheim.  One is startled to find

the method anticipated by Raymond  Vieussens nearly two centuries ago.  I can hardly think Gordon had  ever

looked at his figures, though he names their author, when he  wrote the captious and sneering article which

attracted so much  attention in the pages of the "Edinburgh Review." 

This is the place, if anywhere, to mention any observations I could  pretend to have made in the course of my

teaching the structure of  the human body.  I can make no better show than most of my  predecessors in this

wellreaped field.  The nucleated cells found  connected with the cancellated structure of the bones, which I

first  pointed out and had figured in 1847, and have shown yearly from that  time to the present, and the fossa

masseterica, a shallow concavity  on the ramus of the lower jaw, for the lodgment of the masseter  muscle,

which acquires significance when examined by the side of the  deep cavity on the corresponding part in some

carnivora to which it  answers, may perhaps be claimed as deserving attention.  I have also  pleased myself by

making a special group of the six radiating muscles  which diverge from the spine of the axis, or second

cervical  vertebra, and by giving to it the name stella musculosa nuchaee.  But  this scanty catalogue is only an

evidence that one may teach long and  see little that has not been noted by those who have gone before him.

Of course I do not think it necessary to include rare, but already  described anomalies, such as the episternal

bones, the rectus  sternalis, and other interesting exceptional formations I have  encountered, which have

shown a curious tendency to present  themselves several times in the same season, perhaps because the  first

specimen found calls our attention to any we may subsequently  meet with. 

The anatomy of the scalpel and the amphitheatre was, then, becoming  an exhausted branch of investigation.

But during the present century  the study of the human body has changed its old aspect, and become  fertile in

new observations.  This rejuvenescence was effected by  means of two principal agencies,new methods and

a new instrument. 

Descriptive anatomy, as known from an early date, is to the body  what  geography is to the planet.  Now

geography was pretty well known  so  long ago as when Arrowsmith, who was born in 1750, published his

admirable maps.  But in that same year was born Werner, who taught a  new way of studying the earth, since

become familiar to us all under  the name of Geology. 

What geology has done for our knowledge of the earth, has been done  for our knowledge of the body by that

method of study to which is  given the name of General Anatomy.  It studies, not the organs as  such, but the

elements out of which the organs are constructed.  It  is the geology of the body, as that is the general anatomy

of the  earth.  The extraordinary genius of Bichat, to whom more than any  other we owe this new method of

study, does not require Mr. Buckle's  testimony to impress the practitioner with the importance of its

achievements.  I have heard a very wise physician question whether  any important result had accrued to

practical medicine from Harvey's  discovery of the circulation.  But Anatomy, Physiology, and Pathology  have

received a new light from this novel method of contemplating the  living structures, which has had a vast


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influence in enabling the  practitioner at least to distinguish and predict the course of  disease.  We know as

well what differences to expect in the habits of  a mucous and of a serous membrane, as what mineral

substances to look  for in the chalk or the coal measures.  You have only to read  Cullen's description of

inflammation of the lungs or of the bowels,  and compare it with such as you may find in Laennec or Watson,

to see  the immense gain which diagnosis and prognosis have derived from  general anatomy. 

The second new method of studying the human structure, beginning  with  the labors of Scarpa, Burns, and

Colles, grew up principally  during  the first third of this century.  It does not deal with organs,  as  did the earlier

anatomists, nor with tissues, after the manner of  Bichat.  It maps the whole surface of the body into an

arbitrary  number of regions, and studies each region successively from the  surface to the bone, or beneath it.

This hardly deserves the name of  a science, although Velpeau has dignified it with that title, but it  furnishes

an admirable practical way for the surgeon who has to  operate on a particular region of the body to study that

region.  If  we are buying a farm, we are not content with the State map or a  geological chart including the

estate in question.  We demand an  exact survey of that particular property, so that we may know what we  are

dealing with.  This is just what regional, or, as it is sometimes  called, surgical anatomy, does for the surgeon

with reference to the  part on which his skill is to be exercised.  It enables him to see  with the mind's eye

through the opaque tissues down to the bone on  which they lie, as if the skin were transparent as the cornea,

and  the organs it covers translucent as the gelatinous pulp of a medusa. 

It is curious that the Japanese should have anticipated Europe in a  kind of rude regional anatomy.  I have seen

a manikin of Japanese  make traced all over with lines, and points marking their  intersection.  By this their

doctors are guided in the performance of  acupuncture, marking the safe places to thrust in needles, as we

buoy  out our shipchannels, and doubtless indicating to learned eyes the  spots where incautious meddling

had led to those little accidents of  shipwreck to which patients are unfortunately liable. 

A change of method, then, has given us General and Regional  Anatomy.  These, too, have been worked so

thoroughly, that, if not  exhausted,  they have at least become to a great extent fixed and  positive  branches of

knowledge.  But the first of them, General  Anatomy, would  never, have reached this positive condition but for

the  introduction  of that, instrument which I have mentioned as the second  great aid to  modern progress. 

This instrument is the achromatic microscope.  For the history of  the  successive steps by which it became the

effective scientific  implement we now possess, I must refer you to the work of Mr.  Quekett, to an excellent

article in the "Penny Cyclopaedia," or to  that of Sir David Brewster in the "Encyclopaedia Britannica."  It is  a

most interesting piece of scientific history, which shows how the  problem which Biot in 1821 pronounced

insolvable was in the course of  a few years practically solved, with a success equal to that which  Dollond had

long before obtained with the telescope.  It is enough  for our purpose that we are now in possession of an

instrument freed  from all confusions and illusions, which magnifies a thousand  diameters,a million times

in surface,without serious distortion  or discoloration of its object. 

A quarter of a century ago, or a little more, an instructor would  not  have hesitated to put John Bell's

"Anatomy" and Bostock's  "Physiology" into a student's hands, as good authority on their  respective subjects.

Let us not be unjust to either of these  authors.  John Bell is the liveliest medical writer that I can  remember

who has written since the days of delightful old Ambroise  Pare.  His picturesque descriptions and bold figures

are as good now  as they ever were, and his book can never become obsolete.  But  listen to what John Bell says

of the microscope : 

"Philosophers of the last age had been at infinite pains to find  the  ultimate fibre of muscles, thinking to

discover its properties in  its  form; but they saw just in proportion to the glasses which they  used,  or to their

practice and skill in that art, which is now almost  forsaken." 


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Dr. Bostock's work, neglected as it is, is one which I value very  highly as a really learned compilation, full of

original references.  But Dr. Bostock says: "Much as the naturalist has been indebted to  the microscope, by

bringing into view many beings of which he could  not otherwise have ascertained the existence, the

physiologist has  not yet derived any great benefit from the instrument." 

These are only specimens of the manner in which the microscope and  its results were generally regarded by

the generation just preceding  our own. 

I have referred you to the proper authorities for the account of  those improvements which about the year 1830

rendered the compound  microscope an efficient and trustworthy instrument.  It was now for  the first time that

a true general anatomy became possible.  As early  as 1816 Treviranus had attempted to resolve the tissues, of

which  Bichat had admitted no less than twentyone, into their simple  microscopic elements.  How could such

an attempt succeed, Henle well  asks, at a time when the most extensively diffused of all the  tissues, the

areolar, was not at all understood?  All that method  could do had been accomplished by Bichat and his

followers.  It was  for the optician to take the next step.  The future of anatomy and  physiology, as an

enthusiastic micrologist of the time said, was in  the hands of Messrs.  Schieck and Pistor, famous opticians of

Berlin. 

In those earlier days of which I am speaking, all the points of  minute anatomy were involved in obscurity.

Some found globules  everywhere, some fibres.  Students disputed whether the conjunctiva  extended over the

cornea or not, and worried themselves over Gaultier  de Claubry's stratified layers of the skin, or Breschet's

blennogenous and chromatogenous organs.  The dartos was a puzzle, the  central spinal canal a myth, the

decidua clothed in fable as much as  the golden fleece.  The structure of bone, now so beautifully made

out,even that of the teeth, in which old Leeuwenhoek, peeping with  his octogenarian eyes through the

minute lenses wrought with his own  hands, had long ago seen the "pipes," as he called them,was hardly

known at all.  The minute structure of the viscera lay in the mists  of an uncertain microscopic vision.  The

intimate recesses of the  animal system were to the students of anatomy what the anterior of  Africa long was

to geographers, and the stories of microscopic  explorers were as much sneered at as those of Bruce or Du

Chailly,  and with better reason. 

Now what have we come to in our own day?  In the first place, the  minute structure of all the organs has been

made out in the most  satisfactory way.  The special arrangements of the vessels and the  ducts of all the glands,

of the airtubes and vesicles of the lungs,  of the parts which make up the skin and other membranes, all the

details of those complex parenchymatous organs which had confounded  investigation so long, have been

lifted out of the invisible into the  sight of all observers.  It is fair to mention here, that we owe a  great deal to

the art of minute injection, by which we are enabled to  trace the smallest vessels in the midst of the tissues

where they are  distributed.  This is an old artifice of anatomists.  The famous  Ruysch, who died a hundred and

thirty years ago, showed that each of  the viscera has its terminal vessels arranged in its own peculiar  way; the

same fact which you may see illustrated in Gerber's figures  after the minute injections of Berres.  I hope to

show you many  specimens of this kind in the microscope, the work of English and  American hands.

Professor Agassiz allows me also to make use of a  very rich collection of injected preparations sent him by

Professor  Hyrtl, formerly of Prague, now of Vienna, for the proper exhibition  of which I had a number of

microscopes made expressly, by Mr. Grunow,  during the past season.  All this illustrates what has been done

for  the elucidation of the intimate details of formation of the organs. 

But the great triumph of the microscope as applied to anatomy has  been in the resolution of the organs and

the tissues into their  simple constituent anatomical elements.  It has taken up general  anatomy where Bichat

left it.  He had succeeded in reducing the  structural language of nature to syllables, if you will permit me to

use so bold an image.  The microscopic observers who have come after  him have analyzed these into letters,

as we may call them,the  simple elements by the combination of which Nature spells out  successively

tissues, which are her syllables, organs which are her  words, systems which are her chapters, and so goes on


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from the simple  to the complex, until she binds up in one living whole that wondrous  volume of power and

wisdom which we call the human body. 

The alphabet of the organization is so short and simple, that I  will  risk fatiguing your attention by repeating

it, according to the  plan  I have long adopted. 

A.  Cells, either floating, as in the blood, or fixed, like those  in  the cancellated structure of bone, already

referred to.  Very  commonly they have undergone a change of figure, most frequently a  flattening which

reduces them to scales, as in the epidermis and the  epithelium. 

B.  Simple, translucent, homogeneous solid, such as is found at the  back of the cornea, or forming the

intercellular substance of  cartilage. 

C.  The white fibrous element, consisting of very delicate,  tenacious  threads.  This is the long staple textile

substance of the  body.  It  is to the organism what cotton is pretended to be to our  Southern  States.  It pervades

the whole animal fabric as areolar  tissue, which  is the universal packing and wrapping material.  It  forms the

ligaments which bind the whole framework together.  It  furnishes the  sinews, which are the channels of

power.  It enfolds  every muscle.  It wraps the brain in its hard, insensible folds, and  the heart  itself beats in a

purse that is made of it. 

D.  The yellow elastic, fibrous element, the caoutchouc of the  animal  mechanism, which pulls things back into

place, as the  Indiarubber  band shuts the door we have opened. 

E.  The striped muscular fibre,the red flesh, which shortens  itself  in obedience to the will, and thus

produces all voluntary  active  motion. 

F.  The unstriped muscular fibre, more properly the fusiformcell  fibre, which carries on the involuntary

internal movements. 

G.  The nervecylinder, a glassy tube, with a pith of some  firmness,  which conveys sensation to the brain and

the principle which  induces  motion from it. 

H.  The nervecorpuscle, the centre of nervous power. 

I.  The mucous tissue, as Virchow calls it, common in embryonic  structures, seen in the vitreous humor of the

adult. 

To these add X, granules, of indeterminate shape and size, Y, for  inorganic matters, such as the salts of bone

and teeth, and Z, to  stand as a symbol of the fluids, and you have the letters of what I  have ventured to call

the alphabet of the body. 

But just as in language certain diphthongs and syllables are  frequently recurring, so we have in the body

certain secondary and  tertiary combinations, which we meet more frequently than the  solitary elements of

which they are composed. 

Thus A B, or a collection of cells united by simple structureless  solid, is seen to be extensively employed in

the body under the name  of cartilage.  Out of this the surfaces of the articulations and the  springs of the

breathing apparatus are formed.  But when Nature came  to the buffers of the spinal column (intervertebral

disks) and the  washers of the joints (semilunar fibrocartilages of the knee, etc.),  she required more tenacity

than common cartilage possessed.  What did  she do?  What does man do in a similar case of need?  I need

hardly  tell you.  The mason lays his bricks in simple mortar.  But the  plasterer works some hair into the mortar


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which he is going to lay in  large sheets on the walls.  The children of Israel complained that  they had no straw

to make their bricks with, though portions of it  may still be seen in the crumbling pyramid of Darshour,

which they  are said to have built.  I visited the old house on Witch Hill in  Salem a year or two ago, and there I

found the walls coated with clay  in which straw was abundantly mingled;the old Judaizing witch  hangers

copied the Israelites in a good many things.  The Chinese and  the Corsicans blend the fibres of amianthus in

their pottery to give  it tenacity.  Now to return to Nature.  To make her buffers and  washers hold together in

the shocks to which they would be subjected,  she took common cartilage and mingled the white fibrous tissue

with  it, to serve the same purpose as the hair in the mortar, the straw in  the bricks and in the plaster of the old

wall, and the amianthus in  the earthen vessels.  Thus we have the combination A B C, or fibro  cartilage.

Again, the bones were once only gristle or cartilage, A  B.  To give them solidity they were infiltrated with

stone, in the  form of salts of lime, an inorganic element, so that bone would be  spelt out by the letters A, B,

and Y. 

If from these organic syllables we proceed to form organic words,  we  shall find that Nature employs three

principal forms; namely,  Vessels, Membranes, and Parenchyma, or visceral tissue.  The most  complex of them

can be resolved into a combination of these few  simple anatomical constituents. 

Passing for a moment into the domain of PATHOLOGICAL ANATOMY, we  find  the same elements in

morbid growths that we have met with in  normal  structures.  The puscorpuscle and the white

bloodcorpuscle  can only  be distinguished by tracing them to their origin.  A frequent  form of  socalled

malignant disease proves to be only a collection of  altered  epitheliumcells.  Even cancer itself has no

specific  anatomical  element, and the diagnosis of a cancerous tumor by the  microscope,  though tolerably sure

under the eye of an expert, is based  upon  accidental, and not essential points,the crowding together of  the

elements, the size of the cellnuclei, and similar variable  characters. 

Let us turn to PHYSIOLOGY.  The microscope, which has made a new  science of the intimate structure of

the organs, has at the same time  cleared up many uncertainties concerning the mechanism of the special

functions.  Up to the time of the living generation of observers,  Nature had kept over all her inner workshops

the forbidding  inscription, No Admittance!  If any prying observer ventured to spy  through his magnifying

tubes into the mysteries of her glands and  canals and fluids, she covered up her work in blinding mists and

bewildering halos, as the deities of old concealed their favored  heroes in the moment of danger. 

Science has at length sifted the turbid light of her lenses, and  blanched their delusive rainbows. 

Anatomy studies the organism in space.  Physiology studies it also  in  time.  After the study of form and

composition follows close that  of  action, and this leads us along back to the first moment of the  germ,  and

forward to the resolution of the living frame into its  lifeless  elements.  In this way Anatomy, or rather that

branch of it  which we  call Histology, has become inseparably blended with the study  of  function.  The

connection between the science of life and that of  intimate structure on the one hand, and composition on the

other, is  illustrated in the titles of two recent works of remarkable  excellence,"the Physiological Anatomy"

of Todd and Bowman, and the  "Physiological Chemistry" of Lehmann. 

Let me briefly recapitulate a few of our acquisitions in  Physiology,  due in large measure to our new

instruments and methods of  research,  and at the same time indicate the limits which form the  permanent or

the temporary boundaries of our knowledge.  I will begin  with the  largest fact and with the most absolute and

universally  encountered  limitation. 

The "largest truth in Physiology" Mr. Paget considers to be "the  development of ova through multiplication

and division of their  cells."  I would state it more broadly as the agency of the cell in  all living processes.  It

seems at present necessary to abandon the  original idea of Schwann, that we can observe the building up of a

cell from the simple granules of a blastema, or formative fluid.  The  evidence points rather towards the axiom,


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Omnis cellula a cellula;  that is, the germ of a new cell is always derived from a preexisting  cell.  The doctrine

of Schwann, as I remarked long ago (1844), runs  parallel with the nebular theory in astronomy, and they may

yet stand  or fall together. 

As we have seen Nature anticipating the plasterer in  fibrocartilage,  so we see her beforehand with the

glassblower in her  dealings with  the cell.  The artisan blows his vitreous bubbles, large  or small, to  be used

afterwards as may be wanted.  So Nature shapes  her hyaline  vesicles and modifies them to serve the needs of

the part  where they  are found.  The artisan whirls his rod, and his glass  bubble becomes  a flattened disk, with

its bull'seye for a nucleus.  These lips of  ours are all glazed with microscopic tiles formed of  flattened cells,

each one of them with its nucleus still as plain and  relatively as  prominent, to the eye of the microscopist, as

the  bull'seye in the  oldfashioned windowpane.  Everywhere we find cells,  modified or  unchanged.  They

roll in inconceivable multitudes (five  millions and  more to the cubic millimetre, according to Vierordt) as

blooddisks  through our vessels.  A closefitting mail of flattened  cells coats  our surface with a panoply of

imbricated scales (more than  twelve  thousand millions, as Harting has computed, as true a defence  against

our enemies as the buckler of the armadillo or the carapace of  the  tortoise against theirs.  The same little

protecting organs pave  all  the great highways of the interior system.  Cells, again, preside  over the chemical

processes which elaborate the living fluids; they  change their form to become the agents of voluntary and

involuntary  motion; the soul itself sits on a throne of nucleated cells, and  flashes its mandates through skeins

of glassy filaments which once  were simple chains of vesicles.  And, as if to reduce the problem of  living

force to its simplest expression, we see the yolk of a  transparent egg dividing itself in whole or in part, and

again  dividing and subdividing, until it becomes a mass of cells, out of  which the harmonious diversity of the

organs arranges itself, worm or  man, as God has willed from the beginning. 

This differentiation having been effected, each several part  assumes  its special office, having a life of its own

adjusted to that  of  other parts and the whole.  "Just as a tree constitutes a mass  arranged in a definite manner,

in which, in every single part, in the  leaves as in the root, in the trunk as in the blossom, cells are  discovered

to be the ultimate elements, so is it also with the forms  of animal life.  Every animal presents itself as a sum of

vital  unities, every one of which manifests all the characteristics of  life." 

The mechanism is as clear, as unquestionable, as absolutely settled  and universally accepted, as the order of

movement of the heavenly  bodies, which we compute backward to the days of the observatories on  the plains

of Shinar, and on the faith of which we regulate the  movements of war and trade by the predictions of our

ephemeris. 

The mechanism, and that is all.  We see the workman and the tools,  but the skill that guides the work and the

power that performs it are  as invisible as ever.  I fear that not every listener took the  significance of those

pregnant words in the passage I quoted from  John Bell,"thinking to discover its properties in its form."  We

have discovered the working bee in this great hive of organization.  We have detected the cell in the very act

of forming itself from a  nucleus, of transforming itself into various tissues, of selecting  the elements of

various secretions.  But why one cell becomes nerve  and another muscle, why one selects bile and another fat,

we can no  more pretend to tell, than why one grape sucks out of the soil the  generous juice which princes

hoard in their cellars, and another the  wine which it takes three men to drink,one to pour it down, another

to swallow it, and a third to hold him while it is going down.  Certain analogies between this selecting power

and the phenomena of  endosmosis in the elective affinities of chemistry we can find, but  the problem of force

remains here, as everywhere, unsolved and  insolvable. 

Do we gain anything by attempting to get rid of the idea of a  special  vital force because we find certain

mutually convertible  relations  between forces in the body and out of it?  I think not, any  more than  we should

gain by getting rid of the idea and expression  Magnetism  because of its correlation with electricity.  We may

concede  the  unity of all forms of force, but we cannot overlook the fixed  differences of its manifestations

according to the conditions under  which it acts.  It is a mistake, however, to think the mystery is  greater in an


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organized body than in any other.  We see a stone fall  or a crystal form, and there is nothing stranger left to

wonder at,  for we have seen the Infinite in action. 

Just so far as we can recognize the ordinary modes of operation of  the common forces of nature,gravity,

cohesion, elasticity,  transudation, chemical action, and the rest,we see the socalled  vital acts in the light

of a larger range of known facts and familiar  analogies.  Matteuecci's wellremembered lectures contain many

and  striking examples of the working of physical forces in physiological  processes.  Wherever rigid

experiment carries us, we are safe in  following this lead; but the moment we begin to theorize beyond our

strict observation, we are in danger of falling into those mechanical  follies which true science has long

outgrown. 

Recognizing the fact, then, that we have learned nothing but the  machinery of life, and are no nearer to its

essence, what is it that  we have gained by this great discovery of the cell formation and  function? 

It would have been reward enough to learn the method Nature pursues  for its own sake.  If the sovereign

Artificer lets us into his own  laboratories and workshops, we need not ask more than the privilege  of looking

on at his work.  We do not know where we now stand in the  hierarchy of created intelligences.  We were made

a little lower than  the angels.  I speak it not irreverently; as the lower animals  surpass man in some of their

attributes, so it may be that not every  angel's eye can see as broadly and as deeply into the material works  of

God as man himself, looking at the firmament through an equatorial  of fifteen inches' aperture, and searching

into the tissues with a  twelfth of an inch objective. 

But there are other positive gains of a more practical character.  Thus we are no longer permitted to place the

seat of the living  actions in the extreme vessels, which are only the carriers from  which each part takes what

it wants by the divine right of the  omnipotent nucleated cell.  The organism has become, in the words  already

borrowed from Virchow, "a sum of vital unities."  The  strictum and laxum, the increased and diminished

action of the  vessels, out of which medical theories and methods of treatment have  grown up, have yielded to

the doctrine of local cellcommunities,  belonging to this or that vascular district, from which they help

themselves, as contractors are wont to do from the national treasury. 

I cannot promise to do more than to select a few of the points of  contact between our ignorance and our

knowledge which present  particular interest in the existing state of our physiological  acquisitions.  Some of

them involve the microscopic discoveries of  which I have been speaking, some belong to the domain of

chemistry,  and some have relations with other departments of physical science. 

If we should begin with the digestive function, we should find that  the longagitated question of the nature of

the acid of the gastric  juice is becoming settled in favor of the lactic.  But the whole  solvent agency of the

digestive fluid enters into the category of  that exceptional mode of action already familiar to us in chemistry

as catalysis.  It is therefore doubly difficult of explanation;  first, as being, like all reactions, a fact not to be

accounted for  except by the imaginative appeal to "affinity," and secondly, as  being one of those peculiar

reactions provoked by an element which  stands outside and looks on without compromising itself. 

The doctrine of Mulder, so widely diffused in popular and  scientific  belief, of the existence of a common

base of all albuminous  substances, the socalled protein, has not stood the test of rigorous  analysis.  The

division of food into azotized and nonazotized is no  doubt important, but the attempt to show that the first

only is  plastic or nutritive, while the second is simply calorifacient, or  heatproducing, fails entirely in the

face of the facts revealed by  the study of man in different climates, and of numerous experiments  in the

feeding of animals.  I must return to this subject in  connection with the respiratory function. 

The sugarmaking faculty of the liver is another "catalytic"  mystery,  as great as the rest of them, and no

greater.  Livertissue  brings  sugar out of the blood, or out of its own substance;why? 


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Quia est in eo

          Virtus saccharitiva.

Just what becomes of the sugar beyond the fact of its disappearance  before it can get into the general

circulation and sweeten our  tempers, it is hard to say. 

The pancreatic fluid makes an emulsion of the fat contained in our  food, but just how the fatty particles get

into the villi we must  leave Brucke and Kolliker to settle if they can. 

No one has shown satisfactorily the process by which the blood  corpuscles are formed out of the

lymphcorpuscles, nor what becomes  of them.  These two questions are like those famous household

puzzles,Where do the flies come from?  and, Where do the pins go  to? 

There is a series of organs in the body which has long puzzled  physiologists,organs of glandular aspect,

but having no ducts,the  spleen, the thyroid and thymus bodies, and the suprarenal capsules.  We call them

vascular glands, and we believe that they elaborate  colored and uncolored bloodcells; but just what changes

they effect,  and just how they effect them, it has proved a very difficult matter  to determine.  So of the noted

glandules which form Peyer's patches,  their precise office, though seemingly like those of the lymphatic

glands, cannot be positively assigned, so far as I know, at the  present time.  It is of obvious interest to learn it

with reference  to the pathology of typhoid fever.  It will be remarked that the  coincidence of their changes in

this disease with enlargement of the  spleen suggests the idea of a similarity of function in these two  organs. 

The theories of the production of animal heat, from the times of  Black, Lavoisier, and Crawford to those of

Liebig, are familiar to  all who have paid any attention to physiological studies.  The  simplicity of Liebig's

views, and the popular form in which they have  been presented, have given them wide currency, and

incorporated them  in the common belief and language of our textbooks.  Direct  oxidation or combustion of

the carbon and hydrogen contained in the  food, or in the tissues themselves; the division of alimentary

substances into respiratory, or nonazotized, and azotized,these  doctrines are familiar even to the classes

in our highschools.  But  this simple statement is boldly questioned.  Nothing proves that  oxygen combines (in

the system) with hydrogen and carbon in  particular, rather than with sulphur and azote.  Such is the well

grounded statement of Robin and Verdeil.  "It is very probable that  animal heat is entirely produced by the

chemical actions which take  place in the organism, but the phenomenon is too complex to admit of  our

calculating it according to the quality of oxygen consumed."  These last are the words of Regnault, as cited by

Mr. Lewes, whose  intelligent discussion of this and many of the most interesting  physiological problems I

strongly recommend to your attention. 

This single illustration covers a wider ground than the special  function to which it belongs.  We are learning

that the chemistry of  the body must be studied, not simply by its ingesta and egesta, but  that there is a long

intermediate series of changes which must be  investigated in their own light, under their own special

conditions.  The expression "sum of vital unities" applies to the chemical  actions, as well as to other actions

localized in special parts; and  when the distinguished chemists whom I have just cited entitle their  work a

treatise on the immediate principles of the body, they only  indicate the nature of that profound and subtile

analysis which must  take the place of all hasty generalizations founded on a comparison  of the food with

residual products. 

I will only call your attention to the fact, that the exceptional  phenomenon of the laboratory is the prevailing

law of the organism.  Nutrition itself is but one great catalytic process.  As the blood  travels its rounds, each

part selects its appropriate element and  transforms it to its own likeness.  Whether the appropriating agent  be

cell or nucleus, or a structureless solid like the intercellular  substance of cartilage, the fact of its presence

determines the  separation of its proper constituents from the circulating fluid, so  that even when we are

wounded bone is replaced by bone, skin by skin,  and nerve by nerve. 


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It is hardly without a smile that we resuscitate the old question  of  the vis insita of the muscular fibre, so

famous in the discussions  of  Haller and his contemporaries.  Speaking generally, I think we may  say that

Haller's doctrine is the one now commonly received; namely,  that the muscles contract in virtue of their own

inherent endowments.  It is true that Kolliker says no perfectly decisive fact has been  brought forward to

prove that the striated muscles contract with.  out  having been acted on by nerves.  Yet Mr. Bowman's

observations on  the  contraction of isolated fibres appear decisive enough (unless we  consider them

invalidated by Dr. Lionel Beale's recent researches,  tending to show that each elementary fibre is supplied

with nerves;  and as to the smooth muscular fibres, we have Virchow's statement  respecting the contractility

of those of the umbilical cord, where  there is not a trace of any nerves. 

In the investigation of the nervous system, anatomy and physiology  have gone hand in hand.  It is very

singular that so important, and  seemingly simple, a fact as the connection of the nervetubes, at  their origin

or in their course, with the nervecells, should have so  long remained open to doubt, as you may see that it

did by referring  to the very complete work of Sharpey and Quain (edition of 1849), the  histological portion of

which is cordially approved by Kolliker  himself. 

Several most interesting points of the minute anatomy of the  nervous  centres have been laboriously and

skilfully worked out by a  recent  graduate of this Medical School, in a monograph worthy to stand  in  line with

those of Lockhart Clarke, Stilling, and Schroder van der  Kolk. I have had the privilege of examining and of

showing some of  you a number of Dr. Dean's skilful preparations.  I have no space to  give even an abstract of

his conclusions.  I can only refer to his  proof of the fact, that a single cell may send its processes into  several

different bundles of nerveroots, and to his demonstration of  the curved ascending and descending fibres

from the posterior  nerveroots, to reach what he has called the longitudinal columns of  the cornea.  I must also

mention Dr. Dean's exquisite microscopic  photographs from sections of the medulla oblongata, which appear

to  me to promise a new development, if not a new epoch, in anatomical  art. 

It having been settled that the nervetubes can very commonly be  traced directly to the nervecells, the

object of all the observers  in this department of anatomy is to follow these tubes to their  origin.  We have an

infinite snarl of telegraph wires, and we may be  reasonably sure, that, if we can follow them up, we shall find

each  of them ends in a battery somewhere.  One of the most interesting  problems is to find the ganglionic

origin of the great nerves of the  medulla oblongata, and this is the end to which, by the aid of the  most

delicate sections, colored so as to bring out their details,  mounted so as to be imperishable, magnified by the

best instruments,  and now selfrecorded in the light of the truthtelling sunbeam, our  fellowstudent is

making a steady progress in a labor which I think  bids fair to rank with the most valuable contributions to

histology  that we have had from this side of the Atlantic. 

It is interesting to see how old questions are incidentally settled  in the course of these new investigations.

Thus, Mr. Clarke's  dissections, confirmed by preparations of Mr. Dean's which I have  myself examined,

placed the fact of the decussation of the pyramids  denied by Haller, by Morgagni, and even by

Stillingbeyond doubt.  So  the spinal canal, the existence of which, at least in the adult,  has  been so often

disputed, appears as a coarse and unequivocal  anatomical  fact in many of the preparations referred to. 

While these studies of the structure of the cord have been going  on,  the ingenious and indefatigable

BrownSequard has been  investigating  the functions of its different parts with equal  diligence.  The

microscopic anatomists had shown that the ganglionic  corpuscles of  the gray matter of the cord are connected

with each  other by their  processes, as well as with the nerveroots.  M.  BrownSequard has  proved by

numerous experiments that the gray  substance transmits  sensitive impressions and muscular stimulation.  The

oblique  ascending and descending fibres from the posterior  nerveroots,  joining the "longitudinal columns of

the cornua," account  for the  results of BrownSequard's sections of the posterior columns.  The  physiological

experimenter has also made it evident that the  decussation of the conductors of sensitive impressions has its

seat  in the spinal core, and not in the encephalon, as had been supposed.  Not less remarkable than these


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results are the facts, which I with  others of my audience have had the opportunity of observing, as shown  by

M. BrownS6quard, of the artificial production of epilepsy in  animals by injuring the spinal cord, and the

induction of the  paroxysm by pinching a certain portion of the skin.  I would also  call the student's attention to

his account of the relations of the  nervous centres to nutrition and secretion, the last of which  relations has

been made the subject of an extended essay by our  fellow countryman, Dr. H. F. Campbell of Georgia. 

The physiology of the spinal cord seems a simple matter as you  study  it in Longet.  The experiments of

BrownSequard have shown the  problem to be a complex one, and raised almost as many doubts as they

have solved questions; at any rate, I believe all lecturers on  physiology agree that there is no part of their task

they dread so  much as the analysis of the evidence relating to the special offices  of the different portions of

the medulla spinalis.  In the brain we  are sure that we do not know how to localize functions; in the spinal

cord, we think we do know something; but there are so many anomalies,  and seeming contradictions, and

sources of fallacy, that beyond the  facts of crossed paralysis of sensation, and the conducting agency of  the

gray substance, I am afraid we retain no cardinal principles  discovered since the development of the reflex

function took its  place by Sir Charles Bell's great discovery. 

By the manner in which I spoke of the brain, you will see that I am  obliged to leave phrenology sub

Jove,out in the cold,as not one  of the household of science.  I am not one of its haters; on the  contrary, I

am grateful for the incidental good it has done.  I love  to amuse myself in its plaster Golgothas, and listen to

the glib  professor, as he discovers by his manipulations 

     "All that disgraced my betters met in me."

I loved of old to see squareheaded, heavyjawed Spurzheim make a  brain flower out into a corolla of

marrowy filaments, as Vieussens  had done before him, and to hear the dryfibred but humanhearted  George

Combe teach good sense under the disguise of his equivocal  system.  But the pseudosciences, phrenology

and the rest, seem to me  only appeals to weak minds and the weak points of strong ones.  There  is a pica or

false appetite in many intelligences; they take to odd  fancies in place of wholesome truth, as girls gnaw at

chalk and  charcoal.  Phrenology juggles with nature.  It is so adjusted as to  soak up all evidence that helps it,

and shed all that harms it.  It  crawls forward in all weathers, like Richard Edgeworth's hygrometer.  It does not

stand at the boundary of our ignorance, it seems to me,  but is one of the willo'thewisps of its undisputed

central domain  of bog and quicksand.  Yet I should not have devoted so many words to  it, did I not recognize

the light it has thrown on human actions by  its study of congenital organic tendencies.  Its maps of the.  surface

of the head are, I feel sure, founded on a delusion, but its  studies  of individual character are always

interesting and  instructive. 

The "snappingturtle" strikes after its natural fashion when it  first  comes out of the egg.  Children betray their

tendencies in their  way  of dealing with the breasts that nourish them; nay, lean venture  to  affirm, that long

before they are born they teach their mothers  something of their turbulent or quiet tempers. 

     "Castor gaudet equis, ovo proanatus eodem

          Pugnis."

Strike out the false pretensions of phrenology; call it  anthropology;  let it study man the individual in

distinction from man  the  abstraction, the metaphysical or theological layfigure; and it  becomes "the proper

study of mankind," one of the noblest and most  interesting of pursuits. 

The whole physiology of the nervous system, from the simplest  manifestation of its power in an insect up to

the supreme act of the  human intelligence working through the brain, is full of the most  difficult yet

profoundly interesting questions.  The singular  relations between electricity and nerveforce, relations which

it has  been attempted to interpret as meaning identity, in the face of  palpable differences, require still more

extended studies.  You may  be interested by Professor Faraday's statement of his opinion on the  matter.


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"Though I am not satisfied that the nervous fluid is only  electricity, still I think that the agent in the nervous

system maybe  an inorganic force; and if there be reason for supposing that  magnetism is a higher relation of

force than electricity, so it may  well be imagined that the nervous power may be of a still more  exalted

character, and yet within the reach of experiment." 

In connection with this statement, it is interesting to refer to  the  experiments of Helmholtz on the rapidity of

transmission of the  nervous actions.  The rate is given differently in Valentin's report  of these experiments and

in that found in the "Scientific Annual" for  1858.  One hundred and eighty to three hundred feet per second is

the  rate of movement assigned for sensation, but all such results must be  very vaguely approximative.  Boxers,

fencers, players at the Italian  game of morn, "prestidigitators," and all who depend for their  success on

rapidity of motion, know what differences there are in the  personal equation of movement. 

Reflex action, the mechanical sympathy, if I may so call it, of  distant parts; Instinct, which is crystallized

intelligence,an  absolute law with its invariable planes and angles introduced into  the sphere of

consciousness, as raphides are inclosed in the living  cells of plants; Intellect,the operation of the thinking

principle  through material organs, with an appreciable waste of tissue in every  act of thought, so that our

clergymen's blood has more phosphates to  get rid of on Monday than on any other day of the week; Will,

theoretically the absolute determining power, practically limited in  different degrees by the varying

organization of races and  individuals, annulled or perverted by different illunderstood  organic changes; on

all these subjects our knowledge is in its  infancy, and from the study of some of them the interdict of the

Vatican is hardly yet removed. 

I must allude to one or two points in the histology and physiology  of  the organs of sense.  The anterior

continuation of the retina  beyond  the ora serrata has been a subject of much discussion.  If H.  Muller  and

Kolliker can be relied upon, this question is settled by  recognizing that a layer of cells, continued from the

retina, passes  over the surface of the zonula Zinnii, but that no proper nervous  element is so prolonged

forward. 

I observe that Kolliker calls the true nervous elements of the  retina  "the layer of gray cerebral substance."  In

fact, the  ganglionic  corpuscles of each eye may be considered as constituting a  little  brain, connected with the

masses behind by the commissure,  commonly  called the optic nerve.  We are prepared, therefore, to find  these

two little brains in the most intimate relations with each  other, as  we find the cerebral hemispheres.  We know

that they are  directly  connected by fibres that arch round through the chiasma. 

I mention these anatomical facts to introduce a physiological  observation of my own, first announced in one

of the lectures before  the Medical Class, subsequently communicated to the American Academy  of Arts and

Sciences, and printed in its "Transactions" for February  14, 1860.  I refer to the apparent transfer of

impressions from one  retina to the other, to which I have given the name reflex vision.  The idea was

suggested to me in consequence of certain effects  noticed in employing the stereoscope.  Professor William B.

Rodgers  has since called the attention of the American Scientific Association  to some facts bearing on the

subject, and to a very curious  experiment of Leonardo da Vinci's, which enables the observer to look  through

the palm of his hand (or seem to), as if it had a hole bored  through it.  As he and others hesitated to accept my

explanation, I  was not sorry to find recently the following words in the  "Observations on Man" of that acute

observer and thinker, David  Hartley.  "An impression made on the right eye alone by a single  object may

propagate itself into the left, and there raise up an  image almost equal in vividness to itself; and consequently

when we  see with one eye only, we may, however, have pictures in both eyes."  Hartley, in 1784, had

anticipated many of the doctrines which have  since been systematized into the theory of reflex actions, and

with  which I have attempted to associate this act of reflex vision.  My  sixth experiment, however, in the

communication referred to, appears  to me to be a crucial one, proving the correctness of my explanation,  and

I am not aware that it has been before instituted. 


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Another point of great interest connected with the physiology of  vision, and involved for a long time in great

obscurity, is that of  the adjustment of the eye to different distances.  Dr. Clay Wallace  of New York, who

published a very ingenious little book on the eye  about twenty years ago, with vignettes reminding one of

Bewick, was  among the first, if not the first, to describe the ciliary muscle, to  which the power of adjustment

is generally ascribed.  It is  ascertained, by exact experiment with the phacueidoscope, that  accommodation

depends on change of form of the crystalline lens.  Where the crystalline is wanting, as Mr. Ware long ago

taught, no  power of accommodation remains.  The ciliary muscle is generally  thought to effect the change of

form of the crystalline.  The power  of accommodation is lost after the application of atropine, in  consequence,

as is supposed, of the paralysis of this muscle.  This,  I believe, is the nearest approach to a demonstration we

have on this  point. 

I have only time briefly to refer to Professor Draper's most  ingenious theory as to the photographic nature of

vision, for an  account of which I must refer to his original and interesting  Treatise on Physiology. 

It were to be wished that the elaborate and very interesting  researches of the Marquis Corti, which have

revealed such singular  complexity of structure in the cochlea of the ear, had done more to  clear up its

doubtful physiology; but I am afraid we have nothing but  hypotheses for the special part it plays in the act of

hearing, and  that we must say the same respecting the office of the semicircular  canals. 

The microscope has achieved some of its greatest triumphs in  teaching  us the changes which occur in the

development of the embryo.  No more  interesting discovery stands recorded in the voluminous  literature of

this subject than the one originally announced by Martin  Barry,  afterwards discredited, and still later

confirmed by Mr.  Newport and  others; namely the fact that the fertilizing filament  reaches the  interior of the

ovum in various animals;a striking  parallel to the  action of the pollentube in the vegetable.  But  beyond

the  mechanical facts all is mystery in the movements of  organization, as  profound as in the fall of a stone or

the formation  of a crystal. 

To the chemist and the microscopist the living body presents the  same  difficulties, arising from the fact that

everything is in  perpetual  change in the organism.  The fibrine of the blood puzzles  the one as  much as its

globules puzzle the other.  The difference  between the  branches of science which deal with space only, and

those  which deal  with space and time, is this: we have no glasses that can  magnify  time.  The figure I here

show you a was photographed from an  object  (pleurosigma angulatum) magnified a thousand diameters, or

presenting  a million times its natural surface.  This other figure of  the same  object, enlarged from the one just

shown, is magnified seven  thousand  diameters, or fortynine million times in surface.  When we  can make  the

fortynine millionth of a second as long as its integer,  physiology and chemistry will approach nearer the

completeness of  anatomy. 

Our reverence becomes more worthy, or, if you will, less unworthy  of  its Infinite Object in proportion as our

intelligence is lifted and  expanded to a higher and broader understanding of the Divine methods  of action.  If

Galen called his heathen readers to admire, the power,  the wisdom, the providence, the goodness of the

Framer of the animal  body,"if Mr. Boyle, the student of nature, as Addison and that  friend of his who had

known him for forty years tell us, never  uttered the name of the Supreme Being without making a distinct

pause  in his speech, in token of his devout recognition of its awful  meaning,surely we, who inherit the

accumulated wisdom of nearly two  hundred years since the time of the British philosopher, and of  almost two

thousand since the Greek physician, may well lift our  thoughts from the works we study to their great

Artificer.  These  wonderful discoveries which we owe to that mighty little instrument,  the telescope of the

inner firmament with all its included worlds;  these simple formulae by which we condense the observations

of a  generation in a single axiom; these logical analyses by which we  fence out the ignorance we cannot

reclaim, and fix the limits of our  knowledge,all lead us up to the inspiration of the Almighty, which  gives

understanding to the world's great teachers.  To fear science  or knowledge, lest it disturb our old beliefs, is to

fear the influx  of the Divine wisdom into the souls of our fellowmen; for what is  science but the piecemeal


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revelation,uncovering,of the plan of  creation, by the agency of those chosen prophets of nature whom

God  has illuminated from the central light of truth for that single  purpose? 

The studies which we have glanced at are preliminary in your  education to the practical arts which make use

of them,the arts of  healing,surgery and medicine.  The more you examine the structure  of the organs and

the laws of life, the more you will find how  resolutely each of the cellrepublics which make up the E

pluribus  unum of the body maintains its independence.  Guard it, feed it, air  it, warm it, exercise or rest it

properly, and the working elements  will do their best to keep well or to get well.  What do we do with  ailing

vegetables?  Dr. Warren, my honored predecessor in this chair,  bought a countryplace, including half of an

old orchard.  A few  years afterwards I saw the trees on his side of the fence looking in  good health, while

those on the other side were scraggy and  miserable.  How do you suppose this change was brought about?  By

watering them with Fowler's solution?  By digging in calomel freely  about their roots?  Not at all; but by

loosening the soil round them,  and supplying them with the right kind of food in fitting quantities. 

Now a man is not a plant, or, at least, he is a very curious one,  for  he carries his soil in his stomach, which is

a kindof portable  flowerpot, and he grows round it, instead of out of it.  He has,  besides, a singularly

complex nutritive apparatus and a nervous  system.  But recollect the doctrine already enunciated in the

language of Virchow, that an animal, like a tree, is a sum of vital  unities, of which the cell is the ultimate

element.  Every healthy  cell, whether in a vegetable or an animal, necessarily performs its  function properly

so long as it is supplied with its proper materials  and stimuli.  A cell may, it is true, be congenitally defective,

in  which case disease is, so to speak, its normal state.  But if  originally sound and subsequently diseased, there

has certainly been  some excess, deficiency, or wrong quality in the materials or stimuli  applied to it.  You

remove this injurious influence and substitute a  normal one; remove the baked coalashes, for instance, from

the roots  of a tree, and replace them with loam; take away the salt meat from  the patient's table, and replace it

with fresh meat and vegetables,  and the cells of the tree or the man return to their duty. 

I do not know that we ever apply to a plant any element which is  not  a natural constituent of the vegetable

structure, except perhaps  externally, for the accidental purpose of killing parasites.  The  whole art of

cultivation consists in learning the proper food and  conditions of plants, and supplying them.  We give them

water,  earths, salts of various kinds such as they are made of, with a  chance to help themselves to air and

light.  The farmer would be  laughed at who undertook to manure his fields or his trees with a  salt of lead or of

arsenic.  These elements are not constituents of  healthy plants.  The gardener uses the waste of the arsenic

furnaces  to kill the weeds in his walks. 

If the law of the animal cell, and of the animal organism, which is  built up of such cells, is like that of the

vegetable, we might  expect that we should treat all morbid conditions of any of the vital  unities belonging to

an animal in the same way, by increasing,  diminishing, or changing its natural food or stimuli. 

"That is an aliment which nourishes; whatever we find in the  organism, as a constant and integral element,

either forming part of  its structure, or one of the conditions of vital processes, that and  that only deserves the

name of aliment."  " I see no reason,  therefore, why iron, phosphate of lime, sulphur, should not be  considered

food for man, as much as guano or poudrette for  vegetables.  Whether one or another of them is best in any

given  case,whether they shall be taken alone or in combination, in large  or small quantities, are separate

questions.  But they are elements  belonging to the body, and even in moderate excess will produce  little

disturbance.  There is no presumption against any of this  class of substances, any more than against water or

salt, provided  they are used in fitting combinations, proportions, and forms. 

But when it comes to substances alien to the healthy system, which  never belong to it as normal constituents,

the case is very  different.  There is a presumption against putting lead or arsenic  into the human body, as

against putting them into plants, because  they do not belong there, any more than pounded glass, which, it is

said, used to be given as a poison.  The same thing is true of  mercury and silver.  What becomes of these alien


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substances after  they get into the system we cannot always tell.  But in the case of  silver, from the accident of

its changing color under the influence  of light, we do know what happens.  It is thrown out, in part at  least,

under the epidermis, and there it remains to the patient's  dying day.  This is a striking illustration of the

difficulty which  the system finds in dealing with nonassimilable elements, and  justifies in some measure the

vulgar prejudice against mineral  poisons." 

I trust the youngest student on these benches will not commit the  childish error of confounding a presumption

against a particular  class of agents with a condemnation of them.  Mercury, for instance,  is alien to the system,

and eminently disturbing in its influence.  Yet its efficacy in certain forms of specific disease is acknowledged

by all but the most sceptical theorists.  Even the esprit moqueur of  Ricord, the Voltaire of pelvic literature,

submits to the time  honored constitutional authority of this great panacea in the class  of cases to which he

has devoted his brilliant intelligence.  Still,  there is no telling what evils have arisen from the abuse of this

mineral.  Dr. Armstrong long ago pointed out some of them, and they  have become matters of common

notoriety.  I am pleased, therefore,  when I find so able and experienced a practitioner as Dr. Williams of  this

city proving that iritis is best treated without mercury, and  Dr. Vanderpoel showing the same thing to be true

for pericarditis. 

Whatever elements nature does not introduce into vegetables, the  natural food of all animal life,directly of

herbivorous, indirectly  of carnivorous animals,are to be regarded with suspicion.  Arsenic  eating may

seem to improve the condition of horses for a time,and  even of human beings, if Tschudi's stories can be

trusted,but it  soon appears that its alien qualities are at war with the animal  organization.  So of copper,

antimony, and other nonalimentary  simple substances; everyone of them is an intruder in the living  system,

as much as a constable would be, quartered in our household.  This does not mean that they may not, any of

them, be called in for a  special need, as we send for the constable when we have good reason  to think we

have a thief under our roof; but a man's body is his  castle, as well as his house, and the presumption is that we

are to  keep our alimentary doors bolted against these perturbing agents. 

Now the feeling is very apt to be just contrary to this.  The habit  has been very general with welltaught

practitioners, to have  recourse to the introduction of these alien elements into the system  on the occasion of

any slight disturbance.  The tongue was a little  coated, and mercury must be given; the skin was a little dry,

and the  patient must take antimony.  It was like sending for the constable  and the posse comitatus when there

is only a carpet to shake or a  refusebarrel to empty. [Dr. James Johnson advises persons not ailing  to take

,five grains of blue pill with one or two of aloes twice a  week for three or four months in the year, with half a

pint of  compound decoction of sarsaparilla every day for the same period, to  preserve health and prolong life.

Pract.  Treatise on Dis.  of  Liver, etc.  p.  272.] The constitution bears slow poisoning a great  deal better than

might be expected; yet the most intelligent men in  the profession have gradually got out of the habit of

prescribing  these powerful alien substances in the old routine way.  Mr. Metcalf  will tell you how much more

sparingly they are given by our  practitioners at the present time, than when he first inaugurated the  new era of

pharmacy among us.  Still, the presumption in favor of  poisoning out every spontaneous reaction of outraged

nature is not  extinct in those who are trusted with the lives of their fellow  citizens.  "On examining the file of

prescriptions at the hospital, I  discovered that they were rudely written, and indicated a treatment,  as they

consisted chiefly of tartar emetic, ipecacuanha, and epsom  salts, hardly favorable to the cure of the prevailing

diarrhoea and  dysenteries."  In a report of a poisoning case now on trial, where  we  are told that arsenic enough

was found in the stomach to produce  death  in twentyfour hours, the patient is said to have been treated  by

arsenic, phosphorus, bryonia, aconite, nux vomica, and muriatic  acid,by a practitioner of what school it

may be imagined. 

The traditional idea of always poisoning out disease, as we smoke  out  vermin, is now seeking its last refuge

behind the wooden cannon  and  painted portholes of that unblushing system of false scientific  pretences

which I do not care to name in a discourse addressed to an  audience devoted to the study of the laws of nature

in the light of  the laws of evidence.  It is extraordinary to observe that the system  which, by its reducing


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medicine to a name and a farce, has accustomed  all who have sense enough to see through its thin artifices to

the  idea that diseases get well without being "cured," should now be the  main support of the tottering

poisoncure doctrine.  It has  unquestionably helped to teach wise people that nature heals most  diseases

without help from pharmaceutic art, but it continues to  persuade fools that art can arrest them all with its

specifics. 

It is worse than useless to attempt in any way to check the freest  expression of opinion as to the efficacy of

any or all of the  "heroic" means of treatment employed by practitioners of different  schools and periods.

Medical experience is a great thing, but we  must not forget that there is a higher experience, which tries its

results in a court of a still larger jurisdiction; that, namely, in  which the laws of human belief are summoned

to the witnessbox, and  obliged to testify to the sources of error which beset the medical  practitioner.  The

verdict is as old as the father of medicine, who  announces it in the words, "judgment is difficult."  Physicians

differed so in his time, that some denied that there was any such  thing as an art of medicine. 

One man's best remedies were held as mischievous by another.  The  art  of healing was like soothsaying, so the

common people said; the  same  bird was lucky or unlucky, according as he flew to the right or  left." 

The practice of medicine has undergone great changes within the  period of my own observation.  Venesection,

for instance, has so far  gone out of fashion, that, as I am told by residents of the New York  Bellevue and the

Massachusetts General Hospitals, it is almost  obsolete in these institutions, at least in medical practice.  The

old Brunonian stimulating treatment has come into vogue again in the  practice of Dr. Todd and his followers.

The compounds of mercury  have yielded their place as drugs of all work, and specifics for that  very frequent

subjective complaint, nescio quid faciam,to compounds  of iodine. [Sir Astley Cooper has the

boldness,or honesty,to  speak of medicines which "are given as much to assist the medical man  as his

patient."  Lectures (London, 1832), p.  14.] Opium is believed  in, and quinine, and "rum," using that expressive

monosyllable to  mean all alcoholic cordials.  If Moliere were writing now, instead of  saignare, purgare, and

the other, he would be more like to say,  Stimulare, opium dare et potassioiodizare. 

I have been in relation successively with the English and American  evacuant and alterative practice, in which

calomel and antimony  figured so largely that, as you may see in Dr. Jackson's last  "Letter," Dr. Holyoke, a

good representative of sterling old  fashioned medical art, counted them with opium and Peruvian bark as  his

chief remedies; with the moderately expectant practice of Louis;  the bloodletting "coup sur coup" of

Bouillaud; the contrastimulant  method of Rasori and his followers; the antiirritant system of  Broussais,

with its leeching and gumwater; I have heard from our own  students of the simple opium practice of the

renowned German teacher,  Oppolzer; and now I find the medical community brought round by the  revolving

cycle of opinion to that same old plan of treatment which  John Brown taught in Edinburgh in the last quarter

of the last  century, and Miner and Tully fiercely advocated among ourselves in  the early years of the present.

The worthy physicians last  mentioned, and their antagonist Dr. Gallup, used stronger language  than we of

these degenerate days permit ourselves.  "The lancet is a  weapon which annually slays more than the sword,"

says Dr. Tully.  "It  is probable that, for forty years past, opium and its  preparations  have done seven times the

injury they have rendered  benefit, on the  great scale of the world," says Dr. Gallup. 

What is the meaning of these perpetual changes and conflicts of  medical opinion and practice, from an early

antiquity to our own  time?  Simply this: all "methods" of treatment end in disappointment  of those

extravagant expectations which men are wont to entertain of  medical art.  The bills of mortality are more

obviously affected by  drainage, than by this or that method of practice.  The insurance  companies do not

commonly charge a different percentage on the lives  of the patients of this or that physician.  In the course of

a  generation, more or less, physicians themselves are liable to get  tired of a practice which has so little effect

upon the average  movement of vital decomposition.  Then they are ready for a change,  even if it were back

again to a method which has already been tried,  and found wanting. 


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Our practitioners, or many of them, have got back to the ways of  old  Dr. Samuel Danforth, who, as it is well

known, had strong  objections  to the use of the lancet.  By and by a new reputation will  be made by  some

discontented practitioner, who, tired of seeing  patients die  with their skins full of whiskey and their brains

muddy  with opium,  returns to a bold antiphlogistic treatment, and has the  luck to see a  few patients of note

get well under it.  So of the  remedies which  have gone out of fashion and been superseded by others.  It can

hardly be doubted that they will come into vogue again, more  or less  extensively, under the influence of that

irresistible demand  for  change just referred to. 

Then will come the usual talk about a change in the character of  disease, which has about as much meaning

as that concerning  "oldfashioned snowstorms."  "Epidemic constitutions" of disease  mean something, no

doubt; a great deal as applied to malarious  affections; but that the whole type of diseases undergoes such

changes that the practice must be reversed from depleting to  stimulating, and vice versa, is much less likely

than that methods of  treatment go out of fashion and come in again.  If there is any  disease which claims its

percentage with reasonable uniformity, it is  phthisis.  Yet I remember that the reverend and venerable Dr.

Prince  of Salem told me one Commencement day, as I was jogging along towards  Cambridge with him, that

he recollected the time when that disease  was hardly hardly known; and in confirmation of his statement

mentioned a case in which it was told as a great event, that somebody  down on "the Cape" had died of "a

consumption."  This story does not  sound probable to myself, as I repeat it, yet I assure you it is  true, and it

shows how cautiously we must receive all popular stories  of great changes in the habits of disease. 

Is there no progress, then, but do we return to the same beliefs  and  practices which our forefathers wore out

and threw away?  I trust  and  believe that there is a real progress.  We may, for instance,  return  in a measure to

the Brunonian stimulating system, but it must  be in a  modified way, for we cannot go back to the simple

Brunonian  pathology, since we have learned too much of diseased action to  accept its convenient dualism.  So

of other doctrines, each new  Avatar strips them of some of their old pretensions, until they take  their fitting

place at last, if they have any truth in them, or  disappear, if they were mere phantasms of the imagination. 

In the mean time, while medical theories are coming in and going  out,  there is a set of sensible men who are

never run away with by  them,  but practise their art sagaciously and faithfully in much the  same  way from

generation to generation.  From the time of Hippocrates  to  that of our own medical patriarch, there has been

an apostolic  succession of wise and good practitioners.  If you will look at the  first aphorism of the ancient

Master you will see that before all  remedies he places the proper conduct of the patient and his  attendants,

and the fit ordering of all the conditions surrounding  him.  The class of practitioners I have referred to have

always been  the most faithful in attending to these points.  No doubt they have  sometimes prescribed

unwisely, in compliance with the prejudices of  their time, but they have grown wiser as they have grown

older, and  learned to trust more in nature and less in their plans of  interference.  I believe common opinion

confirms Sir James Clark's  observation to this effect. 

The experience of the profession must, I think, run parallel with  that of the wisest of its individual members.

Each time a plan of  treatment or a particular remedy comes up for trial, it is submitted  to a sharper scrutiny.

When Cullen wrote his Materia Medica, he had  seriously to assail the practice of giving burnt toad, which

was  still countenanced by at least one medical authority of note.  I have  read recently in some medical journal,

that an American practitioner,  whose name is known to the country, is prescribing the hoof of a  horse for

epilepsy.  It was doubtless suggested by that old fancy of  wearing a portion of elk's hoof hung round the neck

or in a ring, for  this disease.  But it is hard to persuade reasonable people to  swallow the abominations of a

former period.  The evidence which  satisfied Fernelius will not serve one of our hospital physicians. 

In this way those articles of the Materia Medica which had nothing  but loathsomeness to recommend them

have been gradually dropped, and  are not like to obtain any general favor again with civilized  communities.

The next culprits to be tried are the poisons.  I have  never been in the least sceptical as to the utility of some of

them,  when properly employed.  Though I believe that at present, taking the  world at large, and leaving out a


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few powerful agents of such immense  value that they rank next to food in importance, the poisons  prescribed

for disease do more hurt than good, I have no doubt, and  never professed to have any, that they do much good

in prudent and  instructed hands.  But I am very willing to confess a great jealousy  of many agents, and I could

almost wish to see the Materia Medica so  classed as to call suspicion upon certain ones among them. 

Thus the alien elements, those which do not properly enter into the  composition of any living tissue, are the

most to be suspected,  mercury, lead, antimony, silver, and the rest, for the reasons I have  before

mentioned.  Even iodine, which, as it is found in certain  plants, seems less remote from the animal tissues,

gives unequivocal  proofs from time to time that it is hostile to some portions of the  glandular system. 

There is, of course, less prima facie objection to those agents  which  consist of assimilable elements, such as

are found making a part  of  healthy tissues.  These are divisible into three classes,foods,  poisons, and inert,

mostly because insoluble, substances.  The food  of one animal or of one human being is sometimes poison to

another,  and vice versa; inert substances may act mechanically, so as to  produce the effect of poisons; but this

division holds exactly enough  for our purpose. 

Strictly speaking, every poison consisting of assimilable elements  may be considered as unwholesome ,food.

It is rejected by the  stomach, or it produces diarrhoea, or it causes vertigo or  disturbance of the heart's action,

or some other symptom for which  the subject of it would consult the physician, if it came on from any  other

cause than taking it under the name of medicine.  Yet portions  of this unwholesome food which we call

medicine, we have reason to  believe, are assimilated; thus, castoroil appears to be partially  digested by

infants, so that they require large doses to affect them  medicinally.  Even that deadliest of poisons,

hydrocyanic acid, is  probably assimilated, and helps to make living tissue, if it do not  kill the patient, for the

assimilable elements which it contains,  given in the separate forms of amygdalin and emulsin, produce no

disturbance, unless, as in Bernard's experiments, they are suffered  to meet in the digestive organs.  A medicine

consisting of  assimilable substances being then simply unwholesome food, we  understand what is meant by

those cumulative effects of such remedies  often observed, as in the case of digitalis and strychnia.  They are

precisely similar to the cumulative effects of a salt diet in  producing scurvy, or of spurred rye in producing

dry gangrene.  As  the effects of such substances are a violence to the organs, we  should exercise the same

caution with regard to their use that we  would exercise about any other kind of poisonous food,partridges

at  certain seasons, for instance.  Even where these poisonous kinds of  food seem to be useful, we should still

regard them with great  jealousy.  Digitalis lowers the pulse in febrile conditions.  Veratrum  viride does the

same thing.  How do we know that a rapid  pulse is not  a normal adjustment of nature to the condition it

accompanies?  Digitalis has gone out of favor; how sure are we that  Veratrum viride  will not be found to do

more harm than good in a case  of internal  inflammation, taking the whole course of the disease into

consideration?  Think of the change of opinion with regard to the use  of opium in delirium tremens (which

you remember is sometimes called  delirium vigilans), where it seemed so obviously indicated, since the

publication of Dr. Ware's admirable essay.  I respect the evidence of  my contemporaries, but I cannot forget

the sayings of the Father of  medicine,Ars longa, judicium diffcile. 

I am not presuming to express an opinion concerning Veratrum  viride,  which was little heard of when I was

still practising  medicine.  I am  only appealing to that higher court of experience  which sits in  judgment on all

decisions of the lower medical  tribunals, and which  requires more than one generation for its final  verdict. 

Once change the habit of mind so long prevalent among practitioners  of medicine; once let it be everywhere

understood that the  presumption is in favor of food, and not of alien substances, of  innocuous, and not of

unwholesome food, for the sick; that this  presumption requires very strong evidence in each particular case to

overcome it; but that, when such evidence is afforded, the alien  substance or the unwholesome food should be

given boldly, in  sufficient quantities, in the same spirit as that with which the  surgeon lifts his knife against a

patient,that is, with the same  reluctance and the same determination,and I think we shall have and  hear

much less of charlatanism in and out of the profession.  The  disgrace of medicine has been that colossal


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system of selfdeception,  in obedience to which mines have been emptied of their cankering  minerals, the

vegetable kingdom robbed of all its noxious growths,  the entrails of animals taxed for their impurities, the

poisonbags  of reptiles drained of their venom, and all the inconceivable  abominations thus obtained thrust

down the throats of human beings  suffering from some fault of organization, nourishment, or vital

stimulation. 

Much as we have gained, we have not yet thoroughly shaken off the  notion that poison is the natural food of

disease, as wholesome  aliment is the support of health.  Cowper's lines, in "The Task,"  show the

matterofcourse practice of his time: 

    "He does not scorn it, who has long endured

     A fever's agonies, and fed on drugs."

Dr. Kimball of Lowell, who has been in the habit of seeing a great  deal more of typhoid fever than most

practitioners, and whose  surgical exploits show him not to be wanting in boldness or  enterprise, can tell you

whether he finds it necessary to feed his  patients on drugs or not.  His experience is, I believe, that of the  most

enlightened and advanced portion of the profession; yet I think  that even in typhoid fever, and certainly in

many other complaints,  the effects of ancient habits and prejudices may still be seen in the  practice of some

educated physicians. 

To you, young men, it belongs to judge all that has gone before  you.  You come nearer to the great fathers of

modern medicine than some  of  you imagine.  Three of my own instructors attended Dr. Rush's  Lectures.  The

illustrious Haller mentions Rush's inaugural thesis in  his "Bibliotheca Anatomica;" and this same Haller,

brought so close  to us, tells us he remembers Ruysch, then an old man, and used to  carry letters between him

and Boerhaave.  Look through the history of  medicine from Boerhaave to this present day.  You will see at

once  that medical doctrine and practice have undergone a long series of  changes.  You will see that the

doctrine and practice of our own time  must probably change in their turn, and that, if we can trust at all  to the

indications of their course, it will be in the direction of an  improved hygiene and a simplified treatment.

Especially will the old  habit of violating the instincts of the sick give place to a  judicious study of these same

instincts.  It will be found that  bodily, like mental insanity, is best managed, for the most part, by  natural

soothing agencies.  Two centuries ago there was a  prescription for scurvy containing "stercoris taurini et

anserini  par, quantitas trium magnarum nucum," of the hellbroth containing  which "guotiescumque sitit

oeger, large bibit."  When I have  recalled the humane commonsense of Captain Cook in the matter of

preventing this disease; when I have heard my friend, Mr. Dana,  describing the avidity with which the

scurvystricken sailors snuffed  up the earthy fragrance of fresh raw potatoes, the food which was to  supply

the elements wanting to their spongy tissues, I have  recognized that the perfection of art is often a return to

nature,  and seen in this single instance the germ of innumerable beneficent  future medical reforms. 

I cannot help believing that medical curative treatment will by and  by resolve itself in great measure into

modifications of the food,  swallowed and breathed, and of the natural stimuli, and that less  will be expected

from specifics and noxious disturbing agents, either  alien or assimilable.  The noted mineralwaters

containing iron,  sulphur, carbonic acid, supply nutritious or stimulating materials to  the body as much as

phosphate of lime and ammoniacal compounds do to  the cereal plants.  The effects of a milk and vegetable

diet, of  gluten bread in diabetes, of codliver oil in phthisis, even of such  audacious innovations as the

watercure and the grapecure, are only  hints of what will be accomplished when we have learned to

discover  what organic elements are deficient or in excess in a case of chronic  disease, and the best way of

correcting the abnormal condition, just  as an agriculturist ascertains the wants of his crops and modifies  the

composition of his soil.  In acute febrile diseases we have long  ago discovered that far above all

drugmedication is the use of mild  liquid diet in the period of excitement, and of stimulant and  nutritious

food in that of exhaustion.  Hippocrates himself was as  particular about his barleyptisan as any Florence

Nightingale of our  time could be. 


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The generation to which you, who are just entering the profession,  belong, will make a vast stride forward, as

I believe, in the  direction of treatment by natural rather than violent agencies.  What  is it that makes the

reputation of Sydenham, as the chief of English  physicians?  His prescriptions consisted principally of

simples.  An  aperient or an opiate, a "cardiac" or a tonic, may be commonly found  in the midst of a somewhat

fantastic miscellany of garden herbs.  It  was not by his pharmaceutic prescriptions that he gained his great

name.  It was by daring to order fresh air for smallpox patients,  and riding on horseback for consumptives, in

place of the smothering  system, and the noxious and often loathsome rubbish of the  established schools.  Of

course Sydenham was much abused by his  contemporaries, as he frequently takes occasion to remind his

reader.  "I must needs conclude," he says, "either that I am void of merit, or  that the candid and ingenuous part

of mankind, who are formed with so  excellent a temper of mind as to be no strangers to gratitude, make a

very small part of the whole."  If in the fearless pursuit of truth  you should find the world as ungracious in the

nineteenth century as  he found it in the seventeenth, you may learn a lesson of self  reliance from another

utterance of the same illustrious physician:  "'T is none of my business to inquire what other persons think, but

to establish my own observations; in order to which, I ask no favor  of the reader but to peruse my writings

with temper." 

The physician has learned a great deal from the surgeon, who is  naturally in advance of him, because he has a

better opportunity of  seeing the effects of his remedies.  Let me shorten one of Ambroise  Pare's stories for

you.  There had been a great victory at the pass  of Susa, and they were riding into the city.  The wounded cried

out  as the horses trampled them under their hoofs, which caused good  Ambroise great pity, and made him

wish himself back in Paris.  Going  into a stable he saw four dead soldiers, and three desperately  wounded,

placed with their backs against the wall.  An old campaigner  came up. "Can these fellows get well?" he

said.  "No!" answered the  surgeon.  Thereupon, the old soldier walked up to them and cut all  their throats,

sweetly, and without wrath (doulcement et sans  cholere).  Ambroise told him he was a bad man to do such a

thing.  "I  hope to God;" he said, "somebody will do as much for me if I ever  get  into such a scrape" (accoustre

de telle facon).  "I was not much  salted in those days" (bien doux de sel), says Ambroise, "and little

acquainted with the treatment of wounds."  However, as he tells us,  he proceeded to apply boiling oil of

Sambuc (elder) after the  approved fashion of the time,with what torture to the patient may  be guessed.  At

last his precious oil gave out, and he used instead  an insignificant mixture of his own contrivance.  He could

not sleep  that night for fear his patients who had not been scalded with the  boiling oil would be poisoned by

the gunpowder conveyed into their  wounds by the balls.  To his surprise, he found them much better than  the

others the next morning, and resolved never again to burn his  patients with hot oil for gunshot wounds. 

This was the beginning, as nearly as we can fix it, of that reform  which has introduced plain waterdressings

in the place of the  farrago of external applications which had been a source of profit to  apothecaries and

disgrace to art from, and before, the time when  Pliny complained of them.  A young surgeon who was at

Sudley Church,  laboring among the wounded of Bull Run, tells me they had nothing but  water for dressing,

and he (being also doux de sel) was astonished to  see how well the wounds did under that simple treatment. 

Let me here mention a fact or two which may be of use to some of  you  who mean to enter the public service.

You will, as it seems, have  gunshot wounds almost exclusively to deal with.  Three different  surgeons, the

one just mentioned and two who saw the wounded of Big  Bethel, assured me that they found no sabrecuts or

bayonet wounds.  It is the riflebullet from a safe distance which pierces the breasts  of our soldiers, and not

the gallant charge of broad platoons and  sweeping squadrons, such as we have been in the habit of

considering  the chosen mode of warfare of ancient and modern chivalry. [Sir  Charles James Napier had the

same experience in Virginia in 1813.  "Potomac.  We have nasty sort of fighting here, amongst creeks and

bushes, and lose men without show."  "Yankee never shows himself, he  keeps in the thickest wood, fires and

runs off." These five  thousand in the open field might be attacked, but behind works it  would be throwing

away lives."  He calls it "an inglorious warfare,"  says one of the leaders is "a little deficient in

gumption,"but  still my opinion is, that if we tuck up our sleeves and lay our  ears back we might thrash

them; that is, if we caught them out of  their trees, so as to slap at them with the bayonet." Life, etc.  vol.  i.


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p.  218 et seq.] 

Another fact parallels the story of the old campaigner, and may  teach  some of you caution in selecting your

assistants.  A chaplain  told it  to two of our officers personally known to myself.  He  overheard the  examination

of a man who wished to drive one of the  "avalanche"  wagons, as they call them.  The man was asked if he

knew  how to deal  with wounded men.  "Oh yes," he answered; "if they're hit  here,"  pointing to the abdomen,

"knock 'em on the head,they can't  get  well." 

In art and outside of it you will meet the same barbarisms that  Ambroise Pare met with,for men differ less

from century to century  than we are apt to suppose; you will encounter the same opposition,  if you attack any

prevailing opinion, that Sydenham complained of.  So  far as possible, let not such experiences breed in you a

contempt  for  those who are the subjects of folly or prejudice, or foster any  love  of dispute for its own sake.

Should you become authors, express  your  opinions freely; defend them rarely.  It is not often that an  opinion

is worth expressing, which cannot take care of itself.  Opposition is  the best mordant to fix the color of your

thought in  the general  belief. 

It is time to bring these crowded remarks to a close.  The day has  been when at the beginning of a course of

Lectures I should have  thought it fitting to exhort you to diligence and entire devotion to  your tasks as

students.  It is not so now.  The young man who has not  heard the clarionvoices of honor and of duty now

sounding throughout  the land, will heed no word of mine.  In the camp or the city, in the  field or the hospital,

under sheltering roof, or halfprotecting  canvas, or open sky, shedding our own blood or stanching that of

our  wounded defenders, students or teachers, whatever our calling and our  ability, we belong, not to

ourselves, but to our imperilled country,  whose danger is our calamity, whose ruin would be our enslavement,

whose rescue shall be our earthly salvation! 

SCHOLASTIC AND BEDSIDE TEACHING.

An Introductory Lecture delivered before the Medical Class of  Harvard  University, November 6, 1867. 

The idea is entertained by some of our most sincere professional  brethren, that to lengthen and multiply our

Winter Lectures will be  of necessity to advance the cause of medical education.  It is a fair  subject for

consideration whether they do not overrate the relative  importance of that particular mode of instruction

which forms the  larger part of these courses. 

As this School could only lengthen its lecture term at the expense  of  its "Summer Session," in which more

direct, personal, and familiar  teaching takes the place of our academic discourses, and in which  more time

can be given to hospitals, infirmaries, and practical  instruction in various important specialties, whatever

might be  gained, a good deal would certainly be lost in our case by the  exchange. 

The most essential part of a student's instruction is obtained, as  I  believe, not in the lectureroom, but at the

bedside.  Nothing seen  there is lost; the rhythms of disease are learned by frequent  repetition; its unforeseen

occurrences stamp themselves indelibly in  the memory.  Before the student is aware of what he has acquired,

he  has learned the aspects and course and probable issue of the diseases  he has seen with his teacher, and the

proper mode of dealing with  them, so far as his master knows it.  On the other hand, our ex  cathedra

prelections have a strong tendency to run into details  which, however interesting they may be to ourselves

and a few of our  more curious listeners, have nothing in them which will ever be of  use to the student as a

practitioner.  It is a perfectly fair  question whether I and some other American Professors do not teach  quite

enough that is useless already.  Is it not well to remind the  student from time to time that a physician's

business is to avert  disease, to heal the sick, to prolong life, and to diminish  suffering?  Is it not true that the

young man of average ability will  find it as much as he can do to fit himself for these simple duties?  Is it not


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best to begin, at any rate, by making sure of such  knowledge as he will require in his daily walk, by no means

discouraging him from any study for which his genius fits him when he  once feels that he has become master

of his chosen art. 

I know that many branches of science are of the greatest value as  feeders of our medical reservoirs.  But the

practising physician's  office is to draw the healing waters, and while he gives his time to  this labor he can

hardly be expected to explore all the sources that  spread themselves over the wide domain of science.  The

traveller who  would not drink of the Nile until he had tracked it to its parent  lakes, would be like to die of

thirst; and the medical practitioner  who would not use the results of many laborers in other departments

without sharing their special toils, would find life far too short  and art immeasurably too long. 

We owe much to Chemistry, one of the most captivating as well as  important of studies; but the medical man

must as a general rule  content himself with a clear view of its principles and a limited  acquaintance with its

facts; such especially as are pertinent to his  pursuits.  I am in little danger of underrating Anatomy or

Physiology; but as each of these branches splits up into specialties,  any one of which may take up a scientific

lifetime, I would have  them taught with a certain judgment and reserve, so that they shall  not crowd the

more immediately practical branches.  So of all the  other ancillary and auxiliary kinds of knowledge, I would

have them  strictly subordinated to that particular kind of knowledge for which  the community looks to its

medical advisers. 

A medical school is not a scientific school, except just so far as  medicine itself is a science.  On the natural

history side, medicine  is a science; on the curative side, chiefly an art.  This is implied  in Hufeland's

aphorism: "The physician must generalize the disease  and individualize the patient." 

The coordinated and classified results of empirical observation, in  distinction from scientific experiment,

have furnished almost all we  know about food, the medicine of health, and medicine, the food of  sickness.

We eat the root of the Solanum tuberosum and throw away  its fruit; we eat the fruit of the Solanum

Lycopersicum and throw  away its root.  Nothing but vulgar experience has taught us to reject  the potato ball

and cook the tomato.  So of most of our remedies.  The  subchloride of mercury, calomel, is the great British

specific;  the  protochloride of mercury, corrosive sublimate, kills like  arsenic, but  no chemist could have told

us it would be so. 

>From observations like these we can obtain certain principles from  which we can argue deductively to facts

of a like nature, but the  process is limited, and we are suspicious of all reasoning in that  direction applied to

the processes of healthy and diseased life.  We  are continually appealing to special facts.  We are willing to

give  Liebig's artificial milk when we cannot do better, but we watch the  child anxiously whose wetnurse is a

chemist's pipkin.  A pair of  substantial mammary glands has the advantage over the two hemispheres  of the

most learned Professor's brain, in the art of compounding a  nutritious fluid for infants. 

The bedside is always the true centre of medical teaching.  Certain  branches must be taught in the

lectureroom, and will necessarily  involve a good deal that is not directly useful to the future  practitioner.

But the over ambitious and active student must not be  led away by the seduction of knowledge for its own

sake from his  principal pursuit.  The humble beginner, who is alarmed at the vast  fields of knowledge opened

to him, may be encouraged by the assurance  that with a very slender provision of science, in distinction from

practical skill, he may be a useful and acceptable member of the  profession to which the health of the

community is intrusted. 

To those who are not to engage in practice, the various pursuits of  science hardly require to be commended.

Only they must not be  disappointed if they find many subjects treated in our courses as a  medical class

requires, rather than as a scientific class would  expect, that is, with special limitations and constant reference

to  practical ends.  Fortunately they are within easy reach of the  highest scientific instruction.  The business of a


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school like this  is to make useful working physicians, and to succeed in this it is  almost as important not to

overcrowd the mind of the pupil with  merely curious knowledge as it is to store it with useful  information. 

In this direction I have written my lecture, not to undervalue any  form of scientific labor in its place, an

unworthy thought from which  I hope I need not defend myself,but to discourage any undue  inflation of the

scholastic programme, which even now asks more of  the student than the teacher is able to obtain from the

great  majority of those who present themselves for examination.  I wish to  take a hint in education from the

Secretary of the Massachusetts  Board of Agriculture, who regards the cultivation of too much land as  a great

defect in our New England farming.  I hope that our Medical  Institutions may never lay themselves open to

the kind of accusation  Mr. Lowe brings against the English Universities, when he says that  their education is

made up "of words that few understand and most  will shortly forget; of arts that can never be used, if indeed

they  can even be learnt; of histories inapplicable to our times; of  languages dead and even mouldy; of

grammatical rules that never had  living use and are only post mortem examinations; and of statements

fagoted with utter disregard of their comparative value." 

This general thought will be kept in view throughout my somewhat  discursive address, which will begin with

an imaginary clinical  lesson from the lips of an historical personage, and close with the  portrait from real life

of one who, both as teacher and practitioner,  was long loved and honored among us.  If I somewhat overrun

my hour,  you must pardon me, for I can say with Pascal that I have not had the  time to make my lecture

shorter. 

In the year 1647, that good man John Eliot, commonly called the  Apostle Eliot, writing to Mr. Thomas

Shepherd, the pious minister of  Cambridge, referring to the great need of medical instruction for the  Indians,

used these words: 

"I have thought in my heart that it were a singular good work, if  the  Lord would stirre up the hearts of some

or other of his people in  England to give some maintenance toward some Schoole or Collegiate  exercise this

way, wherein there should be Anatomies and other  instructions that way, and where there might be some

recompence given  to any that should bring in any vegetable or other thing that is  vertuous in the way of

Physick. 

"There is another reason which moves my thought and desires this  way,  namely that our young students in

Physick may be trained up  better  then they yet bee, who have onely theoreticall knowledge, and  are  forced to

fall to practise before ever they saw an Anatomy made,  or  duely trained up in making experiments, for we

never had but one  Anatomy in the countrey, which Mr. Giles Firman [Firmin] now in  England, did make and

read upon very well, but no more of that now." 

Since the time of the Apostle Eliot the Lord has stirred up the  hearts of our people to the building of many

Schools and Colleges  where medicine is taught in all its branches.  Mr. Giles Firmin's  "Anatomy " may be

considered the first ancestor of a long line of  skeletons which have been dangling and rattling in our

lecturerooms  for more than a century. 

Teaching in New England in 1647 was a grave but simple matter.  A  single person, combining in many cases,

as in that of Mr. Giles  Firmin, the offices of physician and preacher, taught what he knew to  a few disciples

whom he gathered about him.  Of the making of that  "Anatomy" on which my first predecessor in the branch I

teach" did  read very well" we can know nothing.  The body of some poor wretch  who had swung upon the

gallows, was probably conveyed by night to  some lonely dwelling at the outskirts of the village, and there by

the light of flaring torches hastily dissected by hands that trembled  over the unwonted task.  And ever and

anon the master turned to his  book, as he laid bare the mysteries of the hidden organs; to his  precious

Vesalius, it might be, or his figures repeated in the  multifarious volume of Ambroise Pare; to the Aldine

octavo in which  Fallopius recorded his fresh observations; or that giant folio of  Spigelius just issued from the


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press of Amsterdam, in which lovely  ladies display their viscera with a coquettish grace implying that it  is

rather a pleasure than otherwise to show the lacelike omentum,  and hold up their appendices epiploicae as if

they were saying "these  are our jewels." 

His teaching of medicine was no doubt chiefly clinical, and  received  with the same kind of faith as that which

accepted his words  from the  pulpit.  His notions of disease were based on what he had  observed,  seen always

in the light of the traditional doctrines in  which he was  bred.  His discourse savored of the weighty doctrines

of  Hippocrates,  diluted by the subtle speculations of Galen, reinforced  by the  curious comments of the

Arabian schoolmen as they were conveyed  in  the mellifluous language of Fernelius, blended, it may be, with

something of the lofty mysticism of Van Helmont, and perhaps stealing  a flavor of that earlier form of

Homoeopathy which had lately come to  light in Sir Kenelm Digby's "Discourse concerning the Cure of

Wounds  by the Sympathetic Powder." 

His Pathology was mythology.  A malformed foetus, as the readers of  Winthrop's Journal may remember, was

enough to scare the colonists  from their propriety, and suggest the gravest fears of portended  disaster.  The

student of the seventeenth century opened his Licetus  and saw figures of a lion with the head of a woman,

and a man with  the head of an elephant.  He had offered to his gaze, as born of a  human mother, the effigy of

a winged cherub, a pterocephalous  specimen, which our Professor of Pathological Anatomy would hardly

know whether to treat with the reverence due to its celestial aspect,  or to imprison in one of his immortalizing

jars of alcohol. 

His pharmacopoeia consisted mainly of simples, such as the  venerable  "Herball" of Gerard describes and

figures in abounding  affluence.  St. John's wort and Clown's Allheal, with Spurge and  Fennel, Saffron  and

Parsley, Elder and Snakeroot, with opium in some  form, and  roasted rhubarb and the Four Great Cold

Seeds, and the two  Resins, of  which it used to be said that whatever the Tacamahaca has  not cured,  the

Caranna will, with the more familiar Scammony and Jalap  and Black  Hellebore, made up a good part of his

probable list of  remedies.  He  would have ordered Iron now and then, and possibly an  occasional dose  of

Antimony.  He would perhaps have had a rheumatic  patient wrapped  in the skin of a wolf or a wild cat, and in

case of a  malignant fever  with "purples" or petechiae, or of an obstinate king's  evil, he might  have prescribed

a certain black powder, which had been  made by  calcining toads in an earthen pot; a choice remedy, taken

internally,  or applied to any outward grief. 

Except for the toadpowder and the peremptory drastics, one might  have borne up against this herb doctoring

as well as against some  more modern styles of medication.  Barbeyrac and his scholar Sydenham  had not yet

cleansed the Pharmacopoeia of its perilous stuff, but  there is no doubt that the more sensible physicians of

that day knew  well enough that a good honest herbtea which amused the patient and  his nurses was all that

was required to carry him through all common  disorders. 

The student soon learned the physiognomy of disease by going about  with his master; fevers, pleurisies,

asthmas, dropsies, fluxes,  smallpox, sorethroats, measles, consumptions.  He saw what was done  for them.

He put up the medicines, gathered the herbs, and so  learned something of materia medico and botany.  He

learned these few  things easily and well, for he could give his whole attention to  them.  Chirurgery was a

separate specialty.  Women in childbirth  were cared for by midwives.  There was no chemistry deserving the

name to require his study.  He did not learn a great deal, perhaps,  but what he did learn was his business,

namely, how to take care of  sick people. 

Let me give you a picture of the old=fashioned way of instruction,  by  carrying you with me in imagination in

the company of worthy Master  Giles Firmin as he makes his round of visits among the good folk of  Ipswich,

followed by his one student, who shall answer to the  scriptural name of Luke.  It will not be for entertainment

chiefly,  but to illustrate the one mode of teaching which can never be  superseded, and which, I venture to say,

is more important than all  the rest put together.  The student is a green hand, as you will  perceive. 


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In the first dwelling they come to, a stout fellow is bellowing  with  colic. 

"He will die, Master, of a surety, methinks," says the timid youth  in  a whisper. 

"Nay, Luke," the Master answers, "'t is but a dry bellyache.  Didst  thou not mark that he stayed his roaring

when I did press hard  over  the lesser bowels?  Note that he hath not the pulse of them with  fevers, and by

what Dorcas telleth me there hath been no long  shutting up of the vice naturales.  We will steep certain

comforting  herbs which I will shew thee, and put them in a bag and lay them on  his belly.  Likewise he shall

have my cordial julep with a portion of  this confection which we do call Theriaca Andromachi, which hath

juice of poppy in it, and is a great stayer of anguish.  This fellow  is at his prayers today, but I warrant thee he

shall be swearing  with the best of them tomorrow." 

They jog along the bridlepath on their horses until they come to  another lowly dwelling.  They sit a while

with a delicate looking  girl in whom the ingenuous youth naturally takes a special interest.  The good

physician talks cheerfully with her, asks her a few  questions.  Then to her mother: "Goodwife, Margaret hath

somewhat  profited, as she telleth, by the goat's milk she hath taken night and  morning.  Do thou pluck a

maniplethat is an handfulof the plant  called Maidenhair, and make a syrup therewith as I have shewed

thee.  Let her take a cup full of the same, fasting, before she sleepeth,  also before she riseth from her bed."

And so they leave the house. 

"What thinkest thou, Luke, of the maid we have been visiting?"  "She  seemeth not much ailing, Master,

according to my poor judgment.  For  she did say she was better.  And she had a red cheek and a bright  eye, and

she spake of being soon able to walk unto the meeting, and  did seem greatly hopeful, but spare of flesh,

methought, and her  voice something hoarse, as of one that hath a defluxion, with some  small coughing from a

cold, as she did say.  Speak I not truly,  Master, that she will be well speedily?" 

"Yea, Luke, I do think she shall be well, and mayhap speedily.  But  it is not here with us she shall be well.  For

that redness of the  cheek is but the sign of the fever which, after the Grecians, we do  call the hectical; and

that shining of the eyes is but a sickly  glazing, and they which do every day get better and likewise thinner

and weaker shall find that way leadeth to the churchyard gate.  This  is the malady which the ancients did call

tubes, or the wasting  disease, and some do name the consumption.  A disease whereof most  that fall ailing do

perish.  This Margaret is not long for earthbut  she knoweth it not, and still hopeth." 

"Why, then, Master, didst thou give her of thy medicine, seeing  that  her ail is unto death?" 

"Thou shalt learn, boy, that they which are sick must have somewhat  wherewith to busy their thoughts.  There

be some who do give these  tabid or consumptives a certain posset made with limewater and anise  and

liquorice and raisins of the sun, and there be other some who do  give the juice of crawfishes boiled in

barleywater with chicken  broth, but these be toys, as I do think, and ye shall find as good  virtue, nay

better, in this syrup of the simple called Maidenhair." 

Something after this manner might Master Giles Firmin have  delivered  his clinical instructions.  Somewhat in

this way, a century  and a  half later, another New England physician, Dr. Edward Augustus  Holyoke, taught a

young man who came to study with him, a very  diligent and intelligent youth, James Jackson by name, the

same whose  portrait in his advanced years hangs upon this wall, long the honored  Professor of Theory and

Practice in this Institution, of whom I shall  say something in this Lecture.  Our venerated Teacher studied

assiduously afterwards in the great London Hospitals, but I think he  used to quote his "old Master" ten times

where he quoted Mr. Cline or  Dr. Woodville once. 

When I compare this direct transfer of the practical experience of  a  wise man into the mind of a

student,every fact one that he can use  in the battle of life and death,with the far off, unserviceable


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"scientific" truths that I and some others are in the habit of  teaching, I cannot help asking myself whether, if

we concede that our  forefathers taught too little, there is nota possibility that we  may sometimes attempt to

teach too much.  I almost blush when I think  of myself as describing the eight several facets on two slender

processes of the palate bone, or the seven little twigs that branch  off from the minute tympanic nerve, and I

wonder whether my excellent  colleague feels in the same way when he pictures himself as giving  the

constitution of neurin, which as he and I know very well is that  of the hydrate of

trimethyleoxethyleammonium, or the formula for  the production of alloxan, which, though none but the

Professors and  older students can be expected to remember it, is C10 H4 N4 O6+ 2HO,  NO5}=C8 H4 N2

O10+2CO2+N2+NH4 O, NO5. 

I can bear the voice of some rough iconoclast addressing the  Anatomist and the Chemist in tones of

contemptuous indignation: "What  is this stuff with which you are cramming the brains of young men who  are

to hold the lives of the community in their hands?  Here is a man  fallen in a fit; you can tell me all about the

eight surfaces of the  two processes of the palate bone, but you have not had the sense to  loosen that man's

neckcloth, and the old women are all calling you a  fool?  Here is a fellow that has just swallowed poison.  I

want  something to turn his stomach inside out at the shortest notice.  Oh,  you have forgotten the dose of the

sulphate of zinc, but you remember  the formula for the production of alloxan!" 

"Look you, Master Doctor,if I go to a carpenter to come and stop  a  leak in my roof that is flooding the

house, do you suppose I care  whether he is a botanist or not?  Cannot a man work in wood without  knowing

all about endogens and exogens, or must he attend Professor  Gray's Lectures before he can be trusted to make

a boxtrap?  If my  horse casts a shoe, do you think I will not trust a blacksmith to  shoe him until I have made

sure that he is sound on the distinction  between the sesquioxide and the protosesquioxide of iron?" 

But my scientific labor is to lead to useful results by and by,  in  the next generation, or in some possible

remote future. 

"Diavolo!" as your Dr. Rabelais has it,answers the iconoclast,  "what is that to me and my colic, to me

and my strangury?  I pay the  Captain of the Cunard steamship to carry me quickly and safely to  Liverpool, not

to make a chart of the Atlantic for after voyagers!  If  Professor Peirce undertakes to pilot me into Boston

Harbor and  runs me  on Cohasset rocks, what answer is it to tell me that he is  Superintendent of the Coast

Survey?  No, Sir!  I want a plain man in  a peajacket and a sou'wester, who knows the channel of Boston

Harbor, and the rocks of Boston Harbor, and the distinguished  Professor is quite of my mind as to the matter,

for I took the pains  to ask him before I ventured to use his name in the way of  illustration." 

I do not know how the remarks of the imagebreaker may strike  others,  but I feel that they put me on my

defence with regard to much  of my  teaching.  Some years ago I ventured to show in an introductory  Lecture

how very small a proportion of the anatomical facts taught in  a regular course, as delivered by myself and

others, had any  practical bearing whatever on the treatment of disease.  How can I,  how can any medical

teacher justify himself in teaching anything that  is not like to be of practical use to a class of young men who

are to  hold in their hands the balance in which life and death, ease and  anguish, happiness and wretchedness

are to be daily weighed? 

I hope we are not all wrong.  Oftentimes in finding how sadly  ignorant of really essential and vital facts and

rules were some of  those whom we had been larding with the choicest scraps of science, I  have doubted

whether the old oneman system of teaching, when the one  man was of the right sort, did not turn out better

working physicians  than our more elaborate method.  The best practitioner I ever knew  was mainly shaped to

excellence in that way.  I can understand  perfectly the regrets of my friend Dr. John Brown of Edinburgh, for

the good that was lost with the old apprenticeship system.  I  understand as well Dr. Latham's fear "that many

men of the best  abilities and good education will be deterred from prosecuting physic  as a profession, in

consequence of the necessity indiscriminately  laid upon all for impossible attainments." 


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I feel therefore impelled to say a very few words in defence of  that  system of teaching adopted in our

Colleges, by which we wish to  supplement and complete the instruction given by private individuals  or by

what are often called Summer Schools. 

The reason why we teach so much that is not practical and in itself  useful, is because we find that the easiest

way of teaching what is  practical and useful.  If we could in any way eliminate all that  would help a man to

deal successfully with disease, and teach it by  itself so that it should be as tenaciously rooted in the memory,

as  easily summoned when wanted, as fertile in suggestion of related  facts, as satisfactory to the peremptory

demands of the intelligence  as if taught in its scientific connections, I think it would be our  duty so to teach

the momentous truths of medicine, and to regard all  useless additions as an intrusion on the time which

should be  otherwise occupied. 

But we cannot successfully eliminate and teach by itself that which  is purely practical.  The easiest and surest

why of acquiring facts  is to learn them in groups, in systems, and systematized knowledge is  science.  You

can very often carry two facts fastened together more  easily than one by itself, as a housemaid can carry two

pails of  water with a hoop more easily than one without it.  You can remember  a man's face, made up of many

features, better than you can his nose  or his mouth or his eyebrow.  Scores of proverbs show you that you

can remember two lines that rhyme better than one without the jingle.  The ancients, who knew the laws of

memory, grouped the seven cities  that contended for the honor of being Homer's birthplace in a line  thus

given by Aulus Gellius : 

Smurna, Rodos, Colophon, Salamin, Ios, Argos, Athenai. 

I remember, in the earlier political days of Martin Van Buren, that  Colonel Stone, of the "New York

Commercial," or one of his  correspondents, said that six towns of New York would claim in the  same way to

have been the birthplace of the "Little Magician," as he  was then called; and thus he gave their names, any

one of which I  should long ago have forgotten, but which as a group have stuck tight  in my memory from that

day to this; 

Catskill, Saugerties, Redhook, Kinderhook, Scaghticoke, Schodac. 

If the memory gains so much by mere rhythmical association, how  much  more will it gain when isolated facts

are brought together under  laws  and principles, when organs are examined in their natural  connections, when

structure is coupled with function, and healthy and  diseased action are studied as they pass one into the other!

Systematic, or scientific study is invaluable as supplying a natural  kind of mnemonics, if for nothing else.

You cannot properly learn  the facts you want from Anatomy and Chemistry in any way so easily as  by taking

them in their regular order, with other allied facts, only  there must be common sense exercised in leaving out

a great deal  which belongs to each of the two branches as pure science.  The  dullest of teachers is the one who

does not know what to omit. 

The larger aim of scientific training is to furnish you with  principles to which you will be able to refer

isolated facts, and so  bring these within the range of recorded experience.  See what the  "London Times" said

about the three Germans who cracked open John  Bull Chatwood's strongbox at the Fair the other day, while

the three  Englishmen hammered away in vain at Brother Jonathan Herring's.  The  Englishmen represented

brute force.  The Germans had been trained to  appreciate principle.  The Englishman "knows his business by

rote and  rule of thumb"science, which would "teach him to do in an hour what  has hitherto occupied him

two hours," "is in a manner forbidden to  him."  To this cause the "Times" attributes the falling off of  English

workmen in comparison with those of the Continent. 

Granting all this, we must not expect too much from "science" as  distinguished from common experience.

There are ten thousand  experimenters without special apparatus for every one in the  laboratory.  Accident is


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the great chemist and toxicologist.  Battle  is the great vivisector.  Hunger has instituted researches on food

such as no Liebig, no Academic Commission has ever recorded. 

Medicine, sometimes impertinently, often ignorantly, often  carelessly  called "allopathy," appropriates

everything from every  source that  can be of the slightest use to anybody who is ailing in  any way, or  like to

be ailing from any cause.  It learned from a monk  how to use  antimony, from a Jesuit how to cure agues, from

a friar how  to cut  for stone, from a soldier how to treat gout, from a sailor how  to  keep off scurvy, from a

postmaster how to sound the Eustachian  tube,  from a dairymaid how to prevent smallpox, and from an old

market  woman how to catch the itchinsect.  It borrowed acupuncture  and the  moxa from the Japanese

heathen, and was taught the use of  lobelia by  the American savage.  It stands ready today to accept  anything

from  any theorist, from any empiric who can make out a good  case for his  discovery or his remedy.  "Science"

is one of its  benefactors, but  only one, out of many.  Ask the wisest practising  physician you know,  what

branches of science help him habitually, and  what amount of  knowledge relating to each branch he requires

for his  professional  duties.  He will tell you that scientific training has a  value  independent of all the special

knowledge acquired.  He will tell  you  that many facts are explained by studying them in the wider range  of

related facts to which they belong.  He will gratefully recognize  that the anatomist has furnished him with

indispensable data, that  the physiologist has sometimes put him on the track of new modes of  treatment, that

the chemist has isolated the active principles of his  medicines, has taught him how to combine them, has from

time to time  offered him new remedial agencies, and so of others of his allies.  But he will also tell you, if I

am not mistaken, that his own branch  of knowledge is so extensive and so perplexing that he must accept

most of his facts ready made at their hands.  He will own to you that  in the struggle for life which goes on day

and night in our thoughts  as in the outside world of nature, much that he learned under the  name of science

has died out, and that simple homely experience has  largely taken the place of that scholastic knowledge to

which he and  perhaps some of his instructors once attached a paremount importance. 

This, then, is my view of scientific training as conducted in  courses  such as you are entering on.  Up to a

certain point I believe  in set  Lectures as excellent adjuncts to what is far more important,  practical instruction

at the bedside, in the operating room, and  under the eye of the Demonstrator.  But I am so far from wishing

these courses extended, that I think some of themsuppose I say my  ownwould almost bear curtailing.

Do you want me to describe more  branches of the sciatic and crural nerves?  I can take Fischer's  plates, and

lecturing on that scale fill up my whole course and not  finish the nerves alone.  We must stop somewhere, and

for my own part  I think the scholastic exercises of our colleges have already claimed  their full share of the

student's time without our seeking to extend  them. 

I trust I have vindicated the apparent inconsequence of teaching  young students a good deal that seems at first

sight profitless, but  which helps them to learn and retain what is profitable.  But this is  an inquisitive age, and

if we insist on piling up beyond a certain  height knowledge which is in itself mere trash and lumber to a man

whose life is to be one long fight with death and disease, there will  be some sharp questions asked by and by,

and our quickwitted people  will perhaps find they can get along as well without the professor's  cap as

without the bishop's mitre and the monarch's crown. 

I myself have nothing to do with clinical teaching.  Yet I do not  hesitate to say it is more essential than all the

rest put together,  so far as the ordinary practice of medicine is concerned; and this is  by far the most

important thing to be learned, because it deals with  so many more lives than any other branch of the

profession.  So of  personal instruction, such as we give and others give in the interval  of lectures, much of it at

the bedside, some of it in the laboratory,  some in the microscoperoom, some in the recitationroom, I think

it  has many advantages of its own over the winter course, and I do not  wish to see it shortened for the sake of

prolonging what seems to me  long enough already. 

If I am jealous of the tendency to expand the time given to the  acquisition of curious knowledge, at the

expense of the plain old  fashioned bedside teachings, I only share the feeling which Sydenham  expressed


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two hundred years ago, using an image I have already  borrowed.  "He would be no honest and successful pilot

who was to  apply himself with less industry to avoid rocks and sands and bring  his vessel safely home, than

to search into the causes of the ebbing  and flowing of the sea, which, though very well for a philosopher, is

foreign to him whose business it is to secure the ship.  So neither  will a physician, whose province it is to cure

diseases, be able to  do so, though he be a person of great genius, who bestows less time  on the hidden and

intricate method of nature, and adapting his means  thereto, than on curious and subtle speculation." 

"Medicine is my wife and Science is my mistress," said Dr. Rush.  I  do not think that the breach of the seventh

commandment can be shown  to have been of advantage to the legitimate owner of his affections.  Read what

Dr. Elisha Bartlett says of him as a practitioner, or ask  one of our own honored exprofessors, who studied

under him, whether  Dr. Rush had ever learned the meaning of that saying of Lord Bacon,  that man is the

minister and interpreter of Nature, or whether he did  not speak habitually of Nature as an intruder in the sick

room, from  which his art was to expel her as an incompetent and a meddler. 

All a man's powers are not too much for such a profession as  Medicine.  "He is a learned man," said old

Parson Emmons of Franklin,  "who understands one subject, and he is a very learned man who  understands

two subjects."  Schonbein says he has been studying  oxygen for thirty years.  Mitscherlich said it took fourteen

years to  establish a new fact in chemistry.  Aubrey says of Harvey, the  discoverer of the circulation, that

"though all his profession would  allow him to be an excellent anatomist, I have never heard of any who

admired his therapeutic way."  My learned and excellent friend before  referred to, Dr. Brown of Edinburgh,

from whose very lively and  sensible Essay, "Locke and Sydenham," I have borrowed several of my  citations,

contrasts Sir Charles Bell, the discoverer, the man of  science, with Dr. Abercrombie, the master in the

diagnosis and  treatment of disease.  It is through one of the rarest of  combinations that we have in our Faculty

a teacher on whom the  scientific mantle of Bell has fallen, and who yet stands preeminent  in the practical

treatment of the class of diseases which his  inventive and ardent experimental genius has illustrated.  M.

Brown  Sequard's example is as, eloquent as his teaching in proof of the  advantages of well directed

scientific investigation.  But those who  emulate his success at once as a discoverer and a practitioner must  be

content like him to limit their field of practice.  The highest  genius cannot afford in our time to forget the

ancient precept,  Divide et impera. 

"I suppose I must go and earn this guinea," said a medical man who  was sent for while he was dissecting an

animal.  I should not have  cared to be his patient.  His dissection would do me no good, and his  thoughts

would be too much upon it.  I want a whole man for my  doctor, not a half one.  I would have sent for a

humbler  practitioner, who would have given himself entirely to me, and told  the otherwho was no less a

man than John Hunterto go on and  finish the dissection of his tiger. 

Sydenham's "Read Don Quixote" should be addressed not to the  student,  but to the Professor of today.  Aimed

at him it means, "Do  not be too  learned. 

Do not think you are going to lecture to picked young men who are  training themselves to be scientific

discoverers.  They are of fair  average capacity, and they are going to be working doctors. 

These young men are to have some very serious vital facts to deal  with.  I will mention a few of them. 

Every other resident adult you meet in these streets is or will be  more or less tuberculous.  This is not an

extravagant estimate, as  very nearly one third of the deaths of adults in Boston last year  were from phthisis.  If

the relative number is less in our other  northern cities, it is probably in a great measure because they are  more

unhealthy; that is, they have as much, or nearly as much,  consumption, but they have more fevers or other

fatal diseases. 


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These heavyeyed men with the alcoholized brains, these pallid  youths  with the nicotized optic ganglia and

thinkingmarrows brown as  their  own meerschaums, of whom you meet too many,will ask all your

wisdom  to deal with their poisoned nerves and their enfeebled wills. 

Nearly seventeen hundred children under five years of age died last  year in this city.  A poor human article, no

doubt, in many cases,  still, worth an attempt to save them, especially when we remember the  effect of Dr.

Clarke's suggestion at the Dublin Hospital, by which  some twentyfive or thirty thousand children's lives

have probably  been saved in a single city. 

Again, the complaint is often heard that the native population is  not  increasing so rapidly as in former

generations.  The breeding and  nursing period of American women is one of peculiar delicacy and  frequent

infirmity.  Many of them must require a considerable  interval between the reproductive efforts, to repair

damages arid  regain strength.  This matter is not to be decided by an appeal to  unschooled nature.  It is the

same question as that of the deformed  pelvis,one of degree.  The facts of malvitalization are as much to  be

attended to as those of malformation.  If the woman with a  twisted pelvis is to be considered an exempt, the

woman with a  defective organization should be recognized as belonging to the  invalid corps.  We shudder to

hear what is alleged as to the  prevalence of criminal practices; if back of these there can be shown  organic

incapacity or overtaxing of too limited powers, the facts  belong to the province of the practical physician, as

well as of the  moralist and the legislator, and require his gravest consideration. 

Take the important question of bleeding.  Is venesection done with  forever?  Six years ago it was said here in

an introductory Lecture  that it would doubtless come back again sooner or later.  A fortnight  ago I found

myself in the cars with one of the most sensible and  esteemed practitioners in New England.  He took out his

wallet and  showed me two lancets, which he carried with him; he had never given  up their use.  This is a point

you will have to consider. 

Or, to mention one out of many questionable remedies, shall you  give  Veratrum Viride in fevers and

inflammations?  It makes the pulse  slower in these affections.  Then the presumption would naturally be  that it

does harm.  The caution with reference to it on this ground  was long ago recorded in the Lecture above

referred to.  See what Dr.  John Hughes Bennett says of it in the recent edition of his work on  Medicine.

Nothing but the most careful clinical experience can  settle this and such points of treatment. 

These are all practical questionsquestions of life and death, and  every day will be full of just such

questions.  Take the problem of  climate.  A patient comes to you with asthma and wants to know where  he can

breathe; another comes to you with phthisis and wants to know  where he can live.  What boy's play is nine

tenths of all that is  taught in many a pretentious course of lectures, compared with what  an accurate and

extensive knowledge of the advantages and  disadvantages of different residences in these and other

complaints  would be to a practising physician 

I saw the other day a gentleman living in Canada, who had spent  seven  successive winters in Egypt, with the

entire relief of certain  obscure thoracic symptoms which troubled him while at home.  I saw,  two months ago,

another gentleman from Minnesota, an observer and a  man of sense, who considered that State as the great

sanatorium for  all pulmonary complaints.  If half our grown population are or will  be more or less

tuberculous, the question of colonizing Florida  assumes a new aspect.  Even within the borders of our own

State, the  very interesting researches of Dr. Bowditch show that there is a  great variation in the amount of

tuberculous disease in different  towns, apparently connected with local conditions.  The hygienic map  of a

State is quite as valuable as its geological map, and it is the  business of every practising physician to know it

thoroughly.  They  understand this in England, and send a patient with a dry irritating  cough to Torquay or

Penzance, while they send another with relaxed  bronchial membranes to Clifton or Brighton.  Here is another

great  field for practical study. 


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So as to the allimportant question of diet.  "Of all the means of  cure at our command," says Dr. Bennett, "a

regulation of the quantity  and quality of the diet is by far the most powerful."  Dr. MacCormac  would perhaps

except the air we breathe, for he thinks that impure  air, especially in sleeping rooms, is the great cause of

tubercle.  It  is sufficiently proved that the American,the New Englander,the  Bostonian, can breed strong

and sound children, generation after  generation,nay, I have shown by the record of a particular family  that

vital losses may be retrieved, and a feeble race grow to lusty  vigor in this very climate and locality.  Is not the

question why our  young men and women so often break down, and how they can be kept  from breaking

down, far more important for physicians to settle than  whether there is one cranial vertebra, or whether there

are four, or  none? 

But I have a taste for the homologies, I want to go deeply into  the  subject of embryology, I want to analyze

the protonihilates  precipitated from pigeon's milk by the action of the lunar spectrum,  shall I not follow my

star,shall I not obey my instinct,shall I  not give myself to the lofty pursuits of science for its own sake? 

Certainly you may, if you like.  But take down your sign, or never  put it up.  That is the way Dr. Owen and Dr.

Huxley, Dr. Agassiz and  Dr. Jeffries Wyman, Dr. Gray and Dr. Charles T. Jackson settled the  difficulty.  We

all admire the achievements of this band of  distinguished doctors who do not practise.  But we say of their

work  and of all pure science, as the French officer said of the charge of  the six hundred at Balaclava, "C'est

magnifique, mais ce n'est pas la  guerre,"it is very splendid, but it is not a practising doctor's  business.  His

patient has a right to the cream of his life and not  merely to the thin milk that is left after "science " has

skimmed it  off.  The best a physician can give is never too good for the  patient. 

It is often a disadvantage to a young practitioner to be known for  any accomplishment outside of his

profession.  Haller lost his  election as Physician to the Hospital in his native city of Berne,  principally on the

ground that he was a poet.  In his later years the  physician may venture more boldly.  Astruc was sixtynine

years old  when he published his "Conjectures," the first attempt, we are told,  to decide the authorship of the

Pentateuch showing anything like a  discerning criticism.  Sir Benjamin Brodie was seventy years old  before

he left his physiological and surgical studies to indulge in  psychological speculations.  The period of pupilage

will be busy  enough in acquiring the knowledge needed, and the season of active  practice will leave little

leisure for any but professional studies. 

Dr. Graves of Dublin, one of the first clinical teachers of our  time,  always insisted on his students' beginning

at once to visit the  hospital.  At the bedside the student must learn to treat disease,  and just as certainly as we

spin out and multiply our academic  prelections we shall work in more and more stuffing, more and more

rubbish, more and more irrelevant, useless detail which the student  will get rid of just as soon as he leaves us.

Then the next thing  will be a new organization, with an examining board of firstrate  practical men, who will

ask the candidate questions that mean  business,who will make him operate if he is to be a surgeon, and  try

him at the bedside if he is to be a physician,and not puzzle  him with scientific conundrums which not more

than one of the  questioners could answer himself or ever heard of since he graduated. 

Or these women who are hammering at the gates on which is written  "No  admittance for the mothers of

mankind," will by and by organize an  institution, which starting from that skilful kind of nursing which

Florence Nightingale taught so well, will work backwards through  anodynes, palliatives, curatives,

preventives, until with little show  of science it imparts most of what is most valuable in those branches  of the

healing art it professes to teach.  When that time comes, the  fitness of women for certain medical duties,

which Hecquet advocated  in 1708, which Douglas maintained in 1736, which Dr. John Ware, long  the

honored Professor of Theory and Practice in this Institution,  upheld within our own recollection in the face of

his own recorded  opinion to the contrary, will very possibly be recognized. 

My advice to every teacher less experienced than myself would be,  therefore: Do not fret over the details you

have to omit; you  probably teach altogether too many as it is.  Individuals may learn a  thing with once hearing


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it, but the only way of teaching a whole  class is by enormous repetition, representation, and illustration in  all

possible forms.  Now and then you will have a young man on your  benches like the late Waldo Burnett,not

very often, if you lecture  half a century.  You cannot pretend to lecture chiefly for men like  that,a

Mississippi raft might as well take an oceansteamer in tow.  To meet his wants you would have to leave the

rest of your class  behind and that you must not do.  President Allen of Jefferson  College says that his

instruction has been successful in proportion  as it has been elementary.  It may be a humiliating statement, but

it  is one which I have found true in my own experience. 

To the student I would say, that however plain and simple may be  our  teaching, he must expect to forget

much which he follows  intelligently in the lectureroom.  But it is not the same as if he  had never learned it.

A man must get a thing before he can forget  it.  There is a great world of ideas we cannot voluntarily recall,

they are outside the limits of the will.  But they sway our conscious  thought as the unseen planets influence

the movements of those within  the sphere of vision.  No man knows how much he knows,how many  ideas

he has,any more than he knows how many bloodglobules roll in  his veins.  Sometimes accident brings

back here and there one, but  the mind is full of irrevocable remembrances and unthinkable  thoughts, which

take a part in all its judgments as indestructible  forces.  Some of you must feel your scientific deficiencies

painfully  after your best efforts.  But every one can acquire what is most  essential.  A man of very moderate

ability may be a good physician,  if he devotes himself faithfully to the work.  More than this, a  positively dull

man, in the ordinary acceptation of the term,  sometimes makes a safer practitioner than one who has, we will

say,  five per cent. more brains than his average neighbor, but who thinks  it is fifty per cent. more.  Skulls

belonging to this last variety of  the human race are more common, I may remark, than specimens like the

Neanderthal cranium, a cast of which you will find on the table in  the Museum. 

Whether the average talent be high or low, the Colleges of the land  must make the best commodity they can

out of such material as the  country and the cities furnish them.  The community must have Doctors  as it must

have bread.  It uses up its Doctors just as it wears out  its shoes, and requires new ones.  All the bread need not

be French  rolls, all the shoes need not be patent leather ones; but the bread  must be something that can be

eaten, and the shoes must be something  that can be worn.  Life must somehow find food for the two forces

that rub everything to pieces, or burn it to ashes,friction and  oxygen.  Doctors are oxydable products, and

the schools must keep  furnishing new ones as the old ones turn into oxyds; some of first  rate quality that

burn with a great light, some of a lower grade of  brilliancy, some honestly, unmistakably, by the grace of

God, of  moderate gifts, or in simpler phrase, dull. 

The public will give every honest and reasonably competent worker  in  the healing art a hearty welcome.  It is

on the whole very loyal to  the Medical Profession.  Three successive years have borne witness to  the feeling

with which this Institution, representing it in its  educational aspect, is regarded by those who are themselves

most  honored and esteemed.  The great Master of Natural Science bade the  last year's class farewell in our

behalf, in those accents which  delight every audience.  The Head of our ancient University honored  us in the

same way in the preceding season.  And how can we forget  that other occasion when the Chief Magistrate of

the Commonwealth,  that noble citizen whom we have just lost, largesouled, sweet  natured, always ready

for every kind office, came among us at our  bidding, and talked to us of our duties in words as full of wisdom

as  his heart was of goodness? 

You have not much to fear, I think, from the fancy practitioners.  The vulgar quackeries drop off, atrophied,

one after another.  Homoeopathy has long been encysted, and is carried on the body  medical as quietly as an

old wen.  Every year gives you a more  reasoning and reasonable people to deal with.  See how it is in

Literature.  The dynasty of British dogmatists, after lasting a  hundred years and more, is on its last legs.

Thomas Carlyle, third  in the line of descent, finds an audience very different from those  which listened to the

silver speech of Samuel Taylor Coleridge and  the sonorous phrases of Samuel Johnson.  We read him, we

smile at his  clotted English, his "swarmery" and other picturesque expressions,  but we lay down his tirade as

we do one of Dr. Cumming's  interpretations of prophecy, which tells us that the world is coming  to an end


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next week or next month, if the weather permits,not  otherwise,feeling very sure that the weather will be

unfavorable. 

It is the same commonsense public you will appeal to.  The less  pretension you make, the better they will

like you in the long run.  I  hope we shall make everything as plain and as simple to you as we  can.  I would

never use a long word, even, where a short one would  answer  the purpose.  I know there are professors in this

country who  "ligate"  arteries.  Other surgeons only tie them, and it stops the  bleeding  just as well.  It is the

familiarity and simplicity of  bedside  instruction which makes it so pleasant as well as so  profitable.  A  good

clinical teacher is himself a Medical School.  We  need not wonder  that our young men are beginning to

announce  themselves not only as  graduates of this or that College, but also as  pupils of some one

distinguished master. 

I wish to close this Lecture, if you will allow me a few moments  longer, with a brief sketch of an instructor

and practitioner whose  character was as nearly a model one in both capacities as I can find  anywhere

recorded. 

Dr. JAMES JACKSON, Professor of the Theory and Practice of Medicine  in this University from 1812 to

1846, and whose name has been since  retained on our rolls as Professor Emeritus, died on the 27th of  August

last, in the ninetieth year of his age.  He studied his  profession, as I have already mentioned, with Dr. Holyoke

of Salem,  one of the few physicians who have borne witness to their knowledge  of the laws of life by living

to complete their hundredth year.  I  think the student took his Old Master, as he always loved to call  him, as

his model; each was worthy of the other, and both were bright  examples to all who come after them. 

I remember that in the sermon preached by Dr. Grazer after Dr.  Holyoke's death, one of the points most

insisted upon as  characteristic of that wise and good old man was the perfect balance  of all his faculties.  The

same harmonious adjustment of powers, the  same symmetrical arrangement of life, the same complete

fulfilment of  every day's duties, without haste and without needless delay, which  characterized the master,

equally distinguished the scholar.  A  glance at the life of our own Old Master, if I can do any justice at  all to

his excellences, will give you something to carry away from  this hour's meeting not unworthy to be

remembered. 

>From December, 1797, to October, 1799, he remained with Dr.  Holyoke  as a student, a period which he has

spoken of as a most  interesting  and most gratifying part of his life.  After this he  passed eight  months in

London, and on his return, in October, 1800, he  began  business in Boston. 

He had followed Mr. Cline, as I have mentioned, and was competent  to  practise Surgery.  But he found Dr.

John Collins Warren had already  occupied the ground which at that day hardly called for more than one

leading practitioner, and wisely chose the Medical branch of the  profession.  He had only himself to rely

upon, but he had confidence  in his prospects, conscious, doubtless, of his own powers, knowing  his own

industry and determination, and being of an eminently  cheerful and hopeful disposition.  No better proof of

his spirit can  be given than that, just a year from the time when he began to  practise as a physician, he took

that eventful step which in such a  man implies that he sees his way clear to a position; he married a  lady

blessed with many gifts, but not bringing him a fortune to  paralyze his industry. 

He had not miscalculated his chances in life.  He very soon rose  into  a good practice, and began the founding

of that reputation which  grew  with his years, until he stood by general consent at the head of  his  chosen

branch of the profession, to say the least, in this city  and  in all this region of country.  His skill and wisdom

were the last  tribunal to which the sick and suffering could appeal.  The community  trusted and loved him, the

profession recognized him as the noblest  type of the physician.  The young men whom he had taught

wandered  through foreign hospitals; where they learned many things that were  valuable, and many that were

curious; but as they grew older and  began to think more of their ability to help the sick than their  power of


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talking about phenomena, they began to look back to the  teaching of Dr. Jackson, as he, after his London

experience, looked  back to that of Dr. Holyoke.  And so it came to be at last that the  bare mention of his name

in any of our medical assemblies would call  forth such a tribute of affectionate regard as is only yielded to

age  when it brings with it the record of a life spent in well doing. 

No accident ever carries a man to eminence such as his in the  medical  profession.  He who looks for it must

want it earnestly and  work for  it vigorously; Nature must have qualified him in many ways,  and  education

must have equipped him with various knowledge, or his  reputation will evaporate before it reaches the

noonday blaze of  fame.  How did Dr. Jackson gain the position which all conceded to  him?  In the answer to

this question some among you may find a key  that shall unlock the gate opening on that fair field of the

future  of which all dream but which not all will ever reach. 

First of all, he truly loved his profession.  He had no  intellectual  ambitions outside of it, literary, scientific or

political.  To him  it was occupation enough to apply at the bedside  the best of all that  he knew for the good of

his patient; to protect  the community against  the inroads of pestilence; to teach the young  all that he himself

had  been taught, with all that his own experience  had added; to leave on  record some of the most important

results of  his long observation. 

With his patients he was so perfect at all points that it is hard  to  overpraise him.  I have seen many noted

British and French and  American practitioners, but I never saw the man so altogether  admirable at the

bedside of the sick as Dr. James Jackson.  His smile  was itself a remedy better than the potable gold and the

dissolved  pearls that comforted the praecordia of mediaeval monarchs.  Did a  patient, alarmed without cause,

need encouragement, it carried the  sunshine of hope into his heart and put all his whims to flight, as  David's

harp cleared the haunted chamber of the sullen king.  Had the  hour come, not for encouragement, but for

sympathy, his face, his  voice, his manner all showed it, because his heart felt it.  So  gentle was he, so

thoughtful, so calm, so absorbed in the case before  him, not to turn round and look for a tribute to his

sagacity, not to  bolster himself in a favorite theory, but to find out all he could,  and to weigh gravely and

cautiously all that he found, that to follow  him in his morning visit was not only to take a lesson in the

healing  art, it was learning how to learn, how to move, how to look, how to  feel, if that can be learned.  To

visit with Dr. Jackson was a  medical education. 

He was very firm, with all his kindness.  He would have the truth  about his patients.  The nurses found it out;

and the shrewder ones  never ventured to tell him anything but a straight story.  A clinical  dialogue between

Dr. Jackson and Miss Rebecca Taylor, sometime nurse  in the Massachusetts General Hospital, a mistress in

her calling, was  as good questioning and answering as one would be like to hear  outside of the courtroom. 

Of his practice you can form an opinion from his book called  "Letters  to a Young Physician."  Like all

sensible men from the days  of  Hippocrates to the present, he knew that diet and regimen were more  important

than any drug or than all drugs put together.  Witness his  treatment of phthisis and of epilepsy.  He retained,

however, more  confidence in some remedial agents than most of the younger  generation would concede to

them.  Yet his materia medica was a  simple one. 

"When I first went to live with Dr. Holyoke," he says, "in 1797,  showing me his shop, he said, 'There seems

to you to be a great  variety of medicines here, and that it will take you long to get  acquainted with them, but

most of them are unimportant.  There are  four which are equal to all the rest, namely, Mercury, Antimony,

Bark  and Opium.'"  And Dr. Jackson adds, "I can only say of his practice,  the longer I have lived, I have

thought better and better of it."  When he thought it necessary to give medicine, he gave it in earnest.  He hated

halfpracticegiving a little of this or that, so as to be  able to say that one had done something, in case a

consultation was  held, or a still more ominous event occurred.  He would give opium,  for instance, as boldly

as the late Dr. Fisher of Beverly, but he  followed the aphorism of the Father of Medicine, and kept extreme

remedies for extreme cases. 


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When it came to the "nonnaturals," as he would sometimes call  them,  after the old physicians,namely,

air, meat and drink, sleep  and  watching, motion and rest, the retentions and excretions, and the  affections of

the mind,he was, as I have said, of the school of  sensible practitioners, in distinction from that vast

community of  quacks, with or without the diploma, who think the chief end of man  is to support

apothecaries, and are never easy until they can get  every patient upon a regular course of something nasty or

noxious.  Nobody was so precise in his directions about diet, air, and  exercise, as Dr. Jackson.  He had the

same dislike to the a peu pres,  the about so much, about so often, about so long, which I afterwards  found

among the punctilious adherents of the numerical system at La  Pitie. 

He used to insist on one small point with a certain philological  precision, namely, the true meaning of the

word "cure."  He would  have it that to cure a patient was simply to care for him.  I refer  to it as showing what

his idea was of the relation of the physician  to the patient.  It was indeed to care for him, as if his life were

bound up in him, to watch his incomings and outgoings, to stand guard  at every avenue that disease might

enter, to leave nothing to chance;  not merely to throw a few pills and powders into one pan of the  scales of

Fate, while Death the skeleton was seated in the other, but  to lean with his whole weight on the side of life,

and shift the  balance in its favor if it lay in human power to do it.  Such  devotion as this is only to be looked

for in the man who gives  himself wholly up to the business of healing, who considers Medicine  itself a

Science, or if not a science, is willing to follow it as an  art,the noblest of arts, which the gods and

demigods of ancient  religions did not disdain to practise and to teach. 

The same zeal made him always ready to listen to any new suggestion  which promised to be useful, at a

period of life when many men find  it hard to learn new methods and accept new doctrines.  Few of his

generation became so accomplished as he in the arts of direct  exploration; coming straight from the Parisian

experts, I have  examined many patients with him, and have had frequent opportunities  of observing his skill

in percussion and auscultation. 

One element in his success, a trivial one compared with others, but  not to be despised, was his punctuality.

He always carried two  watches,I doubt if he told why, any more than Dr. Johnson told what  he did with

the orangepeel,but probably with reference to this  virtue.  He was as much to be depended upon at the

appointed time as  the solstice or the equinox.  There was another point I have heard  him speak of as an

important rule with him; to come at the hour when  he was expected; if he had made his visit for several days

successively at ten o'clock, for instance, not to put it off, if be  could possibly help it, until eleven, and so keep

a nervous patient  and an anxious family waiting for him through a long, weary hour. 

If I should attempt to characterize his teaching, I should say that  while it conveyed the best results of his

sagacious and extended  observation, it was singularly modest, cautious, simple, sincere.  Nothing was for

show, for selflove; there was no rhetoric, no  declamation, no triumphant "I told you so," but the plain

statement  of a clearheaded honest man, who knows that he is handling one of  the gravest subjects that

interest humanity.  His positive  instructions were full of value, but the spirit in which he taught  inspired that

loyal love of truth which lies at the bottom of all  real excellence. 

I will not say that, during his long career, Dr. Jackson never made  an enemy.  I have heard him tell how, in his

very early days, old Dr.  Danforth got into a towering passion with him about some professional  consultation,

and exploded a monosyllable or two of the more  energetic kind on the occasion.  I remember that that

somewhat  peculiar personage, Dr. Waterhouse, took it hardly when Dr. Jackson  succeeded to his place as

Professor of Theory and Practice.  A young  man of Dr. Jackson's talent and energy could hardly take the

position  that belonged to him without crowding somebody in a profession where  three in a bed is the

common rule of the household.  But he was a  peaceful man and a peacemaker all his days.  No man ever did

more,  if so much, to produce and maintain the spirit of harmony for which  we consider our medical

community as somewhat exceptionally  distinguished. 


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If this harmony should ever be threatened, I could wish that every  impatient and irritable member of the

profession would read that  beautiful, that noble Preface to the "Letters," addressed to John  Collins Warren.  I

know nothing finer in the medical literature of  all time than this Prefatory Introduction.  It is a golden prelude,

fit to go with the three great Prefaces which challenge the  admiration of scholars,Calvin's to his Institutes,

De Thou's to his  History, and Casaubon's to his Polybius,not because of any learning  or rhetoric, though it

is charmingly written, but for a spirit  flowing through it to which learning and rhetoric are but as the  breath

that is wasted on the air to the Mood that warms the heart. 

Of a similar character is this short extract which I am permitted  to  make from a private letter of his to a dear

young friend.  He was  eightythree years old at the time of writing it. 

"I have not loved everybody whom I have known, but I have striven  to  see the good points in the characters

of all men and women.  At  first  I must have done this from something in my own nature, for I was  not  aware

of it, and yet was doing it without any plan, when one day,  sixty years ago, a friend whom I loved and

respected said this to me,  'Ah, James, I see that you are destined to succeed in the world, and  to make friends,

because you are so ready to see the good point in  the characters of those you meet.'" 

I close this imperfect notice of some features in the character of  this most honored and beloved of physicians

by applying to him the  words which were written of William Heberden, whose career was not  unlike his own,

and who lived to the same patriarchal age. 

"From his early youth he had always entertained a deep sense of  religion, a consummate love of virtue, an

ardent thirst after  knowledge, and an earnest desire to promote the welfare and happiness  of all mankind.  By

these qualities, accompanied with great sweetness  of manners, he acquired the love and esteem of all good

men, in a  degree which perhaps very few have experienced; and after passing an  active life with the uniform

testimony of a good conscience, he  became an eminent example of its influence, in the cheerfulness and

serenity of his latest age." 

Such was the man whom I offer to you as a model, young gentlemen,  at  the outset of your medical career.  I

hope that many of you will  recognize some traits of your own special teachers scattered through  various parts

of the land in the picture I have drawn.  Let me assure  you that whatever you may learn in this or any other

course of public  lectures,and I trust you will learn a great deal,the daily  guidance, counsel, example, of

your medical father, for such the Oath  of Hippocrates tells you to consider your preceptor, will, if he is  in any

degree like him of whom I have spoken, be the foundation on  which all that we teach is reared, and perhaps

outlive most of our  teachings, as in Dr. Jackson's memory the last lessons that remained  with him were those

of his Old Master. 

THE MEDICAL PROFESSION IN MASSACHUSETTS.

A Lecture of a Course by members of the Massachusetts Historical  Society, delivered before the Lowell

Institute, January 29, 1869. 

The medical history of eight generations, told in an hour, must be  in  many parts a mere outline.  The details I

shall give will relate  chiefly to the first century.  I shall only indicate the leading  occurrences, with the more

prominent names of the two centuries which  follow, and add some considerations suggested by the facts

which have  been passed in review. 

A geographer who was asked to describe the tides of Massachusetts  Bay, would have to recognize the

circumstance that they are a limited  manifestation of a great oceanic movement.  To consider them apart  from

this, would be to localize a planetary phenomenon, and to  provincialize a law of the universe.  The art of


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healing in  Massachusetts has shared more or less fully and readily the movement  which, with its periods of

ebb and flow, has been raising its level  from age to age throughout the better part of Christendom.  Its

practitioners brought with them much of the knowledge and many of the  errors of the Old World; they have

always been in communication with  its wisdom and its folly; it is not without interest to see how far  the new

conditions in which they found themselves have been favorable  or unfavorable to the growth of sound

medical knowledge and practice. 

The state of medicine is an index of the civilization of an age and  country,one of the best, perhaps, by

which it can be judged.  Surgery invokes the aid of all the mechanical arts.  From the rude  violences of the age

of stone,a relic of which we may find in the  practice of Zipporah, the wife of Moses,to the delicate

operations  of today upon patients lulled into temporary insensibility, is a  progress which presupposes a skill

in metallurgy and in the labors of  the workshop and the laboratory it has taken uncounted generations to

accumulate.  Before the morphia which deadens the pain of neuralgia,  or the quinine which arrests the fit of an

ague, can find their place  in our pharmacies, commerce must have perfected its machinery, and  science must

have refined its processes, through periods only to be  counted by the life of nations.  Before the means which

nature and  art have put in the hands of the medical practitioner can be fairly  brought into use, the prejudices

of the vulgar must be overcome, the  intrusions of false philosophy must be fenced out, and the  partnership

with the priesthood dissolved.  All this implies that  freedom and activity of thought which belong only to the

most  advanced conditions of society; and the progress towards this is by  gradations as significant of

widespread changes, as are the varying  states of the barometer of farextended conditions of the

atmosphere. 

Apart, then, from its special and technical interest, my subject  has  a meaning which gives a certain

importance, and even dignity, to  details in themselves trivial and almost unworthy of record.  A  medical entry

in Governor Winthrop's journal may seem at first sight  a mere curiosity; but, rightly interpreted, it is a key to

his whole  system of belief as to the order of the universe and the relations  between man and his Maker.

Nothing sheds such light on the  superstitions of an age as the prevailing interpretation and  treatment of

disease.  When the touch of a profligate monarch was a  cure for one of the most inveterate of maladies, when

the common  symptoms of hysteria were prayed over as marks of demoniacal  possession, we might well

expect the spiritual realms of thought to  be peopled with still stranger delusions. 

Let us go before the Pilgrims of the Mayflower, and look at the  shores on which they were soon to land.  A

wasting pestilence had so  thinned the savage tribes that it was sometimes piously interpreted  as having

providentially prepared the way for the feeble band of  exiles.  Cotton Mather, who, next to the witches, hated

the  "tawnies," " wild beasts," "bloodhounds," "rattlesnakes,"  "infidels," as in different places he calls the

unhappy Aborigines,  describes the condition of things in his lively way, thus:  "The  Indians in these Parts had

newly, even about a Year or Two  before,  been visited with such a prodigious Pestilence; as carried  away not

a  Tenth, but Nine Parts of Ten (yea't is said Nineteen of  Twenty) among  them so that the Woods were almost

cleared of those  pernicious  Creatures to make Room for a better Growth." 

What this pestilence was has been much discussed.  It is variously  mentioned by different early writers as "the

plague," "a great and  grievous plague," "a sore consumption," as attended with spots which  left unhealed

places on those who recovered, as making the "whole  surface yellow as with a garment."  Perhaps no disease

answers all  these conditions so well as smallpox.  We know from different sources  what frightful havoc it

made among the Indians in after years,in  1631, for instance, when it swept away the aboriginal inhabitants

of  whole towns," and in 1633.  We have seen a whole tribe, the Mandans,  extirpated by it in our own day.  The

word "plague" was used very  vaguely, as in the description of the "great sickness" found among  the Indians

by the expedition of 1622.  This same great sickness  could hardly have been yellow fever, as it occurred in the

month of  November.  I cannot think, therefore, that either the scourge of the  East or our Southern malarial

pestilence was the disease that wasted  the Indians.  As for the yellowness like a garment, that is too  familiar to

the eyes of all who have ever looked on the hideous mask  of confluent variola. 


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Without the presence or the fear of these exotic maladies, the  forlorn voyagers of the Mayflower had sickness

enough to contend  with.  At their first landing at Cape Cod, gaunt and hungry and  longing for fresh food, they

found upon the sandy shore "great  mussel's, and very fat and full of seapearl."  Sailors and  passengers

indulged in the treacherous delicacy; which seems to have  been the seaclam; and found that these mollusks,

like the shell the  poet tells of, remembered their august abode, and treated the way  worn adventurers to a

gastric reminiscence of the heaving billows.  In  the mean time it blew and snowed and froze.  The water turned

to  ice  on their clothes, and made them many times like coats of iron.  Edward  Tilley had like to have

"sounded" with cold.  The gunner, too,  was  sick unto death, but "hope of trucking" kept him on his feet,a

Yankee, it should seem, when he first touched the shore of New  England.  Most, if not all, got colds and

coughs, which afterwards  turned to scurvy, whereof many died. 

How can we wonder that the crowded and tempesttossed voyagers,  many  of them already suffering, should

have fallen before the trials  of  the first winter in Plymouth?  Their imperfect shelter, their  insufficient supply

of bread, their salted food, now in unwholesome  condition, account too well for the diseases and the mortality

that  marked this first dreadful season; weakness, swelling of the limbs,  and other signs of scurvy, betrayed

the want of proper nourishment  and protection from the elements.  In December six of their number  died, in

January eight, in February, seventeen, in March thirteen.  With the advance of spring the mortality

diminished, the sick and  lame began to recover, and the colonists, saddened but not  disheartened, applied

themselves to the labors of the opening year. 

One of the most pressing needs of the early colonists must have  been  that of physicians and surgeons.  In Mr.

Savage's remarkable  Genealogical Dictionary of the first settlers who came over before  1692 and their

descendants to the third generation, I find scattered  through the four crowded volumes the names of one

hundred and thirty  four medical practitioners.  Of these, twelve, and probably many  more, practised surgery;

three were barbersurgeons.  A little  incident throws a glimmer from the dark lantern of memory upon

William Direly, one of these practitioners with the razor and the  lancet.  He was lost between Boston and

Roxbury in a violent tempest  of wind and snow; ten days afterwards a son was born to his widow,  and with a

touch of homely sentiment, I had almost said poetry, they  called the little creature "Fathergone" Direly.  Six or

seven,  probably a larger number, were ministers as well as physicians, one  of whom, I am sorry to say, took

to drink and tumbled into the  Connecticut River, and so ended.  One was not only doctor, but also

schoolmaster and poet.  One practised medicine and kept a tavern.  One  was a butcher, but calls himself a

surgeon in his will, a union  of  callings which suggests an obvious pleasantry.  One female  practitioner,

employed by her own sex,Ann Moore,was the precursor  of that intrepid sisterhood whose cause it has

long been my pleasure  and privilege to advocate on all fitting occasions. 

Outside of this list I must place the name of Thomas Wilkinson, who  was complained of, is 1676, for

practising contrary to law. 

Many names in the catalogue of these early physicians have been  associated, in later periods, with the

practice of the profession,  among them, Boylston, Clark, Danforth, Homan, Jeffrey, Kittredge,  Oliver,

Peaslee, Randall, Shattuck, Thacher, Wellington, Williams,  Woodward.  Touton was a Huguenot, Burchsted a

German from Silesia,  Lunerus a German or a Pole; "Pighogg Churrergeon," I hope, for the  honor of the

profession, was only Peacock disguised under this alias,  which would not, I fear, prove very attractive to

patients. 

What doctrines and practice were these colonists likely to bring,  with them? 

Two principal schools of medical practice prevailed in the Old  World  during the greater part of the

seventeenth century.  The first  held  to the old methods of Galen: its theory was that the body, the  microcosm,

like the macrocosm, was made up of the four elements  fire, air, water, earth; having respectively the

qualities hot, dry,  moist, cold.  The body was to be preserved in health by keeping each  of these qualities in its


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natural proportion; heat, by the proper  temperature; moisture, by the due amount of fluid; and so as to the

rest.  Diseases which arose from excess of heat were to be attacked  by cooling remedies; those from excess of

cold, by heating ones; and  so of the other derangements of balance.  This was truly the  principle of contraries

contrariis, which illinformed persons have  attempted to make out to be the general doctrine of medicine,

whereas  there is no general dogma other than this: disease is to be treated  by anything that is proved to cure

it.  The means the Galenist  employed were chiefly diet and vegetable remedies, with the use of  the lancet and

other depleting agents.  He attributed the four  fundamental qualities to different vegetables, in four different

degrees; thus chicory was cold in the fourth degree, pepper was hot  in the fourth, endive was cold and dry in

the second, and bitter  almonds were hot in the first and dry in the second degree.  When we  say "cool as a

cucumber," we are talking Galenism.  The seeds of that  vegetable ranked as one of "the four greater cold

seeds" of this  system. 

Galenism prevailed mostly in the south of Europe and France.  The  readers of Moliere will have no difficulty

in recalling some of its  favorite modes of treatment, and the abundant mirth he extracted from  them. 

These Galenists were what we should call "herbdoctors" today.  Their insignificant infusions lost credit

after a time; their  absurdly complicated mixtures excited contempt, and their nauseous  prescriptions provoked

loathing and disgust.  A simpler and bolder  practice found welcome in Germany, depending chiefly on

mineral  remedies, mercury, antimony, sulphur, arsenic, and the use, sometimes  the secret use, of opium.

Whatever we think of Paracelsus, the chief  agent in the introduction of these remedies, and whatever limits

we  may assign to the use of these longtrusted mineral drugs, there can  be no doubt that the chemical school,

as it was called, did a great  deal towards the expurgation of the old, overloaded, and repulsive

pharmacopoeia.  We shall find evidence in the practice of our New  England physicians of the first century,

that they often employed  chemical remedies, and that, by the early part of the following  century, their chief

trust was in the few simple, potent drugs of  Paracelsus. 

We have seen that many of the practitioners of medicine, during the  first century of New England, were

clergymen.  This relation between  medicine and theology has existed from a very early period; from the

Egyptian priest to the Indian medicineman, the alliance has been  maintained in one form or another.  The

partnership was very common  among our British ancestors.  Mr. Ward, the Vicar of Stratfordon  Avon,

himself a notable example of the union of the two characters,  writing about 1660, says, 

"The Saxons had their bloodletters, but under the Normans  physicke,  begunne in England; 300 years agoe itt

was not a distinct  profession  by itself, but practised by men in orders, witness Nicholas  de  Ternham, the chief

English physician and Bishop of Durham; Hugh of  Evesham, a physician and cardinal; Grysant, physician

and pope; John  Chambers, Dr. of Physick, was the first Bishop of Peterborough; Paul  Bush, a bachelor of

divinitie in Oxford, was a man well read in  physick as well as divinitie, he was the first bishop of Bristol." 

"Again in King Richard the Second's time physicians and divines  were  not distinct professions; for one

Tydeman, Bishop of Landaph and  Worcester, was physician to King Richard the Second." 

This alliance may have had its share in creating and keeping up the  many superstitions which have figured so

largely in the history of  medicine.  It is curious to see that a medical work left in  manuscript by the Rev.

Cotton Mather and hereafter to be referred to,  is running over with follies and superstitious fancies; while his

contemporary and fellowtownsman, William Douglass, relied on the  same few simple remedies which,

through Dr. Edward Holyoke and Dr.  James Jackson, have come down to our own time, as the most

important  articles of the materia medica. 

Let us now take a general glance at some of the conditions of the  early settlers; and first, as to the

healthfulness of the climate.  The mortality of the season that followed the landing of the Pilgrims  at

Plymouth has been sufficiently accounted for.  After this, the  colonists seem to have found the new country


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agreeing very well with  their English constitutions.  Its clear air is the subject of eulogy.  Its dainty springs of

sweet water are praised not only by Higginson  and Wood, but even the mischievous Morton says, that for its

delicate  waters Canaan came not near this country."  There is a tendency to  dilate on these simple blessings,

which reminds one a little of the  Marchioness in Dickens's story, with her orangepeelandwater  beverage.

Still more does one feel the warmth of coloring,such as  we expect from converts to a new faith, and

settlers who want to  entice others over to their clearings, when Winslow speaks, in 1621,  of "abundance of

roses, white, red, and damask; single, but very  sweet indeed;" a most of all, however, when, in the same

connection,  he says, "Here are grapes white and red, and very sweet and strong  also."  This of our wild grape,

a little vegetable Indian, which  scalps a civilized man's mouth, as his animal representative scalps  his

cranium.  But there is something quite charming in Winslow's  picture of the luxury in which they are living.

Lobsters, oysters,  eels, mussels, fish and fowl, delicious fruit, including the grapes  aforesaid,if they only

had "kine, horses, and sheep," he makes no  question but men would live as contented here as in any part of

the  world.  We cannot help admiring the way in which they took their  trials, and made the most of their

blessings. 

"And how Content they were," says Cotton Mather, "when an Honest  Man,  as I have heard, inviting his

Friends to a Dish of Clams, at the  Table gave Thanks to Heaven, who had given them to suck the abundance

of the Seas, and of the Treasures Aid in the Sands!" 

Strangely enough, as it would seem, except for this buoyant  determination to make the best of everything,

they hardly appear to  recognize the difference of the climate from that which they had  left.  After almost three

years' experience, Winslow says, he can  scarce distinguish New England from Old England, in respect of

heat  and cold, frost, snow, rain, winds, etc.  The winter, he thinks (if  there is a difference), is sharper and

longer; but yet he may be  deceived by the want of the comforts he enjoyed at home.  He cannot  conceive any

climate to agree better with the constitution of the  English, not being oppressed with extremity of heats, nor

nipped by  biting cold : 

"By which means, blessed be God, we enjoy our health,  notwithstanding  those difficulties we have

undergone, in such a  measure as would have  been admired, if we had lived in England with  the like means." 

Edward Johnson, after mentioning the shifts to which they were put  for food, says, 

"And yet, methinks, our children are as cheerful, fat, and lusty,  with feeding upon those mussels, clams, and

other fish, as they were  in England with their fill of bread." 

Higginson, himself a dyspeptic, "continually in physic," as he  says,  and accustomed to dress in thick clothing,

and to comfort his  stomach  with drink that was "both strong and stale,"the "jolly good  ale and  old," I

suppose, of free and easy Bishop Still's song,found  that he  both could and did oftentimes drink New

England water very  well,  which he seems to look upon as a remarkable feat.  He could go  as  lightclad as

any, too, with only a light stuff cassock upon his  shirt, and stuff breeches without linings.  Two of his children

were  sickly: one,little misshapen Mary,died on the passage, and, in  her father's words, "was the first in

our ship that was buried in the  bowels of the great Atlantic sea;" the other, who had been "most  lamentably

handled" by disease, recovered almost entirely "by the  very wholesomeness of the air, altering, digesting, and

drying up the  cold and crude humors of the body."  Wherefore, he thinks it a wise  course for all cold

complexions to come to take physic in New  England, and ends with those often quoted words, that "a sup of

New  England's air is better than a whole draught of Old England's ale."  Mr. Higginson died, however, "of a

hectic fever," a little more than  a year after his arrival. 

The medical records which I shall cite show that the colonists were  not exempt from the complaints of the

Old World.  Besides the common  diseases to which their descendants are subject, there were two  others, to

say nothing of the dreaded smallpox, which later medical  science has disarmed,little known among us at


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the present day, but  frequent among the first settlers.  The first of these was the  scurvy, already mentioned, of

which Winthrop speaks in 1630, saying,  that it proved fatal to those who fell into discontent, and lingered

after their former conditions in England; the poor homesick creatures  in fact, whom we so forget in our florid

pictures of the early times  of the little band in the wilderness.  Many who were suffering from  scurvy got well

when the Lyon arrived from England, bringing store of  juice of lemons.  The Governor speaks of another case

in 1644; and it  seems probable that the disease was not of rare occurrence. 

The other complaint from which they suffered, but which has nearly  disappeared from among us, was

intermittent fever, or fever and ague.  I investigated the question as to the prevalence of this disease in  New

England, in a dissertation, which was published in a volume with  other papers, in the year 1838.  I can add

little to the facts there  recorded.  One which escaped me was, that Joshua Scottow, in "Old  Men's Tears,"

dated 1691, speaks of "shaking agues," as among the  trials to which they had been subjected.  The outline map

of New  England, accompanying the dissertation above referred to, indicates  all the places where I had

evidence that the disease had originated.  It was plain enough that it used to be known in many localities

where  it has long ceased to be feared.  Still it was and is remarkable to  see what a clean bill of health in this

particular respect our barren  soil inherited with its sterility.  There are some malarious spots on  the edge of

Lake Champlain, arid there have been some temporary  centres of malaria, within the memory of man, on one

or more of our  Massachusetts rivers, but these are harmless enough, for the most  part, unless the millers dam

them, when they are apt to retaliate  with a whiff from their meadows, that sets the whole neighborhood

shaking with fever and ague. 

The Pilgrims of the Mayflower had with them a good physician, a man  of standing, a deacon of their church,

one whom they loved and  trusted, Dr. Samuel Fuller.  But no medical skill could keep cold and  hunger and

bad food, and, probably enough, desperate homesickness in  some of the feebler sort, from doing their work.

No detailed record  remains of what they suffered or what was attempted for their relief  during the first sad

winter.  The graves of those who died were  levelled and sowed with grain that the losses of the little band

might not be suspected by the savage tenants of the wilderness, and  their story remains untold. 

Of Dr. Fuller's practice, at a later period, we have an account in  a  letter of his to Governor Bradford, dated

June, 1630.  "I have been  to Matapan" (now Dorchester), he says, "and let some twenty of those  people

blood."  Such wholesale depletion as this, except with avowed  homicidal intent, is quite unknown in these

days; though I once saw  the noted French surgeon, Lisfranc, in a fine phlebotomizing frenzy,  order some ten

or fifteen patients, taken almost indiscriminately, to  be bled in a single morning. 

Dr. Fuller's two visits to Salem, at the request of Governor  Endicott, seem to have been very satisfactory to

that gentleman.  Morton, the wild fellow of Merry Mount, gives a rather questionable  reason for the

Governor's being so well pleased with the physician's  doings.  The names under which he mentions the two

personages, it  will be seen, are not intended to be complimentary.  "Dr. Noddy did a  great cure for Captain

Littleworth.  He cured him of a disease called  a wife."  William Gager, who came out with Winthrop, is

spoken of as  "a right godly man and skilful chyrurgeon," but died of a malignant  fever not very long after his

arrival." 

Two practitioners of the ancient town of Newbury are entitled to  special notice, for different reasons.  The

first is Dr. John Clark,  who is said by tradition to have been the first regularly educated  physician who

resided in New England.  His portrait, in closefitting  skullcap, with long locks and venerable flowing

beard, is familiar  to our eyes on the wall of our Society's antechamber.  His left hand  rests upon a skull, his

right hand holds an instrument which deserves  a passing comment.  It is a trephine, a surgical implement for

cutting round pieces out of broken skulls, so as to get at the  fragments which have been driven in, and lift

them up.  It has a  handle like that of a gimlet, with a claw like a hammer, to lift  with, I suppose, which last

contrivance I do not see figured in my  books.  But the point I refer to is this: the old instrument, the  trepan,

had a handle like a wimble, what we call a brace or bit  stock.  The trephine is not mentioned at all in Peter


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Lowe's book,  London, 1634; nor in Wiseman's great work on Surgery, London, 1676;  nor in the translation of

Dionis, published by Jacob Tonson, in 1710.  In fact it was only brought into more general use by Cheselden

and  Sharpe so late as the beginning of the last century.  As John Clark  died in 1661, it is remarkable to see the

last fashion in the way of  skullsawing contrivances in his hands,to say nothing of the claw  on the handle,

and a Hey's saw, so called in England, lying on the  table by him, and painted there more than a hundred years

before Hey  was born.  This saw is an old invention, perhaps as old as  Hippocrates, and may be seen figured in

the "Armamentarium  Chirurgicum" of Scultetus, or in the Works of Ambroise Pare. 

Dr. Clark is said to have received a diploma before be came, for  skill in lithotomy.  He loved horses, as a good

many doctors do, and  left a good property, as they all ought to do.  His grave and noble  presence, with the few

facts concerning him, told with more or less  traditional authority, give us the feeling that the people of

Newbury, and afterwards of Boston, had a wise and skilful medical  adviser and surgeon in Dr. John Clark. 

The venerable town of Newbury had another physician who was less  fortunate.  The following is a court

record of 1652: 

"This is to certify whom it may concern, that we the subscribers,  being called upon to testify against doctor

William Snelling for  words by him uttered, affirm that being in way of merry discourse, a  health being drank

to all friends, he answered, 

    "I'll pledge my friends,

     And for my foes

     A plague for their heels

     And,'

[a similar malediction on the other extremity of their feet.] 

"Since when he hath affirmed that he only intended the proverb used  in the west country, nor do we believe

he intended otherwise. 

[Signed]

WILLIAM THOMAS.

THOMAS MILWARD.

"March 12th 1651, All which I acknowledge, and am sorry I did not  expresse my intent, or that I was so weak

as to use so foolish a  proverb. 

[Signed]  GULIELMUS SNELLING." 

Notwithstanding this confession and apology, the record tells us  that  "William Snelling in his presentment for

cursing is fined ten  shillings and the fees of court." 

I will mention one other name among those of the Fathers of the  medical profession in New England.  The

"apostle" Eliot says, writing  in 1647, "We never had but one anatomy in the country, which Mr.  Giles

Firman, now in England, did make and read upon very well." 

Giles Firmin, as the name is commonly spelled, practised physic in  this country for a time.  He seems to have

found it a poor business;  for, in a letter to Governor Winthrop, he says, "I am strongly sett  upon to studye

divinitie: my studyes else must be lost, for physick  is but a meene helpe." 

Giles Firmin's Lectures on Anatomy were the first scientific  teachings of the New World.  While the Fathers

were enlightened  enough to permit such instructions, they were severe in dealing with  quackery; for, in 1631,


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our court records show that one Nicholas  Knopp, or Knapp, was sentenced to be fined or whipped "for taking

upon him to cure the scurvey by a water of noe worth nor value, which  he solde att a very deare rate."  Empty

purses or sore backs would be  common with us today if such a rule were enforced. 

Besides the few worthies spoken of, and others whose names I have  not  space to record, we must remember

that there were many clergymen  who  took charge of the bodies as well as the souls of their patients,  among

them two Presidents of Harvard College, Charles Chauncy and  Leonard Hoar,and Thomas Thacher, first

minister of the "Old South,"  author of the earliest medical treatises printed in the country,[A  Brief Rule to

Guide the Common People in Small pox and  Measles.  1674.] whose epitaph in Latin and Greek, said to have

been  written by  Eleazer, an "Indian Youth" and a member of the Senior  Class of Harvard  College, may be

found in the "Magnalia."  I miss  this noble savage's  name in our triennial catalogue; and as there is  many a

slip between  the cup and lip, one is tempted to guess that he  may have lost his  degree by some display of his

native instinct,  possibly a flourish  of the tomahawk or scalpingknife.  However this  may have been, the

good man he celebrated was a notable instance of  the Angelical  Conjunction, as the author of the "Magnalia"

calls it,  of the offices  of clergyman and medical practitioner. 

Michael Wigglesworth, author of the "Day of Doom," attended the  sick,  "not only as a Pastor, but as a

Physician too, and this, not  only in  his own town, but also in all those of the vicinity."  Mather  says of  the sons

of Charles Chauncy, " All of these did, while they  had  Opportunity, Preach the Gospel; and most, if not all of

them, like  their excellent Father before them, had an eminent skill in physick  added unto their other

accomplishments," etc.  Roger Williams is said  to have saved many in a kind of pestilence which swept away

many  Indians. 

To these names must be added, as sustaining a certain relation to  the  healing art, that of the first Governor

Winthrop, who is said by  John  Cotton to have been "Help for our Bodies by Physick [and] for our  Estates by

Law," and that of his son, the Governor of Connecticut,  who, as we shall see, was as much physician as

magistrate. 

I had submitted to me for examination, in 1862, a manuscript found  among the Winthrop Papers, marked

with the superscription, "For my  worthy friend Mr. Wintrop," dated in 1643, London, signed Edward

Stafford, and containing medical directions and prescriptions.  It  may be remembered by some present that I

wrote a report on this  paper, which was published in the "Proceedings" of this Society.  Whether the paper

was written for Governor John Winthrop of  Massachusetts, or for his son, Governor John of Connecticut,

there is  no positive evidence that I have been able to obtain.  It is very  interesting, however, as giving short

and simple practical  directions, such as would be most like to be wanted and most useful,  in the opinion of a

physician in repute of that day. 

The diseases prescribed for are plague, smallpox, fevers, king's  evil, insanity, fallingsickness, and the like;

with such injuries as  broken bones, dislocations, and burning with gunpowder.  The remedies  are of three

kinds: simples, such as St. John's wort, Clown's all  heal, elder, parsley, maidenhair, mineral drugs, such as

lime,  saltpetre, Armenian bole, crocus metallorum, or sulphuret of  antimony; and thaumaturgic or mystical,

of which the chief is, "My  black powder against the plague, smallpox; purples, all sorts of  feavers; Poyson;

either, by Way of Prevention or after Infection."  This marvellous remedy was made by putting live toads into

an earthen  pot so as to half fill it, and baking and burning them "in the open  ayre, not in an

house,"concerning which latter possibility I  suspect Madam Winthrop would have had something to

say,until they  could be reduced by pounding, first into a brown, and then into a  black, powder.

Bloodletting in some inflammations, fasting in the  early stage of fevers, and some of those peremptory

drugs with which  most of us have been well acquainted in our time, the infragrant  memories of which I will

not pursue beyond this slight allusion, are  among his remedies. 


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The Winthrops, to one of whom Dr. Stafford's directions were  addressed, were the medical as well as the

political advisers of  their fellowcitizens for three or four successive generations.  One  of them, Governor

John of Connecticut, practised so extensively,  that, but for his more distinguished title in the State, he would

have been remembered as the Doctor.  The fact that he practised in  another colony, for the most part, makes

little difference in the  value of the records we have of his medical experience, which have  fortunately been

preserved, and give a very fair idea, in all  probability, of the way in which patients were treated in

Massachusetts, when they fell into intelligent and somewhat educated  hands, a little after the middle of the

seventeenth century: 

I have before me, while writing, a manuscript collection of the  medical cases treated by him, and recorded at

the time in his own  hand, which has been intrusted to me by our President, his  descendant. 

They are generally marked Hartford, and extend from the year 1657  to  1669.  From these, manuscripts, and

from the letters printed in the  Winthrop Papers published by our Society, I have endeavored to obtain  some

idea of the practice of Governor John Winthrop, Junior.  The  learned eye of Mr. Pulsifer would have helped

me, no doubt, as it has  done in other cases; but I have ventured this time to attempt finding  my own way

among the hieroglyphics of these old pages.  By careful  comparison of many prescriptions, and by the aid of

Schroder, Salmon,  Culpeper, and other old compilers, I have deciphered many of his  difficult paragraphs with

their mysterious recipes. 

The Governor employed a number of the simples dear to ancient  women,  elecampane and elder and

wormwood and anise and the rest; but  he  also employed certain mineral remedies, which he almost always

indicates by their ancient symbols, or by a name which should leave  them a mystery to the vulgar.  I am now

prepared to reveal the mystic  secrets of the Governor's beneficent art, which rendered so many good  and great

as well as so many poor and dependent people his debtors,  at least, in their simple belief,for their health

and their lives. 

His great remedy, which he gave oftener than any other, was nitre;  which he ordered in doses of twenty or

thirty grains to adults, and  of three grains to infants.  Measles, colics, sciatica, headache,  giddiness, and many

other ailments, all found themselves treated, and  I trust bettered, by nitre; a pretty safe medicine in moderate

doses,  and one not likely to keep the good Governor awake at night, thinking  whether it might not kill, if it

did not cure.  We may say as much  for spermaceti, which he seems to have considered "the sovereign'st  thing

on earth" for inward bruises, and often prescribes after falls  and similar injuries. 

One of the next remedies, in point of frequency, which he was in  the  habit of giving, was (probably

diaphoretic) antimony; a mild form  of  that very active metal, and which, mild as it was, left his  patients  very

commonly with a pretty strong conviction that they had  been  taking something that did not exactly agree with

them.  Now and  then  he gave a little iron or sulphur or calomel, but very rarely;  occasionally, a good, honest

dose of rhubarb or jalap; a taste of  stinging horseradish, oftener of warming guiacum; sometimes an  anodyne,

in the shape of mithridate,the famous old farrago, which  owed its virtue to poppy juice; [This is the

remedy which a Boston  divine tried to simplify.  See Electuarium Novum Alexipharmacum, by  Rev.  Thomas

Harward, lecturer at the Royal Chappell.  Boston, 1732.  This tract is in our Society's library.] very often, a

harmless  powder of coral; less frequently, an inert prescription of pleasing  amber; and (let me say it softly

within possible hearing of his  honored descendant), twice or oftener,let us hope as a last  resort,an

electuary of millipedes,sowbugs, if we must give them  their homely English name.  One or two other

prescriptions, of the  many unmentionable ones which disgraced the pharmacopoeia of the  seventeenth

century, are to be found, but only in very rare  instances, in the faded characters of the manuscript. 

The excellent Governor's accounts of diseases are so brief, that we  get only a very general notion of the

complaints for which he  prescribed.  Measles and their consequences are at first more  prominent than any

other one affection, but the common infirmities of  both sexes and of all ages seem to have come under his


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healing hand.  Fever and ague appears to have been of frequent occurrence. 

His published correspondence shows that many noted people were in  communication with him as his

patients.  Roger Williams wants a  little of his medicine for Mrs. Weekes's daughter; worshipful John  Haynes

is in receipt of his powders; troublesome Captain Underhill  wants "a little white vitterall" for his wife, and

something to cure  his wife's friend's neuralgia, (I think his wife's friend's husband  had a little rather have had

it sent by the hands of Mrs. Underhill,  than by those of the gallant and discursive captain); and pious John

Davenport says, his wife "tooke but one halfe of one of the papers"  (which probably contained the medicine

he called rubila), "but could  not beare the taste of it, and is discouraged from taking any more;"  and honored

William Leete asks for more powders for his "poore little  daughter Graciana, though he found it "hard to

make her take it,"  delicate, and of course sensitive, child as she was, languishing and  dying before her time,

in spite of all the bitter things she  swallowed,God help all little children in the hands of dosing  doctors and

howling dervishes!  Restless Samuel Gorton, now tamed by  the burden of fourscore and two years, writes so

touching an account  of his infirmities, and expresses such overflowing gratitude for the  relief he has obtained

from the Governor's prescriptions, wondering  how "a thing so little in quantity, so little in sent, so little in

taste, and so little to sence in operation, should beget and bring  forth such efects," that we repent our hasty

exclamation, and bless  the memory of the good Governor, who gave relief to the wornout  frame of our

longdeparted brother, the sturdy old heretic of Rhode  Island. 

What was that medicine which so frequently occurs in the printed  letters under the name of "rubila"?  It is

evidently a secret remedy,  and, so far as I know, has not yet been made out.  I had almost given  it up in

despair, when I found what appears to be a key to the  mystery.  In the vast multitude of prescriptions

contained in the  manuscripts, most of them written in symbols, I find one which I thus  interpret: 

"Four grains of (diaphoretic) antimony, with twenty grains of  nitre,  with a little salt of tin, making rubila."

Perhaps something  was  added to redden the powder, as he constantly speaks of "rubifying  "  or "viridating"

his prescriptions; a very common practice of  prescribers, when their powders look a little too much like plain

salt or sugar. 

Waitstill Winthrop, the Governor's son, "was a skilful physician,"  says Mr. Sewall, in his funeral sermon;

"and generously gave, not  only his advice, but also his Medicines, for the healing of the Sick,  which, by the

Blessing of God, were made successful for the recovery  of many."  "His son John, a member of the Royal

Society, speaks of  himself as "Dr. Winthrop," and mentions one of his own prescriptions  in a letter to Cotton

Mather.  Our President tells me that there was  an heirloom of the ancient skill in his family, within his own

remembrance, in the form of a certain precious eyewater, to which  the late President John Quincy Adams

ascribed rare virtue, and which  he used to obtain from the possessor of the ancient recipe. 

These inherited prescriptions are often treasured in families, I do  not doubt, for many generations.  When I

was yet of trivial age, and  suffering occasionally, as many children do, from what one of my  Cambridgeport

schoolmates used to call the "ager,"meaning thereby  toothache or faceache,I used to get relief from a

certain plaster  which never went by any other name in the family than "Dr. Oliver." 

Dr. James Oliver was my greatgreatgrandfather, graduated in 1680,  and died in 1703.  This was, no doubt,

one of his nostrums; for  nostrum, as is well known, means nothing more than our own or my own  particular

medicine, or other possession or secret, and physicians in  old times used to keep their choice recipes to

themselves a good  deal, as we have had occasion to see. 

Some years ago I found among my old books a small manuscript marked  "James Oliver.  This Book Begun

Aug. 12, 1685."  It is a rough sort  of accountbook, containing among other things prescriptions for  patients,

and charges for the same, with countercharges for the  purchase of medicines and other matters.  Dr. Oliver

practised in  Cambridge, where may be seen his tomb with inscriptions, and with  sculptured figures that look


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more like Diana of the Ephesians, as  given in Calmet's Dictionary, than like any angels admitted into good

society here or elsewhere. 

I do not find any particular record of what his patients suffered  from, but I have carefully copied out the

remedies he mentions, and  find that they form a very respectable catalogue.  Besides the usual  simples, elder,

parsley, fennel, saffron, snakeroot, wormwood, I  find the Elixir Proprietatis, with other elixire and cordials,

as if  he rather fancied warming medicines; but he called in the aid of some  of the more energetic remedies,

including iron, and probably mercury,  as he bought two pounds of it at one time. 

The most interesting item is his bill against the estate of Samuel  Pason of Roxbury, for services during his

last illness.  He attended  this gentleman,for such he must have been, by the amount of physic  which he

took, and which his heirs paid for,from June 4th, 1696, to  September 3d of the same year, three months.  I

observe he charges  for visits as well as for medicines, which is not the case in most of  his bills.  He opens the

attack with a carminative appeal to the  visceral conscience, and follows it up with good hardhitting

remedies for dropsy,as I suppose the disease would have been  called,and finishes off with a rallying

dose of hartshorn and iron. 

It is a source of honest pride to his descendant that his bill,  which  was honestly paid, as it seems to have been

honorably earned,  amounted to the handsome total of seven pounds and two shillings.  Let  me add that he

repeatedly prescribes plaster, one of which was  very  probably the "Dr. Oliver" that soothed my infant griefs,

and for  which  I blush to say that my venerated ancestor received from Goodman  Hancock the painfully

exiguous sum of no pounds, no shillings, and  sixpence. 

I have illustrated the practice of the first century, from the two  manuscripts I have examined, as giving an

impartial idea of its  everyday methods.  The Governor, Johannes Secundus, it is fair to  remember, was an

amateur practitioner, while my ancestor was a  professed physician.  Comparing their modes of treatment with

the  many scientific follies still prevailing in the Old World, and still  more with the extraordinary theological

superstitions of the  community in which they lived, we shall find reason, I think, to  consider the art of healing

as in a comparatively creditable state  during the first century of New England. 

In addition to the evidence as to methods of treatment furnished by  the manuscripts I have cited, I subjoin the

following document, to  which my attention was called by Dr. Shurtleff, our present Mayor.  This is a letter of

which the original is to be found in vol.  lxix.  page 10 of the "Archives" preserved at the State House in

Boston.  It  will be seen that what the surgeon wanted consisted chiefly of  opiates, stimulants, cathartics,

plasters, and materials for  bandages.  The complex and varied formulae have given place to  simpler and often

more effective forms of the same remedies; but the  list and the manner in which it is made out are proofs of

the good  sense and schooling of the surgeon, who, it may be noted, was in such  haste that he neglected all his

stops.  He might well be in a hurry,  as on the very day upon which he wrote, a great body of Indians

supposed to be six or seven hundredappeared before Hatfield; and  twentyfive resolute young men of

Hadley, from which town he wrote,  crossed the river and drove them away. 

HADLY May 30: 76 

Mr RAWSON Sr 

What we have recd by Tho: Houey the past month is not the cheifest  of  our wants as you have love for poor

wounded I pray let us not want  for these following medicines if you have not a speedy conveyance of  them I

pray send on purpose they are those things mentioned in my  former letter but to prevent future mistakes I

have wrote them att  large wee have great want with the greatest halt and speed let  us be  supplyed.  Sr  Yr Sert

WILL LOCHS 


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(Endorsed 

Mr. Lockes Letter Recd from the Governor 13 Jane acquainted ye  Council with it but could not obtaine any

thing to be sent in answer  thereto 13 June 1676 

I have given some idea of the chief remedies used by our earlier  physicians, which were both Galenic and

chemical; that is, vegetable  and mineral.  They, of course, employed the usual perturbing  medicines which

Montaigne says are the chief reliance of their craft.  There were, doubtless, individual practitioners who

employed special  remedies with exceptional boldness and perhaps success.  Mr. Eliot is  spoken of, in a letter

of William Leete to Winthrop, Junior, as being  under Mr. Greenland's mercurial administrations.  The latter

was  probably enough one of these specialists. 

There is another class of remedies which appears to have been  employed occasionally, but, on the whole, is

so little prominent as  to imply a good deal of common sense among the medical practitioners,  as compared

with the superstitions prevailing around them.  I have  said that I have caught the good Governor, now and

then, prescribing  the electuary of millipedes; but he is entirely excused by the almost  incredible fact that they

were retained in the materia medica so late  as when Rees's Cyclopaedia was published, and we there find the

directions formerly given by the College of Edinburgh for their  preparation.  Once or twice we have found

him admitting still more  objectionable articles into his materia medica; in doing which, I am  sorry to say that

he could plead grave and learned authority.  But  these instances are very rare exceptions in a medical practice

of  many years, which is, on the whole, very respectable, considering the  time and circumstances. 

Some remedies of questionable though not odious character appear  occasionally to have been employed by

the early practitioners, but  they were such as still had the support of the medical profession.  Governor John

Winthrop, the first, sends for East Indian bezoar, with  other commodities he is writing for.  Governor Endicott

sends him one  he had of Mr. Humfrey.  I hope it was genuine, for they cheated  infamously in the matter of

this concretion, which ought to come out  of an animal's stomach, but the real history of which resembles what

is sometimes told of modern sausages. 

There is a famous lawcase of James the First's time, in which a  goldsmith sold a hundred pounds' worth of

what he called bezoar,  which was proved to be false, and the purchaser got a verdict against  him.  Governor

Endicott also sends Winthrop a unicorn's horn, which  was the property of a certain Mrs. Beggarly, who, in

spite of her  name, seems to have been rich in medical knowledge and possessions.  The famous Thomas

Bartholinus wrote a treatise on the virtues of this  fabuloussounding remedy, which was published in 1641,

and  republished in 1678. 

The "antimonial cup," a drinking vessel made of that metal, which,  like our quassiawood cups, might be

filled and emptied in saecula  saeculorum without exhausting its virtues, is mentioned by Matthew  Cradock,

in a letter to the elder Winthrop, but in a doubtful way, as  it was thought, he says, to have shortened the days

of Sir Nathaniel  Riche; and Winthrop himself, as I think, refers to its use, calling  it simply "the cup."  An

antimonial cup is included in the inventory  of Samuel Seabury, who died 1680, and is valued at five

shillings.°  There is a treatise entitled "The Universall Remedy, or the Vertues  of the Antimoniall Cup, By

John Evans, Minister and Preacher of God's  Word, London, 1634," in our own Society's library. 

One other special remedy deserves notice, because of native growth.  I do not know when Culver's root,

Leptandra Virginica of our National  Pharmacopoeia, became noted, but Cotton Mather, writing in 1716 to

John Winthrop of New London, speaks of it as famous for the cure of  consumptions, and wishes to get some

of it, through his mediation,  for Katharine, his eldest daughter.  He gets it, and gives it to the  "poor damsel,"

who is languishing, as he says, and who dies the next  month,all the sooner, I have little doubt, for this

uncertain and  violent drug, with which the meddlesome pedant tormented her in that  spirit of wellmeant but

restless quackery, which could touch nothing  without making mischief, not even a quotation, and yet proved


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at  length the means of bringing a great blessing to our community, as we  shall see by and by; so does

Providence use our very vanities and  infirmities for its wise purposes. 

Externally, I find the practitioners on whom I have chiefly relied  used the plasters of Paracelsus, of melilot,

diachylon, and probably  diaphoenicon, all well known to the old pharmacopoeias, and some of  them to the

modern ones,to say nothing of "my yellow salve," of  Governor John, the second, for the composition of

which we must apply  to his respected descendant. 

The authors I find quoted are Barbette's Surgery, Camerarius on  Gout,  and Wecherus, of all whom notices

may be found in the pages of  Haller  and Vanderlinden; also, Reed's Surgery, and Nicholas Culpeper's

Practice of Physic and Anatomy, the last as belonging to Samuel  Seabury, chirurgeon, before mentioned.

Nicholas Culpeper was a  shrewd charlatan, and as impudent a varlet as ever prescribed for a  colic; but knew

very well what he was about, and badgers the College  with great vigor.  A copy of Spigelius's famous

Anatomy, in the  Boston Athenaeum, has the names of Increase and Samuel Mather written  in it, and was

doubtless early overhauled by the youthful Cotton, who  refers to the great anatomist's singular death, among

his curious  stories in the "Magnalia," and quotes him among nearly a hundred  authors whom he cites in his

manuscript "The Angel of Bethesda."  Dr.  John Clark's "books and instruments, with several chirurgery

materials in the closet," a were valued in his inventory at sixty  pounds; Dr. Matthew Fuller, who died in

1678, left a library valued  at ten pounds; and a surgeon's chest and drugs valued at sixteen  pounds.' 

Here we leave the first century and all attempts at any further  detailed accounts of medicine and its

practitioners.  It is necessary  to show in a brief glance what had been going on in Europe during the  latter part

of that century, the first quarter of which had been made  illustrious in the history of medical science by the

discovery of the  circulation. 

Charles Barbeyrac, a Protestant in his religion, was a practitioner  and teacher of medicine at Montpellier.  His

creed was in the way of  his obtaining office; but the young men followed his instructions  with enthusiasm.

Religious and scientific freedom breed in and in,  until it becomes hard to tell the family of one from that of

the  other.  Barbeyrac threw overboard the old complex medical farragos of  the pharmacopoeias, as his church

had disburdened itself of the  popish ceremonies. 

Among the students who followed his instructions were two  Englishmen:  one of them, John Locke,

afterwards author of an "Essay on  the Human  Understanding," three years younger than his teacher; the  other,

Thomas Sydenham, five years older.  Both returned to England.  Locke,  whose medical knowledge is borne

witness to by Sydenham, had  the good  fortune to form a correct opinion on a disease from which the  Earl of

Shaftesbury was suffering, which led to an operation that  saved his  life.  Less felicitous was his experience

with a certain  ancilla  culinaria virgo,which I am afraid would in those days have  been  translated

kitchenwench, instead of lady of the culinary  department,who turned him off after she had got tired of

him, and  called in another practitioner. [Locke and Sydenham, p. 124.  By John  Brown, M.  D.  Edinburgh,

1866.]  This helped, perhaps, to spoil a  promising doctor, and make an immortal metaphysician.  At any rate,

Locke laid down the professional wig and cane, and took to other  studies. 

The name of Thomas Sydenham is as distinguished in the history of  medicine as that of John Locke in

philosophy.  As Barbeyrac was found  in opposition to the established religion, as Locke took the rational  side

against orthodox Bishop Stillingfleet, so Sydenham went with  Parliament against Charles, and was never

admitted a Fellow by the  College of Physicians, which, after he was dead, placed his bust in  their hall by the

side of that of Harvey. 

What Sydenham did for medicine was briefly this he studied the  course  of diseases carefully, and especially

as affected by the  particular  season; to patients with fever he gave air and cooling  drinks,  instead of

smothering and heating them, with the idea of  sweating out  their disease; he ordered horseback exercise to


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consumptives; he,  like his teacher, used few and comparatively simple  remedies; he did  not give any drug at

all, if he thought none was  needed, but let well  enough alone.  He was a sensible man, in short,  who applied

his  common sense to diseases which he had studied with the  best light of  science that he could obtain. 

The influence of the reform he introduced must have been more or  less  felt in this country, but not much

before the beginning of the  eighteenth century, as his great work was not published until 1675,  and then in

Latin.  I very strongly suspect that there was not so  much to reform in the simple practice of the physicians of

the new  community, as there was in that of the learned bigwigs of the  "College," who valued their remedies

too much in proportion to their  complexity, and the extravagant and fantastic ingredients which went  to their

making. 

During the memorable century which bred and bore the Revolution,  the  medical profession gave great names

to our history.  But John  Brooks  belonged to the State, and Joseph Warren belongs to the country  and

mankind, and to speak of them would lead me beyond my limited  subject.  There would be little pleasure in

dwelling on the name of  Benjamin Church; and as for the medical politicians, like Elisha  Cooke in the early

part of the century, or Charles Jarvis, the bald  eagle of Boston, in its later years, whether their practice was

heroic or not, their patients were, for he is a bold man who trusts  one that is making speeches and coaxing

voters, to meddle with the  internal politics of his corporeal republic. 

One great event stands out in the medical history of this  eighteenth  century; namely, the introduction of the

practice of  inoculation for  smallpox.  Six epidemics of this complaint had  visited Boston in the  course of a

hundred years."  Prayers had been  asked in the churches  for more than a hundred sick in a single day,  and this

many times.  About a thousand persons had died in a  twelvemonth, we are told, and,  as we may infer, chiefly

from this  cause. 

In 1721, this disease, after a respite of nineteen years, again  appeared as an epidemic.  In that year it was that

Cotton Mather,  browsing, as was his wont, on all the printed fodder that came within  reach of his

evergrinding mandibles, came upon an account of  inoculation as practised in Turkey, contained in the

"Philosophical  Transactions."  He spoke of it to several physicians, who paid little  heed to his story; for they

knew his medical whims, and had probably  been bored, as we say nowadays, many of them, with listening

to his  "Angel of Bethesda," and satiated with his speculations on the  Nishmath Chajim. 

The Reverend Mather,I use a mode of expression he often employed  when speaking of his honored

brethren,the Reverend Mather was right  this time, and the irreverent doctors who laughed at him were

wrong.  One only of their number disputes his claim to giving the first  impulse to the practice, in Boston.  This

is what that person says:  "The SmallPox spread in Boston, New England, A.1721, and the  Reverend Dr.

Cotton Mather, having had the use of these  Communications from Dr. William Douglass " (that is, the writer

of  these words); surreptitiously, without the knowledge of his Informer,  that he might have the honour of a

New fangled notion, sets an  Undaunted Operator to work, and in this Country about 290 were  inoculated." 

All this has not deprived Cotton Mather of the credit of  suggesting,  and a bold and intelligent physician of the

honor of  carrying out,  the new practice.  On the twentyseventh day of June,  1721, Zabdiel  Boylston of

Boston inoculated his only son for  smallpox,the first  person ever submitted to the operation in the New

World.  The story  of the fierce resistance to the introduction of the  practice; of how  Boylston was mobbed,

and Mather had a handgrenade  thrown in at his  window; of how William Douglass, the Scotchman,  "always

positive, and  sometimes accurate," as was neatly said of him,  at once depreciated  the practice and tried to get

the credit of  suggesting it, and how  Lawrence Dalhonde, the Frenchman, testified to  its destructive

consequences; of how Edmund Massey, lecturer at St.  Albans, preached  against sinfully endeavoring to alter

the course of  nature by  presumptuous interposition, which he would leave to the  atheist and  the scoffer, the

heathen and unbeliever, while in the face  of his  sermon, afterwards reprinted in Boston, many of our New

England  clergy stood up boldly in defence of the practice,all this has been  told so well and so often that I


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spare you its details.  Set this  good hint of Cotton Mather against that letter of his to John  Richards,

recommending the search after witchmarks, and the  application of the waterordeal, which means throw

your grandmother  into the water, if she has a mole on her arm;if she swims, she is a  witch and must be

hanged; if she sinks, the Lord have mercy on her  soul! 

Thus did America receive this great discovery, destined to save  thousands of lives, via Boston, from the

hands of one of our own  Massachusetts physicians. 

The year 1735 was rendered sadly memorable by the epidemic of the  terrible disease known as "throat

distemper," and regarded by many as  the same as our "diphtheria."  Dr. Holyoke thinks the more general  use

of mercurials in inflammatory complaints dates from the time of  their employment in this disease, in which

they were thought to have  proved specially useful. 

At some time in the course of this century medical practice had  settled down on four remedies as its chief

reliance.  I must repeat  an incident which I have related in another of these Essays.  When  Dr. Holyoke, nearly

seventy years ago, received young Mr. James  Jackson as his student, he showed him the formidable array of

bottles, jars, and drawers around his office, and then named the four  remedies referred to as being of more

importance than all the rest  put together.  These were Mercury, Antimony, Opium, and Peruvian  Bark."  I

doubt if either of them remembered that, nearly seventy  years before, in 1730, Dr. William Douglass, the

disputatious  Scotchman, mentioned those same four remedies, in the dedication of  his quarrelsome essay on

inoculation, as the most important ones in  the hands of the physicians of his time. 

In the "Proceedings" of this Society for the year 1863 is a very  pleasant paper by the late Dr. Ephraim Eliot,

giving an account of  the leading physicians of Boston during the last quarter of the last  century.  The names of

Lloyd, Gardiner, Welsh, Rand, Bulfinch,  Danforth, John Warren, Jeffries, are all famous in local history, and

are commemorated in our medical biographies.  One of them, at least,  appears to have been more widely

known, not only as one of the first  aerial voyagers, but as an explorer in the almost equally hazardous  realm

of medical theory.  Dr. John Jeffries, the first of that name,  is considered by Broussais as a leader of medical

opinion in America,  and so referred to in his famous "Examen des Doctrines Medicales." 

Two great movements took place in this eighteenth century, the  effect  of which has been chiefly felt in our

own time; namely, the  establishment of the Massachusetts Medical Society, and the founding  of the Medical

School of Harvard University. 

The third century of our medical history began with the  introduction  of the second great medical discovery of

modern  times,of all time  up to that date, I may say,once more via Boston,  if we count the  University

village as its suburb, and once more by one  of our  Massachusetts physicians.  In the month of July, 1800, Dr.

Benjamin  Waterhouse of Cambridge submitted four of his own children to  the new  process of

vaccination,the first persons vaccinated, as Dr.  Zabdiel  Boylston's son had been the first person inoculated

in the New  World. 

A little before the first half of this century was completed, in  the  autumn of 1846, the great discovery went

forth from the  Massachusetts  General Hospital, which repaid the debt of America to  the science of  the Old

World, and gave immortality to the place of its  origin in the  memory and the heart of mankind.  The

production of  temporary  insensibility at willtuto, cito, jucunde, safely, quickly,  pleasantlyis one of those

triumphs over the infirmities of our  mortal condition which change the aspect of life ever afterwards.

Rhetoric can add nothing to its glory; gratitude, and the pride  permitted to human weakness, that our

Bethlehem should have been  chosen as the birthplace of this new embodiment of the divine mercy,  are all we

can yet find room for. 


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The present century has seen the establishment of all those great  charitable institutions for the cure of

diseases of the body and of  the mind, which our State and our city have a right to consider as  among the chief

ornaments of their civilization. 

The last century had very little to show, in our State, in the way  of  medical literature.  The worthies who took

care of our grandfathers  and greatgrandfathers, like the Revolutionary heroes, fought (with  disease) and bled

(their patients) and died (in spite of their own  remedies); but their names, once familiar, are heard only at rare

intervals.  Honored in their day, not unremembered by a few solitary  students of the past, their memories are

going sweetly to sleep in  the arms of the patient old drynurse, whose "blackdrop" is the  neverfailing

anodyne of the restless generations of men.  Except the  lively controversy on inoculation, and floating papers

in journals,  we have not much of value for that long period, in the shape of  medical records. 

But while the trouble with the last century is to find authors to  mention, the trouble of this would be to name

all that we find.  Of  these, a very few claim unquestioned preeminence. 

Nathan Smith, born in Rehoboth, Mass., a graduate of the Medical  School of our University, did a great work

for the advancement of  medicine and surgery in New England, by his labors as teacher and  author, greater, it

is claimed by some, than was ever done by any  other man.  The two Warrens, of our time, each left a large

and  permanent record of a most extended surgical practice.  James Jackson  not only educated a whole

generation by his lessons of wisdom, but  bequeathed some of the most valuable results of his experience to

those who came after him, in a series of letters singularly pleasant  and kindly as well as instructive.  John

Ware, keen and cautious,  earnest and deliberate, wrote the two remarkable essays which have  identified his

name, for all time, with two important diseases, on  which he has shed new light by his original observations. 

I must do violence to the modesty of the living by referring to the  many important contributions to medical

science by Dr. Jacob Bigelow,  and especially to his discourse on "Selflimited Diseases," an  address which

can be read in a single hour, but the influence of  which will be felt for a century. 

Nor would the profession forgive me if I forgot to mention the  admirable museum of pathological anatomy,

created almost entirely by  the hands of Dr. John Barnard Swett Jackson, and illustrated by his  own printed

descriptive catalogue, justly spoken of by a  distinguished professor in the University of Pennsylvania as the

most  important contribution which had ever been made in this country to  the branch to which it relates. 

When we look at the literature of mental disease, as seen in  hospital  reports and special treatises, we can

mention the names of  Wyman,  Woodward, Brigham, Bell, and Ray, all either natives of  Massachusetts  or

placed at the head of her institutions for the  treatment of the  insane. 

We have a right to claim also one who is known all over the  civilized  world as a philanthropist, to us as a

townsman and a  graduate of our  own Medical School, Dr. Samuel Gridley Howe, the guide  and benefactor  of

a great multitude who were born to a world of inward  or of outward  darkness. 

I cannot pass over in silence the part taken by our own physicians  in  those sanitary movements which are

assuming every year greater  importance.  Two diseases especially have attracted attention, above  all others,

with reference to their causes and prevention; cholera,  the "black death" of the nineteenth century, and

consumption, the  white plague of the North, both of which have been faithfully studied  and reported on by

physicians of our own State and city.  The  cultivation of medical and surgical specialties, which is fast

becoming prevalent, is beginning to show its effects in the  literature of the profession, which is every year

growing richer in  original observations and investigations. 

To these benefactors who have labored for us in their peaceful  vocation, we must add the noble army of

surgeons, who went with the  soldiers who fought the battles of their country, sharing many of  their dangers,


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not rarely falling victims to fatigue, disease, or the  deadly volleys to which they often exposed themselves in

the  discharge of their duties. 

The pleasant biographies of the venerable Dr. Thacher, and the  worthy  and kindhearted gleaner, Dr. Stephen

W.  Williams, who came  after  him, are filled with the names of men who served their  generation  well, and rest

from their labors, followed by the blessing  of those  for whom they endured the toils and fatigues inseparable

from  their  calling.  The hardworking, intelligent country physician more  especially deserves the gratitude of

his own generation, for he  rarely leaves any permanent record in the literature of his  profession.  Books are

hard to obtain; hospitals, which are always  centres of intelligence, are remote; thoroughly educated and

superior  men are separated by wide intervals; and long rides, though favorable  to reflection, take up much of

the time which might otherwise be  given to the labors of the study.  So it is that men of ability and  vast

experience, like the late Dr. Twitchell, for instance, make a  great and deserved reputation, become the oracles

of large districts,  and yet leave nothing, or next to nothing, by which their names shall  be preserved from

blank oblivion. 

One or two other facts deserve mention, as showing the readiness of  our medical community to receive and

adopt any important idea or  discovery.  The new science of Histology, as it is now called, was  first brought

fully before the profession of this country by the  translation of Bichat's great work, "Anatomie Generale," by

the late  Dr. George Hayward. 

The first work printed in this country on Auscultation,that  wonderful art of discovering disease, which, as

it were, puts a  window in the breast, through which the vital organs can be seen, to  all intents and purposes,

was the manual published anonymously by  "A  Member of the Massachusetts Medical Society." 

We are now in some slight measure prepared to weigh the record of  the  medical profession in Massachusetts,

and pass our judgment upon  it.  But inorder to do justice to the first generation of  practitioners,  we must

compare what we know of their treatment of  disease with the  state of the art in England, and the superstitions

which they saw all  around them in other departments of knowledge or  belief. 

English medical literature must have been at a pretty low ebb when  Sydenham recommended Don Quixote to

Sir Richard Blackmore for  professional reading.  The College Pharmacopoeia was loaded with the  most

absurd compound mixtures, one of the most complex of which (the  same which the Reverend Mr. Harward,

"Lecturer at the Royal Chappel  in Boston," tried to simplify, was not dropped until the year 1801.  Sir Kenelm

Digby was playing his fantastic tricks with the  Sympathetic powder, and teaching Governor Winthrop, the

second, how  to cure fever and ague, which some may like to know.  "Pare the  patient's nails; put the parings in

a little bag, and hang the bag  round the neck of a live eel, and put him in a tub of water.  The eel  will die, and

the patient will recover." 

Wiseman, the great surgeon, was discoursing eloquently on the  efficacy of the royal touch in scrofula.  The

founder of the  Ashmolean Museum at Oxford, consorting with alchemists and  astrologers, was treasuring the

manuscripts of the late pious Dr.  Richard Napier, in which certain letters (Rx Ris) were understood to  mean

Responsum Raphaelis,the answer of the angel Raphael to the  good man's medical questions.  The

illustrious Robert Boyle was  making his collection of choice and safe remedies, including the sole  of an old

shoe,  the thigh bone of a hanged man, and things far worse  than these, as articles of his materia medica.  Dr.

Stafford, whose  paper of directions to his "friend, Mr. Wintrop," I cited, was  probably a man of standing in

London; yet toadpowder was his  sovereign remedy. 

See what was the state of belief in other matters among the most  intelligent persons of the colonies,

magistrates and clergymen.  Jonathan Brewster, son of the churchelder, writes the wildest  letters to John

Winthrop about alchemy,mad for making gold as the  Lynn rockborers are for finding it." 


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Remember the theology and the diabology of the time.  Mr. Cotton's  Theocracy was a royal government, with

the King of kings as its  nominal head, but with an upper chamber of saints, and a tremendous  opposition in

the lower house; the leader of which may have been  equalled, but cannot have been surpassed by any of our

earthborn  politicians.  The demons were prowling round the houses every night,  as the foxes were sneaking

about the henroosts.  The men of  Gloucester fired whole flasks of gunpowder at devils disguised as  Indians

and Frenchmen. 

How deeply the notion of miraculous interference with the course of  nature was rooted, is shown by the

tenacity of the superstition about  earthquakes.  We can hardly believe that our Professor Winthrop,  father of

the old judge and the "squire," whom many of us Cambridge  people remember so well, had to defend himself

against the learned  and excellent Dr. Prince, of the Old South Church, for discussing  their phenomena as if

they belonged to the province of natural  science: 

Not for the sake of degrading the aspect of the noble men who  founded  our State, do I refer to their idle

beliefs and painful  delusions,  but to show against what influences the common sense of the  medical

profession had to assert itself. 

Think, then, of the blazing stars, that shook their horrid hair in  the sky; the phantom ship, that brought its

message direct from the  other world; the story of the mouse and the snake at Watertown;  of  the mice and the

prayerbook;  of the snake in church; of the calf  with two heads; and of the cabbage in the perfect form of a

cutlash,  all which innocent occurrences were accepted or feared as alarming  portents. 

We can smile at these: but we cannot smile at the account of  unhappy  Mary Dyer's malformed offspring;  or

of Mrs.  Hutchinson's  domestic  misfortune of similar character, in the story of which the  physician,  Dr. John

Clark of Rhode Island, alone appears to advantage;  or as we  read the Rev. Samuel Willard's fifteen alarming

pages about  an  unfortunate young woman suffering with hysteria.  Or go a little  deeper into tragedy, and see

poor Dorothy Talby, mad as Ophelia,  first admonished, then whipped; at last, taking her own little  daughter's

life; put on trial, and standing mute, threatened to be  pressed to death, confessing, sentenced, praying to be

beheaded; and  none the less pitilessly swung from the fatal ladder. 

The cooper's crazy wifecrazy in the belief that she has committed  the unpardonable sintries to drown

her child, to save it from  misery; and the poor lunatic, who would be tenderly cared for today  in a quiet

asylum, is judged to be acting under the instigation of  Satan himself."  Yet, after all, what can we say, who put

Bunyan's  "Pilgrim's Progress," full of nightmare dreams of horror, into all  our children's hands; a story in

which the awful image of the man in  the cage might well turn the nursery where it is read into a  madhouse? 

The miserable delusion of witchcraft illustrates, in a still more  impressive way, the false ideas which

governed the supposed relation  of men with the spiritual world.  I have no doubt many physicians  shared in

these superstitions.  Mr. Upham says theythat is, some of  themwere in the habit of attributing their want

of success to the  fact, that an "evil hand" was on their patient.  The temptation was  strong, no doubt, when

magistrates and ministers and all that  followed their lead were contented with such an explanation.  But how

was it in Salem, according to Mr. Upham's own statement?  Dr. John  Swinnerton was, he says, for many years

the principal physician of  Salem.  And he says, also, "The Swinnerton family were all along  opposed to Mr.

Parris, and kept remarkably clear from the witchcraft  delusion."  Dr. John Swinnertonthe same, by the way,

whose memory  is illuminated by a ray from the genius of Hawthornedied the very  year before the great

witchcraft explosion took place.  But who can  doubt that it was from him that the family had learned to

despise and  to resist the base superstition; or that Bridget Bishop, whose house  he rented, as Mr. Upham tells

me, the first person hanged in the time  of the delusion, would have found an efficient protector in her  tenant,

had he been living, to head the opposition of his family to  the misguided clergymen and magistrates? 


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I cannot doubt that our early physicians brought with them many  Old  World medical superstitions, and I

have no question that they  were  more or less involved in the prevailing errors of the community  in  which they

lived.  But, on the whole, their record is a clean one,  so  far as we can get at it; and where it is questionable we

must  remember that there must have been many littleeducated persons among  them; and that all must have

felt, to some extent, the influence of  those sincere and devoted but unsafe men, the physicpractising

clergymen, who often used spiritual means as a substitute for  temporal ones, who looked upon a hysteric

patient as possessed by the  devil, and treated a fractured skull by prayers and plasters,  following the advice of

a ruling elder in opposition to the unanimous  opinion of seven surgeons." 

To what results the union of the two professions was liable to  lead,  may be seen by the example of a learned

and famous person, who  has  left on record the product of his labors in the double capacity of  clergyman and

physician. 

I have had the privilege of examining a manuscript of Cotton  Mather's  relating to medicine, by the kindness

of the librarian of the  American Antiquarian Society, to which society it belongs.  A brief  notice of this

curious document may prove not uninteresting. 

It is entitled "The Angel of Bethesda: an Essay upon the Common  Maladies of Mankind, offering, first, the

sentiments of Piety," etc.,  etc., and "a collection of plain but potent and Approved REMEDIES for  the

Maladies."  There are sixtysix "Capsula's," as he calls them, or  chapters, in his table of contents; of which,

fivefrom the  fifteenth to the nineteenth, inclusiveare missing.  This is a most  unfortunate loss, as the

eighteenth capsula treated of agues, and we  could have learned from it something of their degree of frequency

in  this part of New England.  There is no date to the manuscript; which,  however, refers to a case observed

Nov. 14, 1724. 

The divine takes precedence of the physician in this extraordinary  production.  He begins by preaching a

sermon at his unfortunate  patient.  Having thrown him into a cold sweat by his spiritual  sudorific, he attacks

him with his material remedies, which are often  quite as unpalatable.  The simple and cleanly practice of

Sydenham,  with whose works he was acquainted, seems to have been thrown away  upon him.  Everything he

could find mentioned in the seventy or  eighty authors he cites, all that the old women of both sexes had  ever

told him of, gets into his text, or squeezes itself into his  margin. 

Evolving disease out of sin, he hates it, one would say, as he  hates  its cause, and would drive it out of the

body with all noisome  appliances.  "Sickness is in Fact Flagellum Dei pro peccatis mundi."  So saying, he

encourages the young mother whose babe is wasting away  upon her breast with these reflections: 

"Think; oh the grievous Effects of Sin!  This wretched Infant has  not  arrived unto years of sense enough, to

sin after the similitude of  the transgression committed by Adam.  Nevertheless the Transgression  of Adam,

who had all mankind Foederally, yea, Naturally, in him, has  involved this Infant in the guilt of it.  And the

poison of the old  serpent, which infected Adam when he fell into his Transgression, by  hearkening to the

Tempter, has corrupted all mankind, and is a seed  unto such diseases as this Infant is now laboring under.

Lord, what  are we, and what are our children, but a Generation of Vipers?" 

Many of his remedies are at least harmless, but his pedantry and  utter want of judgment betray themselves

everywhere.  He piles his  prescriptions one upon another, without the least discrimination.  He  is run away

with by all sorts of fancies and superstitions.  He  prescribes euphrasia, eyebright, for disease of the eyes;

appealing  confidently to the strange old doctrine of signatures, which inferred  its use from the resemblance of

its flower to the organ of vision.  For the scattering of wens,  the efficacy of a Dead Hand has been out  of

measure wonderful.  But when he once comes to the odious class of  remedies, he revels in them like a

scarabeus.  This allusion will  bring us quite near enough to the inconceivable abominations with  which he

proposed to outrage the sinful stomachs of the unhappy  confederates and accomplices of Adam. 


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It is well that the treatise was never printed, yet there are  passages in it worth preserving.  He speaks of some

remedies which  have since become more universally known: 

"Among the plants of our soyl, Sir William Temple singles out Five  [Six] as being of the greatest virtue and

most friendly to health:  and his favorite plants, Sage, Rue, Saffron, Alehoof, Garlick, and  Elder." 

"But these Five [Six] plants may admitt of some competitors.  The  QUINQUINAHow celebrated:

Immoderately, Hyperbolically celebrated!" 

Of Ipecacuanha, he says,  "This is now in its reign; the most  fashionable vomit." 

"I am not sorry that antimonial emetics begin to be disused." 

He quotes "Mr. Lock" as recommending red poppywater and abstinence  from flesh as often useful in

children's diseases. 

One of his "Capsula's" is devoted to the animalcular origin of  diseases, at the end of which he says, speaking

of remedies for this  supposed source of our distempers: 

"Mercury we know thee: But we are afraid thou wilt kill us too, if  we  employ thee to kill them that kill us. 

"And yett, for the cleansing of the small Blood Vessels, and making  way for the free circulation of the Blood

and Lymphthere is nothing  like Mercurial Deobstruents." 

>From this we learn that mercury was already in common use, and the  subject of the same popular prejudice

as in our own time. 

His poetical turn shows itself here and there : 

"O Nightingale, with a Thorn at thy Breast; Under the trouble of a  Cough, what can be more proper than such

thoughts as these?"... 

If there is pathos in this, there is bathos in his apostrophe to  the  millipede, beginning "Poor sowbug!" and

eulogizing the healing  virtues of that odious little beast; of which he tells us to take  "half a pound, putt 'em

alive into a quart or two of wine," with  saffron and other drugs, and take two ounces twice a day. 

The "Capsula " entitled "Nishmath Chajim " was printed in 1722, at  New London, and is in the possession of

our own Society.  He means,  by these words, something like the Archxus of Van Helmont, of which  he

discourses in a style wonderfully resembling that of Mr. Jenkinson  in the "Vicar of Wakefield."  "Many of the

Ancients thought there was  much of a Real History in the Parable, and their Opinion was that  there is,

DIAPHORA KATA TAS MORPHAS, A Distinction (and so a  Resemblance) of men as to their Shapes after

Death."  And so on, with  Ireaeus, Tertullian, Thespesius, and "the TA TONE PSEUCONE CROMATA,"  in

the place of "Sanconiathon, Manetho, Berosus," and "Anarchon ara  kai ateleutaion to pan." 

One other passage deserves notice, as it relates to the single  medical suggestion which does honor to Cotton

Mather's memory.  It  does not appear that he availed himself of the information which he  says, he obtained

from his slave, for such I suppose he was. 

In his appendix to " Variolae Triumphatae," he says, 


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"There has been a wonderful practice lately used in several parts  of  the world, which indeed is not yet

become common in our nation. 

"I was first informed of it by a Garamantee servant of my own, long  before I knew that any Europeans or

Asiaticks had the least  acquaintance with it, and some years before I was enriched with the  communications

of the learned Foreigners, whose accounts I found  agreeing with what I received of my servant, when he

shewed me the  Scar of the Wound made for the operation; and said, That no person  ever died of the

smallpox, in their countrey, that had the courage to  use it. 

"I have since met with a considerable Number of these Africans, who  all agree in one story; That in their

countrey grandymany dy of the  smallpox: But now they learn this way: people take juice of smallpox  and

cuttyskin and put in a Drop; then by'nd by a little sicky,  sicky: then very few little things like smallpox;

and nobody dy of  it; and nobody have smallpox any more.  Thus, in Africa, where the  poor creatures dy of

the smallpox like Rotten Sheep, a merciful God  has taught them an Infallible preservative.  'T is a common

practice,  and is attended with a constant success." 

What has come down to us of the first century of medical practice,  in  the hands of Winthrop and Oliver, is

comparatively simple and  reasonable.  I suspect that the conditions of rude, stern life, in  which the colonists

found themselves in the wilderness, took the  nonsense out of them, as the exigencies of a campaign did out of

our  physicians and surgeons in the late war.  Good food and enough of it,  pure air and water, cleanliness, good

attendance, an anaesthetic, an  opiate, a stimulant, quinine, and two or three common drugs, proved  to be the

marrow of medical treatment; and the fopperies of the  pharmacopoeia went the way of embroidered shirts

and white kid gloves  and malacca joints, in their time of need.  "Good wine is the best  cordiall for her," said

Governor John Winthrop, Junior, to Samuel  Symonds, speaking of that gentleman's wife,just as

Sydenham,  instead of physic, once ordered a roast chicken and a pint of canary  for his patient in male

hysterics. 

But the profession of medicine never could reach its full  development  until it became entirely separated from

that of divinity.  The  spiritual guide, the consoler in afliction, the confessor who is  admitted into the secrets of

our souls, has his own noble sphere of  duties; but the healer of men must confine himself solely to the

revelations of God in nature, as he sees their miracles with his own  eyes.  No doctrine of prayer or special

providence is to be his  excuse for not looking straight at secondary causes, and acting,  exactly so far as

experience justifies him, as if he were himself the  divine agent which antiquity fabled him to be.  While pious

men were  prayinghumbly, sincerely, rightly, according to their knowledge  over the endless succession

of little children dying of spasms in the  great Dublin Hospital, a sagacious physician knocked some holes in

the walls of the ward, let God's blessed air in on the little  creatures, and so had already saved in that single

hospital, as it  was soberly calculated thirty years ago, more than sixteen thousand  lives of these infant heirs of

immortality. [Collins's Midwifery, p.  312.  Published by order of the Massachusetts Medical Society.  Boston,

1841.] 

Let it be, if you will, that the wise inspiration of the physician  was granted in virtue of the clergyman's

supplications.  Still, the  habit of dealing with things seen generates another kind of  knowledge, and another

way of thought, from that of dealing with  things unseen; which knowledge and way of thought are special

means  granted by Providence, and to be thankfully accepted. 

The mediaeval ecclesiastics expressed a great truth in that saying,  so often quoted, as carrying a reproach

with it: "Ubi tres medici,  duo athei,""Where there are three physicians, there are two  atheists." 

It was true then, it is true today, that the physician very  commonly, if not very generally, denies and

repudiates the deity of  ecclesiastical commerce.  The Being whom Ambroise Pare meant when he  spoke those

memorable words, which you may read over the professor's  chair in the French School of Medicine, "Te le


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pensay, et Dieu le  guarit," "I dressed his wound, and God healed it,"is a different  being from the God that

scholastic theologians have projected from  their consciousness, or shaped even from the sacred pages which

have  proved so plastic in their hands.  He is a God who never leaves  himself without witness, who repenteth

him of the evil, who never  allows a disease or an injury, compatible with the enjoyment of life,  to take its

course without establishing an effort, limited by certain  fixed conditions, it is true, but an effort, always, to

restore the  broken body or the shattered mind.  In the perpetual presence of this  great Healing Agent, who

stays the bleeding of wounds, who knits the  fractured bone, who expels the splinter by a gentle natural

process,  who walls in the inflammation that might involve the vital organs,  who draws a cordon to separate

the dead part from the living, who  sends his three natural anaesthetics to the overtasked frame in due  order,

according to its need,sleep, fainting, death; in this  perpetual presence, it is doubtless hard for the physician

to realize  the theological fact of a vast and permanent sphere of the universe,  where no organ finds itself in its

natural medium, where no wound  heals kindly, where the executive has abrogated the pardoning power,  and

mercy forgets its errand; where the omnipotent is unfelt save in  malignant agencies, and the omnipresent is

unseen and unrepresented;  hard to accept the God of Dante's "Inferno," and of Bunyan's caged  lunatic.  If this

is atheism, call three, instead of two of the trio,  atheists, and it will probably come nearer the truth. 

I am not disposed to deny the occasional injurious effect of the  materializing influences to which the

physician is subjected.  A  spiritual guild is absolutely necessary to keep him, to keep us  all,  from becoming

the "fingering slaves" that Wordsworth treats with  such  shrivelling scorn.  But it is well that the two callings

have  been  separated, and it is fitting that they remain apart.  In  settling the  affairs of the late concern, I am

afraid our good  friends remain a  little in our debt.  We lent them our physician  Michael Servetus in  fair

condition, and they returned him so damaged  by fire as to be  quite useless for our purposes.  Their Reverend

Samuel Willard wrote  us a not overwise report of a case of hysteria;  and our Jean Astruc  gave them (if we

may trust Dr. Smith's Dictionary  of the Bible) the  first discerning criticism on the authorship of the

Pentateuch.  Our  John Locke enlightened them with his letters  concerning toleration;  and their Cotton Mather

obscured our twilight  with his "Nishmath  Chajim." 

Yet we must remember that the name of Basil Valentine, the monk, is  associated with whatever good and

harm we can ascribe to antimony;  and that the most remarkable of our specifics long bore the name of

"Jesuit's Bark," from an old legend connected with its introduction.  "Frere Jacques," who taught the

lithotomists of Paris, owes his  ecclesiastical title to courtesy, as he did not belong to a religious  order. 

Medical science, and especially the study of mental disease, is  destined, I believe, to react to much greater

advantage on the  theology of the future than theology has acted on medicine in the  past.  The liberal spirit

very generally prevailing in both  professions, and the good understanding between their most  enlightened

members, promise well for the future of both in a  community which holds every point of human belief, every

institution  in human hands, and every word written in a human dialect, open to  free discussion today,

tomorrow, and to the end of time.  Whether  the world at large will ever be cured of trusting to specifics as a

substitute for observing the laws of health, and to mechanical or  intellectual formula as a substitute for

character, may admit of  question.  Quackery and idolatry are all but immortal. 

We can find most of the old beliefs alive amongst us today, only  having changed their dresses and the social

spheres in which they  thrive.  We think the quarrels of Galenists and chemists belong to  the past, forgetting

that Thomsonism has its numerous apostles in our  community; that it is common to see remedies vaunted as

purely  vegetable, and that the prejudice against "mineral poisons,"  especially mercury, is as strong in many

quarters now as it was at  the beginning of the seventeenth century.  Names are only air, and  blow away with a

change of wind; but beliefs are rooted in human  wants and weakness, and die hard.  The oaks of Dodona are

prostrate,  and the shrine of Delphi is desolate; but the Pythoness and the Sibyl  may be consulted in Lowell

Street for a very moderate compensation.  Nostradamus and Lilly seem impossible in our time; but we have

seen  the advertisements of an astrologer in our Boston papers year after  year, which seems to imply that he

found believers and patrons.  You  smiled when I related Sir Kenelm Digby's prescription with the live  eel in


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it; but if each of you were to empty his or her pockets, would  there not roll out, from more than one of them,

a horsechestnut,  carried about as a cure for rheumatism?  The brazen head of Roger  Bacon is mute; but is not

"Planchette" uttering her responses in a  hundred houses of this city?  We think of palmistry or chiromancy as

belonging to the days of Albertus Magnus, or, if existing in our  time, as given over to the gypsies; but a very

distinguished person  has recently shown me the line of life, and the line of fortune, on  the palm of his hand,

with a seeming confidence in the sanguine  predictions of his career which had been drawn from them.  What

shall  we say of the plausible and welldressed charlatans of our own time,  who trade in false pretences, like

Nicholas Knapp of old, but without  any fear of being fined or whipped; or of the many follies and  inanities,

imposing on the credulous part of the community, each of  them gaping with eager, open mouth for a

gratuitous advertisement by  the mention of its foolish name in any respectable connection? 

I turn from this less pleasing aspect of the common intelligence  which renders such follies possible, to close

the honorable record of  the medical profession in this, our ancient Commonwealth. 

We have seen it in the first century divided among clergymen,  magistrates, and regular practitioners; yet, on

the whole, for the  time, and under the circumstances, respectable, except where it  invoked supernatural

agencies to account for natural phenomena. 

In the second century it simplified its practice, educated many  intelligent practitioners, and began the work of

organizing for  concerted action, and for medical teaching. 

In this, our own century, it has built hospitals, perfected and  multiplied its associations and educational

institutions, enlarged  and created museums, and challenged a place in the world of science  by its literature. 

In reviewing the whole course of its history we read a long list of  honored names, and a precious record

written in private memories, in  public charities, in permanent contributions to medical science, in  generous

sacrifices for the country.  We can point to our capital as  the port of entry for the New World of the great

medical discoveries  of two successive centuries, and we can claim for it the triumph over  the most dreaded

foe that assails the human body,a triumph which  the annals of the race can hardly match in three thousand

years of  medical history. 

THE YOUNG PRACTITIONER

[A Valedictory Address delivered to the Graduating Class of the  Bellevue Hospital College, March 2, 1871.] 

The occasion which calls us together reminds us not a little of  that  other ceremony which unites a man and

woman for life.  The banns  have  already been pronounced which have wedded our young friends to  the

profession of their choice.  It remains only to address to them  some  friendly words of cheering counsel, and to

bestow upon them the  parting benediction. 

This is not the time for rhetorical display or ambitious eloquence.  We must forget ourselves, and think only

of them.  To us it is an  occasion; to them it is an epoch.  The spectators at the wedding look  curiously at the

bride and bridegroom; at the bridal veil, the  orangeflower garland, the giving and receiving of the ring; they

listen for the tremulous "I will," and wonder what are the mysterious  syllables the clergyman whispers in the

ear of the married maiden.  But to the newlywedded pair what meaning in those words, "for  better, for

worse," "in sickness and in health," "till death us do  part!"  To the father, to the mother, who know too well

how often the  deadly nightshade is interwoven with the wreath of orangeblossoms,  how empty the pageant,

how momentous the reality! 

You will not wonder that I address myself chiefly to those who are  just leaving academic life for the sterner


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struggle and the larger  tasks of matured and instructed manhood.  The hour belongs to them;  if others find

patience to listen, they will kindly remember that,  after all, they are but as the spectators at the wedding, and

that  the priest is thinking less of them than of their friends who are  kneeling at the altar. 

I speak more directly to you, then, gentlemen of the graduating  class.  The days of your education, as pupils of

trained instructors,  are over.  Your first harvest is all garnered.  Henceforth you are to  be sowers as well as

reapers, and your field is the world.  How does  your knowledge stand today?  What have you gained as a

permanent  possession?  What must you expect to forget?  What remains for you  yet to learn?  These are

questions which it may interest you to  consider. 

There is another question which must force itself on the thoughts  of  many among you: "How am I to obtain

patients and to keep their  confidence?  "You have chosen a laborious calling, and made many  sacrifices to fit

yourselves for its successful pursuit.  You wish to  be employed that you may be useful, and that you may

receive the  reward of your industry.  I would take advantage of these most  receptive moments to give you

some hints which may help you to  realize your hopes and expectations.  Such is the outline of the  familiar talk

I shall offer you. 

Your acquaintance with some of the accessory branches is probably  greater now than it will be in a year from

now,much greater than it  will by ten years from now.  The progress of knowledge, it may be  feared, or

hoped, will have outrun the textbooks in which you  studied these branches.  Chemistry, for instance, is very

apt to  spoil on one's hands.  "Nous avons change tout cela" might serve as  the standing motto of many of our

manuals.  Science is a great  traveller, and wears her shoes out pretty fast, as might be expected. 

You are now fresh from the lectureroom and the laboratory.  You  can  pass an examination in anatomy,

physiology, chemistry, materia  medica, which the men in large practice all around you would find a  more

potent sudorific than any in the Pharmacopceia.  These masters  of the art of healing were once as ready with

their answers as you  are now, but they have got rid of a great deal of the less  immediately practical part of

their acquisitions, and you must  undergo the same depleting process.  Hard work will train it off, as  sharp

exercise trains off the fat of a prizefighter. 

Yet, pause a moment before you infer that your teachers must have  been in fault when they furnished you

with mental stores not directly  convertible to practical purposes, and likely in a few years to lose  their place

in your memory.  All systematic knowledge involves much  that is not practical, yet it is the only kind of

knowledge which  satisfies the mind, and systematic study proves, in the longrun, the  easiest way of

acquiring and retaining facts which are practical.  There are many things which we can afford to forget, which

yet it was  well to  learn.  Your mental condition is not the same as if you had  never known what you now try in

vain to recall.  There is a perpetual  metempsychosis of thought, and the knowledge of today finds a soil  in

the forgotten facts of yesterday.  You cannot see anything in the  new season of the guano you placed last year

about the roots of your  climbing plants, but it is blushing and breathing fragrance in your  trellised roses; it

has scaled your porch in the beehaunted honey  suckle; it has found its way where the ivy is green; it is

gone where  the woodbine expands its luxuriant foliage. 

Your diploma seems very broad today with your list of  accomplishments, but it begins to shrink from this

hour like the Peau  de Chagrin of Balzac's story.  Do not worry about it, for all the  while there will be making

out for you an ampler and fairer  parchment, signed by old Father Time himself as President of that  great

University in which experience is the one perpetual and all  sufficient professor. 

Your present plethora of acquirements will soon cure itself.  Knowledge that is not wanted dies out like the

eyes of the fishes of  the Mammoth Cave.  When you come to handle life and death as your  daily business,

your memory will of itself bid goodby to such  inmates as the wellknown foramina of the sphenoid bone

and the  familiar oxides of methylethylamylphenylammonium.  Be thankful  that you have once known


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them, and remember that even the learned  ignorance of a nomenclature is something to have mastered, and

may  furnish pegs to hang facts upon which would otherwise have strewed  the floor of memory in loose

disorder. 

But your education has, after all, been very largely practical.  You  have studied medicine and surgery, not

chiefly in books, but at  the  bedside and in the operating amphitheatre.  It is the special  advantage of large

cities that they afford the opportunity of seeing  a great deal of disease in a short space of time, and of seeing

many  cases of the same kind of disease brought together.  Let us not be  unjust to the claims of the schools

remote from the larger centres of  population.  Who among us has taught better than Nathan Smith, better  than

Elisha Bartlett? who teaches better than some of our living  contemporaries who divide their time between

city and country  schools?  I am afraid we do not always do justice to our country  brethren, whose merits are

less conspicuously exhibited than those of  the great city physicians and surgeons, such especially as have

charge of large hospitals.  There are modest practitioners living in  remote rural districts who are gifted by

nature with such sagacity  and wisdom, trained so well in what is most essential to the practice  of their art,

taught so thoroughly by varied experience, forced to  such manly selfreliance by their comparative isolation,

that, from  converse with them alone, from riding with them on their long rounds  as they pass from village to

village, from talking over cases with  them, putting up their prescriptions, watching their expedients,  listening

to their cautions, marking the event of their predictions,  hearing them tell of their mistakes, and now and then

glory a little  in the detection of another's blunder, a young man would find himself  better fitted for his real

work than many who have followed long  courses of lectures and passed a showy examination.  But the young

man is exceptionally fortunate who enjoys the intimacy of such a  teacher.  And it must be confessed that the

great hospitals,  infirmaries, and dispensaries of large cities, where men of well  sifted reputations are in

constant attendance, are the true centres  of medical education.  No students, I believe, are more thoroughly

aware of this than those who have graduated at this institution.  Here, as in all our larger city schools, the

greatest pains are taken  to teach things as well as names.  You have entered into the  inheritance of a vast

amount of transmitted skill and wisdom, which  you have taken, warm, as it were, with the life of your

wellschooled  instructors.  You have not learned all that art has to teach you, but  you are safer practitioners

today than were many of those whose  names we hardly mention without a genuflection.  I had rather be

cared for in a fever by the besttaught among you than by the  renowned Fernelius or the illustrious

Boerhaave, could they come back  to us from that better world where there are no physicians needed,  and, if

the old adage can be trusted, not many within call.  I had  rather have one of you exercise his surgical skill

upon me than find  myself in the hands of a resuscitated Fabricius Hildanus, or even of  a wise Ambroise Pare,

revisiting earth in the light of the nineteenth  century. 

You will not accuse me of underrating your accomplishments.  You  know  what to do for a child in a fit, for an

alderman in an apoplexy,  for  a girl that has fainted, for a woman in hysterics, for a leg that  is  broken, for an

arm that is out of joint, for fevers of every color,  for the sailor's rheumatism, and the tailor's cachexy.  In fact

you  do really know so much at this very hour, that nothing but the  searching test of time can fully teach you

the limitations of your  knowledge. 

Of some of these you will permit me to remind you.  You will never  have outgrown the possibility of new

acquisitions, for Nature is  endless in her variety.  But even the knowledge which you may be said  to possess

will be a different thing after long habit has made it a  part of your existence.  The tactus eruditus extends to

the mind as  well as to the fingerends.  Experience means the knowledge gained by  habitual trial, and an

expert is one who has been in the habit of  trying.  This is the kind of knowledge that made Ulysses wise in the

ways of men.  Many cities had he seen, and known the minds of those  who dwelt in them.  This knowledge it

was that Chaucer's Shipman  brought home with him from the sea a 

     "In many a tempest had his berd be shake."

This is the knowledge we place most confidence in, in the practical  affairs of life. 


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Our training has two stages.  The first stage deals with our  intelligence, which takes the idea of what is to be

done with the  most charming ease and readiness.  Let it be a game of billiards, for  instance, which the marker

is going to teach us.  We have nothing to  do but to make this ball glance from that ball and hit that other  ball,

and to knock that ball with this ball into a certain caecal  sacculus or diverticulum which our professional

friend calls a  pocket.  Nothing can be clearer; it is as easy as "playing upon this  pipe," for which Hamlet gives

Guildenstern such lucid directions.  But  this intelligent Me, who steps forward as the senior partner in  our

dual personality, turns out to be a terrible bungler.  He misses  those  glancing hits which the hardfeatured

young professional person  calls  "carroms," and insists on pocketing his own ball instead of the  other  one. 

It is the unintelligent Me, stupid as an idiot, that has to try a  thing a thousand times before he can do it, and

then never knows how  he does it, that at last does it well.  We have to educate ourselves  through the

pretentious claims of intellect, into the humble accuracy  of instinct, and we end at last by acquiring the

dexterity, the  perfection, the certainty, which those masters of arts, the bee and  the spider, inherit from

Nature. 

Bookknowledge, lectureknowledge, examinationknowledge, are all  in  the brain.  But workknowledge is

not only in the brain, it is in  the  senses, in the muscles, in the ganglia of the sympathetic  nerves,  all over

the man, as one may say, as instinct seems diffused  through  every part of those lower animals that have no

such distinct  organ as  a brain.  See a skilful surgeon handle a broken limb; see a  wise old  physician smile

away a case that looks to a novice as if the  sexton  would soon be sent for; mark what a large experience has

done  for  those who were fitted to profit by it, and you will feel convinced  that, much as you know, something

is still left for you to learn. 

May I venture to contrast youth and experience in medical practice,  something in the way the man painted the

lion, that is, the lion  under? 

The young man knows the rules, but the old man knowsthe  exceptions.  The young man knows his patient,

but the old man knows  also his  patient's family, dead and alive, up and down for  generations.  He  can tell

beforehand what diseases their unborn  children will be  subject to, what they will die of if they live long

enough, and  whether they had better live at all, or remain unrealized  possibilities, as belonging to a stock not

worth being perpetuated.  The young man feels uneasy if he is not continually doing something  to stir up his

patient's internal arrangements.  The old man takes  things more quietly, and is much more willing to let well

enough  alone: All these superiorities, if such they are,'you must wait for  time to bring you.  In the meanwhile

(if we will let the lion be  uppermost for a moment), the young man's senses are quicker than  those of his older

rival.  His education in all the accessory  branches is more recent, and therefore nearer the existing condition  of

knowledge.  He finds it easier than his seniors to accept the  improvements which every year is bringing

forward.  New ideas build  their nests in young men's brains.  "Revolutions are not made by men  in spectacles,"

as I once heard it remarked, and the first whispers  of a new truth are not caught by those who begin to feel the

need of  an eartrumpet.  Granting all these advantages to the young man, he  ought, nevertheless, to go on

improving, on the whole, as a medical  practitioner, with every year, until he has ripened into a well

mellowed maturity.  But, to improve, he must be good for something at  the start.  If you ship a poor cask of

wine to India and back, if you  keep it a half a century, it only grows thinner and sharper. 

You are soon to enter into relations with the public, to expend  your  skill and knowledge for its benefit, and

find your support in the  rewards of your labor.  What kind of a constituency is this which is  to look to you as

its authorized champions in the struggle of life  against its numerous enemies? 

In the first place, the persons who seek the aid of the physician  are  very honest and sincere in their wish to get

rid of their  complaints,  and, generally speaking, to live as long as they can.  However  attractively the future is

painted to them, they are attached  to the  planet with which they are already acquainted.  They are  addicted to

the daily use of this empirical and unchemical mixture  which we call  air; and would hold on to it as a tippler


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does to his  alcoholic  drinks.  There is nothing men will not do, there is nothing  they have  not done, to recover

their health and save their lives.  They have  submitted to be halfdrowned in water, and halfchoked with

gases, to  be buried up to their chins in earth, to be seared with hot  irons  like galleyslaves, to be crimped with

knives, like codfish, to  have  needles thrust into their flesh, and bonfires kindled on their  skin,  to swallow all

sorts of abominations, and to pay for all this,  as if  to be singed and scalded were a costly privilege, as if

blisters  were  a blessing, and leeches were a luxury.  What more can be asked to  prove their honesty and

sincerity? 

This same community is very intelligent with respect to a great  many  subjectscommerce, mechanics,

manufactures, politics.  But with  regard to medicine it is hopelessly ignorant and never finds it out.  I do not

know that it is any worse in this country than in Great  Britain, where Mr. Huxley speaks very freely of "the

utter ignorance  of the simplest laws of their own animal life, which prevails among  even the most highly

educated persons."  And Cullen said before him  "Neither the acutest genius nor the soundest judgment will

avail in  judging of a particular science, in regard to which they have not  been exercised.  I have been obliged

to please my patients sometimes  with reasons, and I have found that any will pass, even with able  divines and

acute lawyers; the same will pass with the husbands as  with the wives."  If the community could only be made

aware of its  own utter ignorance, and incompetence to form opinions on medical  subjects, difficult enough to

those who give their lives to the study  of them, the practitioner would have an easier task.  But it will  form

opinions of its own, it cannot help it, and we cannot blame it,  even though we know how slight and deceptive

are their foundations. 

This is the way it happens: Every grownup person has either been  ill  himself or had a friend suffer from

illness, from which he has  recovered.  Every sick person has done something or other by  somebody's advice,

or of his own accord, a little before getting  better.  There is an irresistible tendency to associate the thing  done,

and the improvement which followed it, as cause and effect.  This is the great source of fallacy in medical

practice.  But the  physician has some chance of correcting his hasty inference.  He  thinks his prescription

cured a single case of a particular  complaint; he tries it in twenty similar cases without effect, and  sets down

the first as probably nothing more than a coincidence.  The  unprofessional experimenter or observer has no

large experience to  correct his hasty generalization.  He wants to believe that the means  he employed effected

his cure.  He feels grateful to the person who  advised it, he loves to praise the pill or potion which helped him,

and he has a kind of monumental pride in himself as a living  testimony to its efficacy.  So it is that you will

find the community  in which you live, be it in town or country, full of brands plucked  from the burning, as

they believe, by some agency which, with your  better training, you feel reasonably confident had nothing to

do with  it.  Their disease went out of itself, and the stream from the  medical fireannihilator had never even

touched it. 

You cannot and need not expect to disturb the public in the  possession of its medical superstitions.  A man's

ignorance is as  much his private property, and as precious in his own eyes, as his  family Bible.  You have only

to open your own Bible at the ninth  chapter of St. John's Gospel, and you will find that the logic of a  restored

patient was very simple then, as it is now, and very hard to  deal with.  My clerical friends will forgive me for

poaching on their  sacred territory, in return for an occasional raid upon the medical  domain of which they

have now and then been accused. 

A blind man was said to have been restored to sight by a young  person  whom the learned doctors of the

Jewish law considered a sinner,  and,  as such, very unlikely to have been endowed with a divine gift of

healing.  They visited the patient repeatedly, and evidently teased  him with their questions about the

treatment, and their insinuations  about the young man, until he lost his temper.  At last he turned  sharply upon

them:  "Whether he be a sinner or no, I know not: one  thing I know, that, whereas I was blind, now I see." 

This is the answer that always has been and always will be given by  most persons when they find themselves

getting well after doing  anything, no matter what,recommended by anybody, no matter whom.  Lord


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Bacon, Robert Boyle, Bishop Berkeley, all put their faith in  panaceas which we should laugh to scorn.  They

had seen people get  well after using them.  Are we any wiser than those great men?  Two  years ago, in a

lecture before the Massachusetts Historical Society,  I mentioned this recipe of Sir Kenelm Digby for fever

and ague: Pare  the patient's nails; put the parings in a little bag, and hang the  bag round the neck of a live eel,

and place him in a tub of water.  The eel will die, and the patient will recover. 

Referring to this prescription in the course of the same lecture, I  said: "You smiled when I related Sir Kenehn

Digby's prescription,  with the live eel in it; but if each of you were to empty his or her  pockets, would there

not roll out, from more than one of them, a  horsechestnut, carried about as a cure for rheumatism?  Nobody

saw  fit to empty his or her pockets, and my question brought no response.  But two months ago I was in a

company of educated persons, college  graduates every one of them, when a gentleman, well known in our

community, a man of superior ability and strong commonsense, on the  occasion of some talk arising about

rheumatism, took a couple of very  shiny horsechestnuts from his breechespocket, and laid them on the

table, telling us how, having suffered from the complaint in  question, he had, by the advice of a friend,

procured these two  horsechestnuts on a certain time a year or more ago, and carried  them about him ever

since; from which very day he had been entirely  free from rheumatism. 

This argument, from what looks like cause and effect, whether it be  so or not, is what you will have to meet

wherever you go, and you  need not think you can answer it.  In the natural course of things  some thousands of

persons must be getting well or better of slight  attacks of colds, of rheumatic pains, every week, in this city

alone.  Hundreds of them do something or other in the way of remedy, by  medical or other advice, or of their

own motion, and the last thing  they do gets the credit of the recovery.  Think what a crop of  remedies this

must furnish, if it were all harvested! 

Experience has taught, or will teach you, that most of the  wonderful  stories patients and others tell of sudden

and signal cures  are like  Owen Glendower's story of the portents that announced his  birth.  The  earth shook at

your nativity, did it?  Very likely, and 

               "So it would have done,

     At the same season, if your mother's cat

     Had kittened, though yourself had ne'er been born."

You must listen more meekly than Hotspur did to the babbling  Welshman, for ignorance is a solemn and

sacred fact, and, like  infancy, which it resembles, should be respected.  Once in a while  you will have a

patient of sense, born with the gift of observation,  from whom you may learn something.  When you find

yourself in the  presence of one who is fertile of medical opinions, and affluent in  stories of marvellous

cures,of a member of Congress whose name  figures in certificates to the value of patent medicines, of a

voluble dame who discourses on the miracles she has wrought or seen  wrought with the little jokers of the

sugarofmilk globulebox, take  out your watch and count the pulse; also note the time of day, and  charge

the price of a visit for every extra fifteen, or, if you are  not very busy, every twenty minutes.  In this way you

will turn what  seems a serious dispensation into a double blessing, for this class  of patients loves dearly to

talk, and it does them a deal of good,  and you feel as if you had earned your money by the dose you have

taken, quite as honestly as by any dose you may have ordered. 

You must take the community just as it is, and make the best of it.  You wish to obtain its confidence; there is

a short rule for doing  this which you will find useful,deserve it.  But, to deserve it in  full measure, you must

unite many excellences, natural and acquired. 

As the basis of all the rest, you must have all those traits of  character which fit you to enter into the most

intimate and  confidential relations with the families of which you are the  privileged friend and counsellor.

Medical Christianity, if I may use  such a term, is of very early date.  By the oath of Hippocrates, the


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practitioner of ancient times bound himself to enter his patient's  house with the sole purpose of doing him

good, and so to conduct  himself as to avoid the very appearance of evil.  Let the physician  of today begin by

coming up to this standard, and add to it all the  more recently discovered virtues and graces. 

A certain amount of natural ability is requisite to make you a good  physician, but by no means that

disproportionate development of some  special faculty which goes by the name of genius.  A just balance of

the mental powers is a great deal more likely to be useful than any  single talent, even were it the power of

observation; in excess.  For  a mere observer is liable to be too fond of facts for their own sake,  so that, if he

told the real truth, he would confess that he takes  more pleasure in a postmortem examination which shows

him what was  the matter with a patient, than in a case which insists on getting  well and leaving him in the

dark as to its nature.  Far more likely  to interfere with the sound practical balance of the mind is that

speculative, theoretical tendency which has made so many men noted in  their day, whose fame has passed

away with their dissolving theories.  Read Dr. Bartlett's comparison of the famous Benjamin Rush with his

modest fellowtownsman Dr. William Currie, and see the dangers into  which a passion for grandiose

generalizations betrayed a man of many  admirable qualities. 

I warn you against all ambitious aspirations outside of your  profession.  Medicine is the most difficult of

sciences and the most  laborious of arts.  It will task all your powers of body and mind if  you are faithful to it.

Do not dabble in the muddy sewer of  politics, nor linger by the enchanted streams of literature, nor dig  in

faroff fields for the hidden waters of alien sciences.  The great  practitioners are generally those who

concentrate all their powers on  their business.  If there are here and there brilliant exceptions, it  is only in

virtue of extraordinary gifts, and industry to which very  few are equal. 

To get business a man mast really want it; and do you suppose that  when you are in the middle of a heated

caucus, or halfway through a  delicate analysis, or in the spasm of an unfinished ode, your eyes  rolling in the

fine frenzy of poetical composition, you want to be  called to a teething infant, or an ancient person groaning

under the  griefs of a lumbago?  I think I have known more than one young man  whose doctor's sign

proclaimed his readiness to serve mankind in that  capacity, but who hated the sound of a patient's knock, and

as he sat  with his book or his microscope, felt exactly as the old party  expressed himself in my friend Mr.

Brownell's poem 

          "All I axes is, let me alone:'

The community soon finds out whether you are in earnest, and really  mean business, or whether you are one

of those diplomaed dilettanti  who like the amusement of quasi medical studies, but have no idea of  wasting

their precious time in putting their knowledge in practice  for the benefit of their suffering fellowcreatures. 

The public is a very incompetent judge of your skill and knowledge,  but it gives its confidence most readily

to those who stand well with  their professional brethren, whom they call upon when they themselves  or their

families are sick, whom they choose to honorable offices,  whose writings and teachings they hold in esteem.

A man may be much  valued by the profession and yet have defects which prevent his  becoming a favorite

practitioner, but no popularity can be depended  upon as permanent which is not sanctioned by the judgment

of  professional experts, and with these you will always stand on your  substantial merits. 

What shall I say of the personal habits you must form if you wish  for  success?  Temperance is first upon the

list.  Intemperance in a  physician partakes of the guilt of homicide, for the muddled brain  may easily make a

fatal blunder in a prescription and the unsteady  hand transfix an artery in an operation.  Tippling doctors have

been  too common in the history of medicine.  Paracelsus was a sot,  Radcliffe was much too fond of his glass,

and Dr. James Hurlbut of  Wethersfield, Connecticut, a famous man in his time, used to drink a  square bottle

of rum a day, with a corresponding allowance of opium  to help steady his nerves.  We commonly speak of a

man as being the  worse for liquor, but I was asking an Irish laborer one day about his  doctor, who, as he said,


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was somewhat given to drink.  "I like him  best when he's a little that way," he said; "then I can spake to  him."

I pitied the poor patient who could not venture to allude to  his colic or his pleurisy until his physician was

tipsy. 

There are personal habits of less gravity than the one I have  mentioned which it is well to guard against, or, if

they are formed,  to relinquish.  A man who may be called at a moment's warning into  the fragrant boudoir of

suffering loveliness should not unsweeten its  atmosphere with reminiscences of extinguished meerschaums.

He should  remember that the sick are sensitive and fastidious, that they love  the sweet odors and the pure

tints of flowers, and if his presence is  not like the breath of the rose, if his hands are not like the leaf  of the

lily, his visit may be unwelcome, and if he looks behind him  he may see a window thrown open after he has

left the sickchamber.  I  remember too well the old doctor who sometimes came to help me  through  those

inward griefs to which childhood is liable.  "Far off  his coming  "shall I say "shone," and finish the Miltonic

phrase, or  leave the  verb to the happy conjectures of my audience?  Before him  came a  soulsubduing whiff

of ipecacuanha, and after him lingered a  shuddering consciousness of rhubarb.  He had lived so much among

his  medicaments that he had at last become himself a drug, and to have  him pass through a sickchamber was

a stronger dose than a  conscientious disciple of Hahnemann would think it safe to  administer. 

Need I remind yon of the importance of punctuality in your  engagements, and of the worry and distress to

patients and their  friends which the want of it occasions?  One of my old teachers  always carried two watches,

to make quite sure of being exact, and  not only kept his appointments with the regularity of a chronometer,

but took great pains to be at his patient's house at the time when he  had reason to believe he was expected,

even if no express appointment  was made.  It is a good rule; if you call too early, my lady's hair  may not be so

smooth as could be wished, and, if you keep her waiting  too long, her hair may be smooth, but her temper

otherwise. 

You will remember, of course, always to get the weathergage of  your  patient.  I mean, to place him so that

the light falls on his  face  and not on yours.  It is a kind of, ocular duel that is about to  take  place between you;

you are going to look through his features  into  his pulmonary and hepatic and other internal machinery, and

he is  going to look into yours quite as sharply to see what you think about  his probabilities for time or

eternity. 

No matter how hard he stares at your countenance, he should never  be  able to read his fate in it.  It should be

cheerful as long as  there  is hope, and serene in its gravity when nothing is left but  resignation.  The face of a

physician, like that of a diplomatist,  should be impenetrable.  Nature is a benevolent old hypocrite; she  cheats

the sick and the dying with illusions better than any  anodynes.  If there are cogent reasons why a patient

should be  undeceived, do it deliberately and advisedly, but do not betray your  apprehensions through your

telltale features. 

We had a physician in our city whose smile was commonly reckoned as  being worth five thousand dollars a

year to him, in the days, too, of  moderate incomes.  You cannot put on such a smile as that any more  than you

can get sunshine without sun; there was a tranquil and  kindly nature under it that irradiated the pleasant face

it made one  happier to meet on his daily rounds.  But you can cultivate the  disposition, and it will work its

way through to the surface, nay,  more,you can try to wear a quiet and encouraging look, and it will  react

on your disposition and make you like what you seem to be, or  at least bring you nearer to its own likeness. 

Your patient has no more right to all the truth you know than he  has  to all the medicine in your saddlebags, if

you carry that kind of  cartridgebox for the ammunition that slays disease.  He should get  only just so much

as is good for him.  I have seen a physician  examining a patient's chest stop all at once, as he brought out a

particular sound with a tap on the collarbone, in the attitude of a  pointer who has just come on the scent or

sight of a W..  You  remember the Spartan boy, who, with unmoved countenance, hid the fox  that was

tearing his vitals beneath his mantle.  What he could do in  his own suffering you must learn to do for others


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on whose vital  organs disease has fastened its devouring teeth.  It is a terrible  thing to take away hope, even

earthly hope, from a fellowcreature.  Be very careful what names you let fall before your patient.  He  knows

what it means when you tell him he has tubercles or Bright's  disease, and, if he hears the word carcinoma, he

will certainly look  it out in a medical dictionary, if he does not interpret its dread  significance on the instant.

Tell him he has asthmatic symptoms, or  a tendency to the gouty diathesis, and he will at once think of all  the

asthmatic and gouty old patriarchs he has ever heard of, and be  comforted.  You need not be so cautious in

speaking of the health of  rich and remote relatives, if he is in the line of succession. 

Some shrewd old doctors have a few phrases always on hand for  patients that will insist on knowing the

pathology of their  complaints without the slightest capacity of understanding the  scientific explanation.  I

have known the term "spinal irritation "  serve well on such occasions, but I think nothing on the whole has

covered so much ground, and meant so little, and given such profound  satisfaction to all parties, as the

magnificent phrase "congestion of  the portal system." 

Once more, let me recommend you, as far as possible, to keep your  doubts to yourself, and give the patient

the benefit of your  decision.  Firmness, gentle firmness, is absolutely necessary in this  and certain other

relations.  Mr. Rarey with Cruiser, Richard with  Lady Ann, Pinel with his crazy people, show what steady

nerves can do  with the most intractable of animals, the most irresistible of  despots, and the most

unmanageable of invalids. 

If you cannot acquire and keep the confidence of your patient, it  is  time for you to give place to some other

practitioner who can.  If  you are wise and diligent, you can establish relations with the best  of them which

they will find it very hard to break.  But, if they  wish to employ another person, who, as they think, knows

more than  you do, do not take it as a personal wrong.  A patient believes  another man can save his life, can

restore him to health, which, as  he thinks, you have not the skill to do.  No matter whether the  patient is right

or wrong, it is a great impertinence to think you  have any property in him.  Your estimate of your own ability

is not  the question, it is what the patient thinks of it.  All your wisdom  is to him like the lady's virtue in

Raleigh's song: 

    "If she seem not chaste to me,

     What care I how chaste she be?"

What I call a good patient is one who, having found a good  physician,  sticks to him till he dies.  But there are

many very good  people who  are not what I call good patients.  I was once requested to  call on a  lady suffering

from nervous and other symptoms.  It came out  in the  preliminary conversational skirmish, half medical, half

social,  that  I was the twentysixth member of the faculty into whose arms,  professionally speaking, she had

successively thrown herself.  Not  being a believer in such a rapid rotation of scientific crops, I  gently

deposited the burden, commending it to the care of number  twentyseven, and, him, whoever he might be, to

the care of Heaven. 

If there happened to be among my audience any person who wished to  know on what principles the patient

should choose his physician, I  should give him these few precepts to think over: 

Choose a man who is personally agreeable, for a daily visit from an  intelligent, amiable, pleasant,

sympathetic person will cost you no  more than one from a sloven or a boor, and his presence will do more  for

you than any prescription the other will order. 

Let him be a man of recognized good sense in other matters, and the  chance is that he will be sensible as a

practitioner. 

Let him be a man who stands well with his professional brethren,  whom  they approve as honest, able,


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courteous. 

Let him be one whose patients are willing to die in his hands, not  one whom they go to for trifles, and leave

as soon as they are in  danger, and who can say, therefore, that he never loses a patient. 

Do not leave the ranks of what is called the regular profession,  unless you wish to go farther and fare worse,

for you may be assured  that its members recognize no principle which hinders their accepting  any remedial

agent proved to be useful, no matter from what quarter  it comes.  The difficulty is that the stragglers,

organized under  fantastic names in pretentious associations, or lurking in solitary  dens behind doors left ajar,

make no real contributions to the art of  healing.  When they bring forward a remedial agent like chloral, like

the bromide of potassium, like ether, used as an anesthetic, they  will find no difficulty in procuring its

recognition. 

Some of you will probably be more or less troubled by the  pretensions  of that parody of mediaeval theology

which finds its dogma  of  hereditary depravity in the doctrine of psora, its miracle of  transubstantiation in the

mystery of its triturations and dilutions,  its church in the people who have mistaken their century, and its

priests in those who have mistaken their calling.  You can do little  with persons who are disposed to accept

these curious medical  superstitions.  The saturationpoint of individual minds with  reference to evidence, and

especially medical evidence, differs, and  must always continue to differ, very widely.  There are those whose

minds are satisfied with the decillionth dilution of a scientific  proof.  No wonder they believe in the efficacy

of a similar  attenuation of bryony or pulsatilla.  You have no fulcrum you can  rest upon to lift an error out of

such minds as these, often highly  endowed with knowledge and talent, sometimes with genius, but  commonly

richer in the imaginative than the observing and reasoning  faculties. 

Let me return once more to the young graduate.  Your relations to  your professional brethren may be a source

of lifelong happiness and  growth in knowledge and character, or they may make you wretched and  end by

leaving you isolated from those who should be your friends and  counsellors.  The life of a physician becomes

ignoble when he suffers  himself to feed on petty jealousies and sours his temper in perpetual  quarrels.  You

will be liable to meet an uncomfortable man here and  there in the profession,one who is so fond of being

in hot water  that it is a wonder all the albumen in his body is not coagulated.  There are common barrators

among doctors as there are among lawyers,  stirrers up of strife under one pretext and another, but in reality

because they like it.  They are their own worst enemies, and do  themselves a mischief each time they assail

their neighbors.  In my  student days I remember a good deal of this DonnybrookFair style of  quarrelling,

more especially in Paris, where some of the noted  surgeons were always at loggerheads, and in one of our

lively Western  cities.  Soon after I had set up an office, I had a trifling  experience which may serve to point a

moral in this direction.  I had  placed a lamp behind the glass in the entry to indicate to the  passerby where

relief from all curable infirmities was to be sought  and found.  Its brilliancy attracted the attention of a devious

youth, who dashed his fist through the glass and upset my modest  luminary.  All he got by his vivacious

assault was that he left  portions of integument from his knuckles upon the glass, had a lame  hand, was very

easily identified, and had to pay the glazier's bill.  The moral is that, if the brilliancy of another's reputation

excites  your belligerent instincts, it is not worth your while to strike at  it, without calculating which of you is

likely to suffer most, if you  do. 

You may be assured that when an illconditioned neighbor is always  complaining of a bad taste in his mouth

and an evil atmosphere about  him, there is something wrong about his own secretions.  In such  cases there is

an alterative regimen of remarkable efficacy: it is a  starvationdiet of letting alone.  The great majority of the

profession are peacefully inclined.  Their pursuits are eminently  humanizing, and they look with disgust on

the personalities which  intrude themselves into the placid domain of an art whose province it  is to heal and

not to wound. 


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The intercourse of teacher and student in a large school is  necessarily limited, but it should be, and, so far as

my experience  goes, it is, eminently cordial and kindly.  You will leave with  regret, and hold in tender

remembrance, those who have taken you by  the hand at your entrance on your chosen path, and led you

patiently  and faithfully, until the great gates at its end have swung upon  their hinges, and the world lies open

before you.  That venerable  oath to which I have before referred bound the student to regard his  instructor in

the light of a parent, to treat his children like  brothers, to succor him in his day of need.  I trust the spirit of  the

oath of Hippocrates is not dead in the hearts of the students of  today.  They will remember with gratitude

every earnest effort,  every encouraging word, which has helped them in their difficult and  laborious career of

study.  The names they read on their diplomas  will recall faces that are like familyportraits in their memory,

and  the echo of voices they have listened to so long will linger in their  memories far into the still evening of

their lives. 

One voice will be heard no more which has been familiar to many  among  you.  It is not for me, a stranger to

these scenes, to speak his  eulogy.  I have no right to sadden this hour by dwelling on the deep  regrets of

friendship, or to bid the bitter tears of sorrow flow  afresh.  Yet I cannot help remembering what a void the

death of such  a practitioner as your late instructor must leave in the wide circle  of those who leaned upon his

counsel and assistance in their hour of  need, in a community where he was so widely known and esteemed, in

a  school where he bore so important a part.  There is no exemption from  the common doom for him who holds

the shield to protect others.  The  student is called from his bench, the professor from his chair, the  practitioner

in his busiest period hears a knock more peremptory than  any patient's midnight summons, and goes on that

unreturning visit  which admits of no excuse, and suffers no delay.  The call of such a  man away from us is the

bereavement of a great family.  Nor can we  help regretting the loss for him of a bright and cheerful earthly

future; for the old age of a physician is one of the happiest periods  of his life.  He is loved and cherished for

what he has been, and  even in the decline of his faculties there are occasions when his  experience is still

appealed to, and his trembling hands are looked  to with renewing hope and trust, as being yet able to stay the

arm of  the destroyer. 

But if there is so much left for age, how beautiful, how inspiring  is  the hope of youth!  I see among those

whom I count as listeners one  by whose side I have sat as a fellowteacher, and by whose  instructions I have

felt myself not too old to profit.  As we  borrowed him from your city, I must take this opportunity of telling

you that his zeal, intelligence, and admirable faculty as an  instructor were heartily and universally recognized

among us.  We  return him, as we trust, uninjured, to the fellowcitizens who have  the privilege of claiming

him as their own. 

And now, gentlemen of the graduating class, nothing remains but for  me to bid you, in the name of those for

whom I am commissioned and  privileged to speak, farewell as students, and welcome as  practitioners.  I

pronounce the two benedictions in the same breath,  as the late king's demise and the new king's accession are

proclaimed  by the same voice at the same moment.  You would hardly excuse me if  I stooped to any meaner

dialect than the classical and familiar  language of your prescriptions, the same in which your title to the  name

of physician is, if, like our own institution, you follow the  ancient usage, engraved upon your diplomas. 

Valete, JUVENES, artis medicae studiosi; valete, discipuli, valete,  filii! 

Salvete, VIRI, artis medicae magister; Salvete amici; salvete  fratres! 

MEDICAL LIBRARIES.

[Dedicatory Address at the opening of the Medical Library in  Boston,  December 3, 1878.] 

It is my appointed task, my honorable privilege, this evening, to  speak of what has been done by others.  No


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one can bring his tribute  of words into the presence of great deeds, or try with them to  embellish the memory

of any inspiring achievement, without feeling  and leaving with others a sense of their insufficiency.  So felt

Alexander when he compared even his adored Homer with the hero the  poet had sung.  So felt Webster when

he contrasted the phrases of  rhetoric with the eloquence of patriotism and of selfdevotion.  So  felt Lincoln

when on the field of Gettysburg he spoke those immortal  words which Pericles could not nave bettered,

which Aristotle could  not have criticised.  So felt he who wrote the epitaph of the builder  of the dome which

looks down on the crosses and weathercocks that  glitter over London. 

We are not met upon a battlefield, except so far as every  laborious  achievement means a victory over

opposition, indifference,  selfishness, faintheartedness, and that great property of mind as  well as

matter,inertia.  We are not met in a cathedral, except so  far as every building whose walls are lined with the

products of  useful and ennobling thought is a temple of the Almighty, whose  inspiration has given us

understanding.  But we have gathered within  walls which bear testimony to the selfsacrificing, persevering

efforts of a few young men, to whom we owe the origin and development  of all that excites our admiration in

this completed enterprise; and  I might consider my task as finished if I contented myself with  borrowing the

last word of the architect's epitaph and only saying,  Look around you! 

The reports of the librarian have told or will tell you, in some  detail, what has been accomplished since the

21st of December, 1874,  when six gentlemen met at the house of Dr. Henry Ingersoll Bowditch  to discuss

different projects for a medical library.  In less than  four years from that time, by the liberality of associations

and of  individuals, this collection of nearly ten thousand volumes, of five  thousand pamphlets, and of one

hundred and twentyfive journals,  regularly received,all worthily sheltered beneath this lofty roof,  has

come into being under our eyes.  It has sprung up, as it were;  in the night like a mushroom; it stands before us

in full daylight as  lusty as an oak, and promising to grow and flourish in the perennial  freshness of an

evergreen. 

To whom does our profession owe this already large collection of  books, exceeded in numbers only by four

or five of the most extensive  medical libraries in the country, and lodged in a building so well  adapted to its

present needs?  We will not point out individually all  those younger members of the profession who have

accomplished what  their fathers and elder brethren had attempted and partially  achieved.  We need not write

their names on these walls, after the  fashion of those civic dignitaries who immortalize themselves on  tablets

of marble and gates of iron.  But their contemporaries know  them well, and their descendants will not forget

them,the men who  first met together, the men who have given their time and their  money, the faithful

workers, worthy associates of the strenuous  agitator who gave no sleep to his eyes, no slumber to his eyelids,

until he had gained his ends; the untiring, imperturbable, tenacious,  irrepressible, allsubduing agitator who

neither rested nor let  others rest until the success of the project was assured.  If,  against his injunctions, I name

Dr. James Read Chadwick, it is only  my revenge for his having kept me awake so often and so long while he

was urging on the undertaking in which he has been preeminently  active and triumphantly successful. 

We must not forget the various medical libraries which preceded  this:  that of an earlier period, when Boston

contained about seventy  regular practitioners, the collection afterwards transferred to the  Boston Athenaeum;

the two collections belonging to the University;  the Treadwell Library at the Massachusetts General Hospital;

the  collections of the two societies, that for Medical Improvement and  that for Medical Observation; and

more especially the ten thousand  volumes relating to medicine belonging to our noble public city

library,too many blossoms on the tree of knowledge, perhaps, for  the best fruit to ripen.  But the

Massachusetts Medical Society now  numbers nearly four hundred members in the city of Boston.  The time

had arrived for a new and larger movement.  There was needed a place  to which every respectable member of

the medical profession could  obtain easy access; where, under one roof, all might find the special  information

they were seeking; where the latest medical intelligence  should be spread out daily as the shipping news is

posted on the  bulletins of the exchange; where men engaged in a common pursuit  could meet, surrounded by

the mute oracles of science and art; where  the whole atmosphere should be as full of professional knowledge


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as  the apothecary's shop is of the odor of his medicaments.  This was  what the old men longed for,the

prophets and kings of the  profession, who 

               "Desired it long,

     But died without the sight."

This is what the young men and those who worked under their  guidance  undertook to give us.  And now such

a library, such a  readingroom,  such an exchange, such an intellectual and social  meeting place, we  be hold a

fact, plain before us.  The medical  profession of our city,  and, let us add, of all those neighboring  places which

it can reach  with its iron arms, is united as never  before by the commune  vinculum, the common bond of a

large, enduring,  ennobling, unselfish  interest.  It breathes a new air of awakened  intelligence.  It  marches

abreast of the other learned professions,  which have long had  their extensive and valuable centralized

libraries; abreast of them,  but not promising to be content with that  position.  What glorifies a  town like a

cathedral?  What dignifies a  province like a university?  What illuminates a country like its  scholarship, and

what is the nest  that hatches scholars but a library? 

The physician, some may say, is a practical man and has little use  for all this booklearning.  Every student

has heard Sydenham's reply  to Sir Richard Blackmore's question as to what books he should read,  meaning

medical books.  "Read Don Quixote," was his famous answer.  But Sydenham himself made medical books

and may be presumed to have  thought those at least worth reading.  Descartes was asked where was  his

library, and in reply held up the dissected body of an animal.  But Descartes made books, great books, and a

great many of them.  A  physician of common sense without erudition is better than a learned  one without

common sense, but the thorough master of his profession  must have learning added to his natural gifts. 

It is not necessary to maintain the direct practical utility of all  kinds of learning.  Our shelves contain many

books which only a  certain class of medical scholars will be likely to consult.  There  is a dead medical

literature, and there is a live one.  The dead is  not all ancient, the live is not all modern.  There is none, modern

or ancient, which, if it has no living value for the student, will  not teach him something by its autopsy.  But it

is with the live  literature of his profession that the medical practitioner is first  of all concerned. 

Now there has come a great change in our time over the form in  which  living thought presents itself.  The first

printed books,the  incunabula,were inclosed in boards of solid oak, with brazen clasps  and corners; the

boards by and by were replaced by pasteboard covered  with calf or sheepskin; then cloth came in and took

the place of  leather; then the pasteboard was covered with paper instead of cloth;  and at this day the quarterly,

the monthly, the weekly periodical in  its flimsy unsupported dress of paper, and the daily journal, naked  as it

came from the womb of the press, hold the larger part of the  fresh reading we live upon.  We must have the

latest thought in its  latest expression; the page must be newly turned like the morning  bannock; the pamphlet

must be newly opened like the anteprandial  oyster. 

Thus a library, to meet the need of our time, must take, and must  spread out in a convenient form, a great

array of periodicals.  Our  active practitioners read these by preference over almost everything  else.  Our

specialists, more particularly, depend on the month's  product, on the yearly crop of new facts, new

suggestions, new  contrivances, as much as the farmer on the annual yield of his acres.  One of the first wants,

then, of the profession is supplied by our  library in its great array of periodicals from many lands, in many

languages.  Such a number of medical periodicals no private library  would have room for, no private person

would pay for, or flood his  tables with if they were sent him for nothing.  These, I think, with  the reports of

medical societies and the papers contributed to them,  will form the most attractive part of our accumulated

medical  treasures.  They will be also one of our chief expenses, for these  journals must be bound in volumes

and they require a great amount of  shelfroom; all this, in addition to the cost of subscription for  those which

are not furnished us gratuitously. 


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It is true that the value of old scientific periodicals is, other  things being equal, in the inverse ratio of their

age, for the  obvious reason that what is most valuable in the earlier volumes of a  series is drained off into the

standard works with which the  intelligent practitioner is supposed to be familiar.  But no extended  record of

facts grows too old to be useful, provided only that we  have a ready and sure way of getting at the particular

fact or facts  we are in search of. 

And this leads me to speak of what I conceive to be one of the  principal tasks to be performed by the present

and the coming  generation of scholars, not only in the medical, but in every  department of knowledge.  I mean

the formation of indexes, and more  especially of indexes to periodical literature. 

This idea has long been working in the minds of scholars, and all  who  have had occasion to follow out any

special subject.  I have a  right  to speak of it, for I long ago attempted to supply the want of  indexes in some

small measure for my own need.  I had a very complete  set of the "American Journal of the Medical

Sciences;" an entire set  of the "North American Review," and many volumes of the reprints of  the three

leading British quarterlies.  Of what use were they to me  without general indexes?  I looked them all through

carefully and  made classified lists of all the articles I thought I should most  care to read.  But they soon

outgrew my lists.  The "North American  Review " kept filling up shelf after shelf, rich in articles which I

often wanted to consult, but what a labor to find them, until the  index of Mr. Gushing, published a few

months since, made the contents  of these hundred and twenty volumes as easily accessible as the words  in a

dictionary!  I had a, copy of good Dr. Abraham Rees's  Cyclopaedia, a treasurehouse to my boyhood which

has not lost its  value for me in later years.  But where to look for what I wanted?  I  wished to know, for

instance, what Dr. Burney had to say about  singing.  Who would have looked for it under the Italian word

cantare?  I was curious to learn something of the etchings of  Rembrandt, and where should I find it but under

the head "Low  Countries, Engravers of the,"an elaborate and most valuable article  of a hundred

doublecolumned closeprinted quarto pages, to which no  reference, even, is made under the title

Rembrandt. 

There was nothing to be done, if I wanted to know where that which  I  specially cared for was to be found in

my Rees's Cyclopaedia, but to  look over every page of its fortyone quarto volumes and make out a  brief list

of matters of interest which I could not find by their  titles, and this I did, at no small expense of time and

trouble. 

Nothing, therefore, could be more pleasing to me than to see the  attention which has been given of late years

to the great work of  indexing.  It is a quarter of a century since Mr. Poole published his  "Index to Periodical

Literature," which it is much to be hoped is  soon to appear in a new edition, grown as it must be to

formidable  dimensions by the additions of so long a period.  The "British and  Foreign Medical Review,"

edited by the late Sir John Forties,  contributed to by Huxley, Carpenter, Laycock, and others of the most

distinguished scientific men of Great Britain, has an index to its  twentyfour volumes, and by its aid I find

this valuable series as  manageable as a lexicon.  The last edition of the "Encyclopaedia  Britannica" had a

complete index in a separate volume, and the  publishers of Appletons' "American Cyclopaedia" have recently

issued  an index to their useful work, which must greatly add to its value.  I  have already referred to the index

to the "North American Review,"  which to an American, and especially to a New Englander, is the most

interesting and most valuable addition of its kind to our literary  apparatus since the publication of Mr.

Allibone's "Dictionary of  Authors."  I might almost dare to parody Mr. Webster's words in  speaking of

Hamilton, to describe what Mr. Gushing did for the solemn  rows of back volumes of our honored old Review

which had been long  fossilizing on our shelves: "He touched the dead corpse of the 'North  American,'" and it

sprang to its feet."  A library of the best  thought of the best American scholars during the greater portion of

the century was brought to light by the work of the indexmaker as  truly as were the Assyrian tablets by the

labors of Layard. 


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A great portion of the best writing and reading literary,  scientific,  professional, miscellaneouscomes to us

now, at stated  intervals, in  paper covers.  The writer appears, as it were, in his  shirtsleeves.  As soon as he has

delivered his message the bookbinder  puts a coat  on his back, and he joins the forlorn brotherhood of "back

volumes,"  than which, so long as they are unindexed, nothing can be  more  exasperating.  Who wants a lock

without a key, a ship without a  rudder, a binnacle without a compass, a check without a signature, a

greenback without a goldback behind it? 

I have referred chiefly to the medical journals, but I would  include  with these the reports of medical

associations, and those  separate  publications which, coming in the form of pamphlets, heap  themselves  into

chaotic piles and bundles which are worse than  useless, taking  up a great deal of room, and frightening

everything  away but mice and  mousing antiquarians, or possibly at long intervals  some terebrating  specialist. 

Arranged, bound, indexed, all these at once become accessible and  valuable.  I will take the first instance

which happens to suggest  itself.  How many who know all about osteoblasts and the experiments  of Ollier,

and all that has grown out of them, know where to go for a  paper by the late Dr. A. L. Peirson of Salem,

published in the year  1840, under the modest title, Remarks on Fractures?  And if any  practitioner who has to

deal with broken bones does not know that  most excellent and practical essay, it is a great pity, for it  answers

very numerous questions which will be sure to suggest  themselves to the surgeon and the patient as no one of

the recent  treatises, on my own shelves, at least, can do. 

But if indexing is the special need of our time in medical  literature, as in every department of knowledge, it

must be  remembered that it is not only an immense labor, but one that never  ends.  It requires, therefore, the

cooperation of a large number of  individuals to do the work, and a large amount of money to pay for  making

its results public through the press.  When it is remembered  that the catalogue of the library of the British

Museum is contained  in nearly three thousand large folios of manuscript, and not all its  books are yet

included, the task of indexing any considerable branch  of science or literature looks as if it were well nigh

impossible.  But many hands make light work.  An "Index Society" has been formed  in England, already

numbering about one hundred and seventy members.  It aims at "supplying thorough indexes to valuable

works and  collections which have hitherto lacked them; at issuing indexes to  the literature of special subjects;

and at gathering materials for a  general reference index."  This society has published a little  treatise setting

forth the history and the art of indexing, which I  trust is in the hands of some of our members, if not upon our

shelves. 

Something has been done in the same direction by individuals in our  own country, as we have already seen.

The need of it in the  department of medicine is beginning to be clearly felt.  Our library  has already an

admirable catalogue with cross references, the work of  a number of its younger members cooperating in the

task.  A very  intelligent medical student, Mr. William D. Chapin, whose excellent  project is indorsed by

wellknown New York physicians and professors,  proposes to publish a yearly index to original

communications in the  medical journals of the United States, classified by authors and  subjects.  But it is from

the National Medical Library at Washington  that we have the best promise and the largest expectations.  That

great and growing collection of fifty thousand volumes is under the  eye and hand of a librarian who knows

books and how to manage them.  For libraries are the standing armies of civilization, and an army is  but a

mob without a general who can organize and marshal it so as to  make it effective.  The "Specimen Fasciculus

of a Catalogue of the  National Medical Library," prepared under the direction of Dr.  Billings, the librarian,

would have excited the admiration of Haller,  the master scholar in medical science of the last century, or

rather  of the profession in all centuries, and if carried out as it is begun  will be to the nineteenth all and more

than all that the three  BibliothecaeAnatomica, Chirurgica, and MedicinaePracticaewere to  the

eighteenth century.  I cannot forget the story that Agassiz was  so fond of telling of the king of Prussia and

Fichte.  It was after  the humiliation and spoliation of the kingdom by Napoleon that the  monarch asked the

philosopher what could be done to regain the lost  position of the nation.  "Found a great university, Sire," was

the  answer, and so it was that in the year 1810 the worldrenowned  University of Berlin came into being.  I


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believe that we in this  country can do better than found a national university, whose  professors shall be

nominated in caucuses, go in and out, perhaps,  like postmasters, with every change of administration, and

deal with  science in the face of their constituency as the courtier did with  time when his sovereign asked him

what o'clock it was: "Whatever hour  your majesty pleases."  But when we have a noble library like that at

Washington, and a librarian of exceptional qualifications like the  gentleman who now holds that office, I

believe that a liberal  appropriation by Congress to carry out a conscientious work for the  advancement of

sound knowledge and the bettering of human conditions,  like this which Dr. Billings has so well begun,

would redound greatly  to the honor of the nation.  It ought to be willing to be at some  charge to make its

treasures useful to its citizens, and, for its own  sake, especially to that class which has charge of health, public

and  private.  This country abounds in what are called "selfmade men,"  and is justly proud of many whom it

thus designates.  In one sense no  man is selfmade who breathes the air of a civilized community.  In  another

sense every man who is anything other than a phonograph on  legs is selfmade.  But if we award his just

praise to the man who  has attained any kind of excellence without having had the same  advantages as others

whom, nevertheless, he has equalled or  surpassed, let us not be betrayed into undervaluing the mechanic's

careful training to his business, the thorough and laborious  education of the scholar and the professional man. 

Our American atmosphere is vocal with the flippant loquacity of  half  knowledge.  We must accept whatever

good can be got out of it,  and  keep it under as we do sorrel and mullein and witchgrass, by  enriching the soil,

and sowing good seed in plenty; by good teaching  and good books, rather than by wasting our time in talking

against  it.  Half knowledge dreads nothing but whole knowledge. 

I have spoken of the importance and the predominance of periodical  literature, and have attempted to do

justice to its value.  But the  almost exclusive reading of it is not without its dangers.  The  journals contain

much that is crude and unsound; the presumption; it  might be maintained, is against their novelties, unless

they come  from observers of established credit.  Yet I have known a  practitioner,perhaps more than

one,who was as much under the  dominant influence of the last article he had read in his favorite  medical

journal as a milliner under the sway of the last fashion  plate.  The difference between green and seasoned

knowledge is very  great, and such practitioners never hold long enough to any of their  knowledge to have it

get seasoned. 

It is needless to say, then, that all the substantial and permanent  literature of the profession should be

represented upon our shelves.  Much of it is there already, and as one private library after another  falls into

this by the natural law of gravitation, it will gradually  acquire all that is most valuable almost without effort.

A scholar  should not be in a hurry to part with his books.  They are probably  more valuable to him than they

can be to any other individual.  What  Swedenborg called "correspondence" has established itself between his

intelligence and the volumes which wall him within their sacred  inclosure.  Napoleon said that his mind was

as if furnished with  drawers,he drew out each as he wanted its contents, and closed it  at will when done

with them.  The scholar's mind, to use a similar  comparison, is furnished with shelves, like his library.  Each

book  knows its place in the brain as well as against the wall or in the  alcove.  His consciousness is doubled by

the books which encircle  him, as the trees that surround a lake repeat themselves in its  unruffled waters.  Men

talk of the nerve that runs to the pocket, but  one who loves his books, and has lived long with them, has a

nervous  filament which runs from his sensorium to every one of them.  Or, if  I may still let my fancy draw its

pictures, a scholar's library is to  him what a temple is to the worshipper who frequents it.  There is  the altar

sacred to his holiest experiences.  There is the font where  his newborn thought was baptized and first had a

name in his  consciousness.  There is the monumental tablet of a dead belief,  sacred still in the memory of

what it was while yet alive.  No  visitor can read all this on the lettered backs of the books that  have gathered

around the scholar, but for him, from the Aldus on the  lowest shelf to the Elzevir on the highest, every

volume has a  language which none but be can interpret.  Be patient with the book  collector who loves his

companions too well to let them go.  Books  are not buried with their owners, and the veriest bookmiser that

ever lived was probably doing far more for his successors than his  more liberal neighbor who despised his

learned or unlearned avarice.  Let the fruit fall with the leaves still clinging round it.  Who  would have stripped


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Southey's walls of the books that filled them,  when, his mind no longer capable of taking in their meaning, he

would  still pat and fondle them with the vague loving sense of what they  had once been to him,to him, the

great scholar, now like a little  child among his playthings? 

We need in this country not only the scholar, but the virtuoso, who  hoards the treasures which he loves, it

may be chiefly for their  rarity and because others who know more than he does of their value  set a high price

upon them.  As the wine of old vintages is gently  decanted out of its cobwebbed bottles with their rotten corks

into  clean new receptacles, so the wealth of the New World is quietly  emptying many of the libraries and

galleries of the Old World into  its newly formed collections and newly raised edifices.  And this  process must

go on in an accelerating ratio.  No Englishman will be  offended if I say that before the New Zealander takes

his stand on a  broken arch of London Bridge to sketch the ruins of St. Paul's in the  midst of a vast solitude,

the treasures of the British Museum will  have found a new shelter in the halls of New York or Boston.  No

Catholic will think hardly of my saying that before the Coliseum  falls, and with it the imperial city, whose

doom prophecy has linked  with that of the almost eternal amphitheatre, the marbles, the  bronzes, the

paintings, the manuscripts of the Vatican will have left  the shores of the Tiber for those of the Potomac, the

Hudson, the  Mississippi, or the Sacramento.  And what a delight in the pursuit of  the rarities which the eager

bookhunter follows with the scent of a  beagle! 

Shall I ever forget that rainy day in Lyons, that dingy bookshop,  where I found the Aetius, long missing from

my Artis bledicae  Principes, and where I bought for a small pecuniary consideration,  though it was marked

rare, and was really tres rare, the Aphorisms of  Hippocrates, edited by and with a preface from the hand of

Francis  Rabelais?  And the vellumbound Tulpius, which I came upon in Venice,  afterwards my only reading

when imprisoned in quarantine at  Marseilles, so that the two hundred and twentyeight cases he has  recorded

are, many of them, to this day still fresh in my memory.  And  the Schenckius,the folio filled with casus

rariores, which had  strayed in among the rubbish of the bookstall on the boulevard,and  the noble old

Vesalius with its grand frontispiece not unworthy of  Titian, and the fine old Ambroise Pare, long waited for

even in Paris  and long ago, and the colossal Spigelius with his eviscerated  beauties, and Dutch Bidloo with its

miracles of fine engraving and  bad dissection, and Italian Mascagni, the despair of all wouldbe  imitators,

and preAdamite John de Ketam, and antediluvian  Berengarius Carpensis,but why multiply names, every

one of which  brings back the accession of a book which was an event almost like  the birth of an infant? 

A library like ours must exercise the largest hospitality.  A great  many books may be found in every large

collection which remind us of  those apostolic looking old men who figure on the platform at our  political and

other assemblages.  Some of them have spoken words of  wisdom in their day, but they have ceased to be

oracles; some of them  never had any particularly important message for humanity, but they  add dignity to the

meeting by their presence; they look wise, whether  they are so or not, and no one grudges them their places

of honor.  Venerable figureheads, what would our platforms be without you? 

Just so with our libraries.  Without their rows of folios in creamy  vellum, or showing their black backs with

antique lettering of  tarnished gold, our shelves would look as insufficient and unbalanced  as a column

without its base, as a statue without its pedestal.  And  do not think they are kept only to be spanked and dusted

during that  dreadful period when their owner is but too thankful to become an  exile and a wanderer from the

scene of single combats between dead  authors and living housemaids.  Men were not all cowards before

Agamemnon or all fools before the days of Virchow and Billroth.  And  apart from any practical use to be

derived from the older medical  authors, is there not a true pleasure in reading the accounts of  great

discoverers in their own words?  I do not pretend to hoist up  the Bibliotheca Anatomica of Mangetus and

spread it on my table every  day.  I do not get out my great Albinus before every lecture on the  muscles, nor

disturb the majestic repose of Vesalius every time I  speak of the bones he has so admirably described and

figured.  But it  does please me to read the first descriptions of parts to which the  names of their discoverers or

those who have first described them  have become so joined that not even modern science can part them; to

listen to the talk of my old volume as Willis describes his circle  and Fallopius his aqueduct and Varolius his


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bridge and Eustachius his  tube and Monro his foramen,all so well known to us in the human  body; it does

please me to know the very words in which Winslow  described the opening which bears his name, and

Glisson his capsule  and De Graaf his vesicle; I am not content until I know in what  language Harvey

announced his discovery of the circulation, and how  Spigelius made the liver his perpetual memorial, and

Malpighi found a  monument more enduring than brass in the corpuscles of the spleen and  the kidney. 

But after all, the readers who care most for the early records of  medical science and art are the specialists who

are dividing up the  practice of medicine and surgery as they were parcelled out,  according to Herodotus, by

the Egyptians.  For them nothing is too  old, nothing is too new, for to their books of ail others is  applicable the

saying of D'Alembert that the author kills himself in  lengthening out what the reader kills himself in trying to

shorten. 

There are practical books among these ancient volumes which can  never  grow old.  Would you know how to

recognize "male hysteria" and  to  treat it, take down your Sydenham; would you read the experience of  a

physician who was himself the subject of asthma, and who,  notwithstanding that, in the words of Dr.

Johnson, "panted on till  ninety," you will find it in the venerable treatise of Sir John  Floyer; would you listen

to the story of the King's Evil cured by the  royal touch, as told by a famous chirurgeon who fully believed in

it,  go to Wiseman; would you get at first hand the description of the  spinal disease which long bore his name,

do not be startled if I tell  you to go to Pott,to Percival Pott, the great surgeon of the last  century. 

There comes a time for every book in a library when it is wanted by  somebody.  It is but a few weeks since

one of the most celebrated  physicians in the country wrote to me from a great centre of medical  education to

know if I had the works of Sanctorius, which he had  tried in vain to find.  I could have lent him the "Medicina

Statica,"  with its frontispiece showing Sanctorius with his dinner on the table  before him, in his balanced

chair which sunk with him below the level  of his banquetboard when he had swallowed a certain number of

ounces,an early foreshadowing of Pettenkofer's chamber and  quantitative physiology,but the "Opera

Omnia" of Sanctorius I had  never met with, and I fear he had to do without it. 

I would extend the hospitality of these shelves to a class of works  which we are in the habit of considering as

being outside of the pale  of medical science, properly so called, and sometimes of coupling  with a

disrespectful name.  Such has always been my own practice.  I  have welcomed Culpeper and Salmon to my

bookcase as willingly as  Dioscorides or Quincy, or Paris or Wood and Bache.  I have found a  place for St.

John Long, and read the story of his trial for  manslaughter with as much interest as the laurelwater case in

which  John Hunter figured as a witness.  I would give Samuel Hahnemann a  place by the side of Samuel

Thomson.  Am I not afraid that some  student of imaginative turn and not provided with the needful  cerebral

strainers without which all the refuse of gimcrack  intelligences gets into the mental drains and chokes them

up,am I  not afraid that some such student will get hold of the "Organon" or  the "Maladies Chroniques" and

be won over by their delusions, and so  be lost to those that love him as a man of common sense and a brother

in their high calling?  Not in the least.  If he showed any symptoms  of infection I would for once have recourse

to the principle of  similia similibus.  To cure him of Hahnemann I would prescribe my  favorite homoeopathic

antidote, Okie's Bonninghausen.  If that  failed, I would order Grauvogl as a heroic remedy, and if he survived

that uncured, I would give him my blessing, if I thought him honest,  and bid him depart in peace.  For me he

is no longer an individual.  He belongs to a class of minds which we are bound to be patient with  if their

Maker sees fit to indulge them with existence.  We must  accept the conjuring ultraritualist, the dreamy

second adventist,  the erratic spiritualist, the fantastic homoeopathist, as not  unworthy of philosophic study;

not more unworthy of it than the  squarers of the circle and the inventors of perpetual motion, and the  other

whimsical visionaries to whom De Morgan has devoted his most  instructive and entertaining "Budget of

Paradoxes."  I hope,  therefore, that our library will admit the works of the socalled  Eclectics, of the

Thomsonians, if any are in existence, of the  Clairvoyants, if they have a literature, and especially of the

Homoeopathists.  This country seems to be the place for such a  collection, which will by and by be curious

and of more value than at  present, for Homoeopathy seems to be following the pathological law  of erysipelas,


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fading out where it originated as it spreads to new  regions.  At least I judge so by the following translated

extract  from a criticism of an American work in the "Homoeopatische  Rundschau" of Leipzig for October,

1878, which I find in the  "Homoeopathic Bulletin" for the month of November just passed:  "While  we feel

proud of the spread and rise of Homoeopathy across the  ocean,  and while the Homoeopathic works reaching

us from there, and  published  in a style such as is unknown in Germany, bear eloquent  testimony to  the

eminent activity of our transatlantic colleagues, we  are overcome  by sorrowful regrets at the position

Homoeopathy  occupies in Germany.  Such a work [as the American one referred to]  with us would be

impossible; it would lack the necessary support." 

By all means let our library secure a good representation of the  literature of Homoeopathy before it leaves us

its "sorrowful regrets"  and migrates with its sugar of milk pellets, which have taken the  place of the old

pilulae micae panis, to Alaska, to "Nova Zembla, or  the Lord knows where." 

What shall I say in this presence of the duties of a Librarian?  Where have they ever been better performed

than in our own public  city library, where the late Mr. Jewett and the living Mr. Winsor  have shown us what

a librarian ought to be,the organizing head, the  vigilant guardian, the seeker's index, the scholar's

counsellor?  His  work is not merely that of administration, manifold and laborious as  its duties are.  He must

have a quick intelligence and a retentive  memory.  He is a public carrier of knowledge in its germs.  His  office

is like that which naturalists attribute to the bumblebee,  he lays up little honey for himself, but he

conveys the fertilizing  pollen from flower to flower. 

Our undertaking, just completed,and just begunhas come at the  right time, not a day too soon.  Our

practitioners need a library  like this, for with all their skill and devotion there is too little  genuine erudition,

such as a liberal profession ought to be able to  claim for many of its members.  In reading the recent obituary

notices of the late Dr. Geddings of South Carolina, I recalled what  our lamented friend Dr. Coale used to tell

me of his learning and  accomplishments, and I could not help reflecting how few such medical  scholars we

had to show in Boston or New England.  We must clear up  this unilluminated atmosphere, and here,here is

the true electric  light which will irradiate its darkness. 

The public will catch the rays reflected from the same source of  light, and it needs instruction on the great

subjects of health and  disease,needs it sadly.  It is preyed upon by every kind of  imposition almost without

hindrance.  Its ignorance and prejudices  react upon the profession to the great injury of both.  The jealous

feeling, for instance, with regard to such provisions for the study  of anatomy as are sanctioned by the laws in

this State and carried  out with strict regard to those laws, threatens the welfare, if not  the existence of

institutions for medical instruction wherever it is  not held in check by enlightened intelligence.  And on the

other hand  the profession has just been startled by a verdict against a  physician, ruinous in its

amount,enough to drive many a hard  working young practitioner out of house and home,a verdict

which  leads to the fear that suits for malpractice may take the place of  the panel game and childstealing as a

means of extorting money.  If  the profession in this State, which claims a high standard of  civilization, is to be

crushed and ground beneath the upper millstone  of the dearth of educational advantages and the lower

millstone of  ruinous penalties for what the ignorant ignorantly shall decide to be  ignorance, all I can say is 

God save the Commonhealth of Massachusetts! 

Once more, we cannot fail to see that just as astrology has given  place to astronomy, so theology, the science

of Him whom by searching  no man can find out, is fast being replaced by what we may not  improperly call

theonomy, or the science of the laws according to  which the Creator acts.  And since these laws find their

fullest  manifestations for us, at least, in rational human natures, the study  of anthropology is largely replacing

that of scholastic divinity.  We  must contemplate our Maker indirectly in human attributes as we talk  of Him

in human parts of speech.  And this gives a sacredness to the  study of man in his physical, mental, moral,

social, and religious  nature which elevates the faithful students of anthropology to the  dignity of a priesthood,


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and sheds a holy light on the recorded  results of their labors, brought together as they are in such a  collection

as this which is now spread out before us. 

Thus, then, our library is a temple as truly as the domecrowned  cathedral hallowed by the breath of prayer

and praise, where the dead  repose and the living worship.  May it, with all its treasures, be  consecrated like

that to the glory of God, through the contributions  it shall make to the advancement of sound knowledge, to

the relief of  human suffering, to the promotion of harmonious relations between the  members of the two

noble professions which deal with the diseases of  the soul and with those of the body, and to the common

cause in which  all good men are working, the furtherance of the wellbeing of their  fellowcreatures! 

NOTE.As an illustration of the statement in the last paragraph  but  one, I take the following notice from the

"Boston Daily  Advertiser,"  of December 4th, the day after the delivery of the  address:  "Prince Lucien

Bonaparte is now living in London, and is  devoting  himself to the work of collecting the creeds of all

religions  and  sects, with a view to their classification,his object being  simply  scientific or

anthropological." 

Since delivering the address, also, I find a leading article in the  "Cincinnati Lancet and Clinic" of November

30th, headed "The  Decadence of Homoeopathy," abundantly illustrated by extracts from  the "Homoeopathic

Times," the leading American organ of that sect. 

In the New York "Medical Record" of the same date, which I had not  seen before the delivery of my address,

is an account of the action  of the Homoeopathic Medical Society of Northern New York, in which

Hahnemann's theory of "dynamization" is characterized in a formal  resolve as "unworthy the confidence of

the Homoeopathic profession." 

It will be a disappointment to the German Homoeopathists to read in  the "Homoeopathic Times" such a

statement as the following:  "Whatever  the influences have been which have checked the outward

development of  Homoeopathy, it is plainly evident that the  Homoeopathic school, as  regards the number of

its openly avowed  representatives, has attained  its majority, and has begun to decline  both in this country and

in  England." 

All which is an additional reason for making a collection of the  incredibly curious literature of Homoeopathy

before that  pseudological inanity has faded out like so many other delusions. 

SOME OF MY EARLY TEACHERS

[A Farewell Address to the Medical School of Harvard University,  November 28, 1882.] 

I had intended that the recitation of Friday last should be  followed  by a few parting words to my class and

any friends who might  happen  to be in the lectureroom.  But I learned on the preceding  evening  that there

was an expectation, a desire, that my farewell  should take  a somewhat different form; and not to disappoint

the  wishes of those  whom I was anxious to gratify, I made up my mind to  appear before you  with such hasty

preparation as the scanty time  admitted. 

There are three occasions upon which a human being has a right to  consider himself as a centre of interest to

those about him: when he  is christened, when he is married, and when he is buried.  Every one  is the chief

personage, the hero, of his own baptism, his own  wedding, and his own funeral. 

There are other occasions, less momentous, in which one may make  more  of himself than under ordinary

circumstances he would think it  proper  to do; when he may talk about himself, and tell his own  experiences,


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in fact, indulge in a more or less egotistic monologue  without fear  or reproach. 

I think I may claim that this is one of those occasions.  I have  delivered my last anatomical lecture and heard

my class recite for  the last time.  They wish to hear from me again in a less scholastic  mood than that in which

they have known me.  Will you not indulge me  in telling you something of my own story? 

This is the thirtysixth Course of Lectures in which I have taken  my  place and performed my duties as

Professor of Anatomy.  For more  than  half of my term of office I gave instruction in Physiology, after  the

fashion of my predecessors and in the manner then generally  prevalent  in our schools, where the

physiological laboratory was not a  necessary part of the apparatus of instruction.  It was with my  hearty

approval that the teaching of Physiology was constituted a  separate department and made an independent

Professorship.  Before my  time, Dr. Warren had taught Anatomy, Physiology, and Surgery in the  same course

of Lectures, lasting only three or four months.  As the  boundaries of science are enlarged, new divisions and

subdivisions of  its territories become necessary.  In the place of six Professors in  1847, when I first became a

member of the Faculty, I count twelve  upon the Catalogue before me, and I find the whole number engaged

in  the work of instruction in the Medical School amounts to no less than  fifty. 

Since I began teaching in this school, the aspect of many branches  of  science has undergone a very

remarkable transformation.  Chemistry  and Physiology are no longer what they were, as taught by the

instructors of that time.  We are looking forward to the synthesis of  new organic compounds; our artificial

madder is already in the  market, and the indigoraisers are now fearing that their crop will  be supplanted by

the manufactured article.  In the living body we  talk of fuel supplied and work done, in movement, in heat,

just as if  we were dealing with a machine of our own contrivance. 

A physiological laboratory of today is equipped with instruments  of  research of such ingenious contrivance,

such elaborate  construction,  that one might suppose himself in a workshop where some  exquisite  fabric was

to be wrought, such as Queens love to wear, and  Kings do  not always love to pay for.  They are, indeed,

weaving a  charmed web,  for these are the looms from which comes the knowledge  that clothes  the nakedness

of the intellect.  Here are the mills that  grind food  for its hunger, and "is not the life more than meat, and  the

body  than raiment?" 

But while many of the sciences have so changed that the teachers of  the past would hardly know them, it has

not been so with the branch I  teach, or, rather, with that division of it which is chiefly taught  in this

amphitheatre.  General anatomy, or histology, on the other  hand, is almost all new; it has grown up, mainly,

since I began my  medical studies.  I never saw a compound microscope during my years  of study in Paris.

Individuals had begun to use the instrument, but  I never heard it alluded to by either Professors or students.  In

descriptive anatomy I have found little to unlearn, and not a great  deal that was both new and important to

learn.  Trifling additions  are made from year to year, not to be despised and not to be  overvalued.  Some of the

older anatomical works are still admirable,  some of the newer ones very much the contrary.  I have had recent

anatomical plates brought me for inspection, and I have actually  buttonholed the bookagent, a being

commonly as hard to get rid of  as the tarbaby in the negro legend, that I might put him to shame  with the

imperial illustrations of the bones and muscles in the great  folio of Albinus, published in 1747, and the

unapproached figures of  the lymphatic system of Mascagni, now within a very few years of a  century old,

and still copied, or, rather, pretended to be copied, in  the most recent works on anatomy. 

I am afraid that it is a good plan to get rid of old Professors,  and  I am thankful to hear that there is a

movement for making  provision  for those who are left in need when they lose their offices  and their  salaries.

I remember one of our ancient Cambridge Doctors  once asked  me to get into his rickety chaise, and said to

me, half  humorously,  half sadly, that he was like an old horse,they had taken  off his  saddle and turned him

out to pasture.  I fear the grass was  pretty  short where that old servant of the public found himself  grazing.  If  I

myself needed an apology for holding my office so long,  I should  find it in the fact that human anatomy is


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much the same study  that it  was in the days of Vesalius and Fallopius, and that the  greater part  of my

teaching was of such a nature that it could never  become  antiquated. 

Let me begin with my first experience as a medical student.  I had  come from the lessons of Judge Story and

Mr. Ashmun in the Law School  at Cambridge.  I had been busy, more or less, with the pages of  Blackstone

and Chitty, and other textbooks of the first year of  legal study.  More or less, I say, but I am afraid it was less

rather  than more.  For during that year I first tasted the intoxicating  pleasure of authorship.  A college

periodical, conducted by friends  of mine, still undergraduates, tempted me into print, and there is no  form of

leadpoisoning which more rapidly and thoroughly pervades the  blood and bones and marrow than that

which reaches the young author  through mental contact with typemetal.  Qui a bu, boira,he who has  once

been a drinker will drink again, says the French proverb.  So  the man or woman who has tasted type is sure to

return to his old  indulgence sooner or later.  In that fatal year I had my first attack  of authors' leadpoisoning,

and I have never got quite rid of it from  that day to this.  But for that I might have applied myself more

diligently to my legal studies, and carried a green bag in place of a  stethoscope and a thermometer up to the

present day. 

What determined me to give up Law and apply myself to Medicine I  can  hardly say, but I had from the first

looked upon that year's study  as  an experiment.  At any rate, I made the change, and soon found  myself

introduced to new scenes and new companionships. 

I can scarcely credit my memory when I recall the first impressions  produced upon me by sights afterwards

become so familiar that they  could no more disturb a pulsebeat than the commonest of everyday

experiences.  The skeleton, hung aloft like a gibbeted criminal,  looked grimly at me as I entered the room

devoted to the students of  the school I had joined, just as the fleshless figure of Time, with  the hourglass and

scythe, used to glare upon me in my childhood from  the "New England Primer."  The white faces in the beds

at the  Hospital found their reflection in my own cheeks, which lost their  color as I looked upon them.  All this

had to pass away in a little  time; I had chosen my profession, and must meet its painful and  repulsive aspects

until they lost their power over my sensibilities. 

The private medical school which I had joined was one established  by  Dr. James Jackson, Dr. Walter

Channing, Dr. John Ware, Dr. Winslow  Lewis, and Dr. George W.  Otis.  Of the first three gentlemen I have

either spoken elsewhere or may find occasion to speak hereafter.  The  two younger members of this

association of teachers were both  graduates of our University, one of the year 1819, the other of 1818. 

Dr. Lewis was a great favorite with students.  He was a man of very  lively temperament, fond of old books

and young people, openhearted,  freespoken, an enthusiast in teaching, and especially at home in  that

apartment of the temple of science where nature is seen in  undress, the anthropotomic laboratory, known to

common speech as the  dissectingroom.  He had that quality which is the special gift of  the man born for a

teacher,the power of exciting an interest in  that which he taught.  While he was present the apartment I

speak of  was the sunniest of studios in spite of its mortuary spectacles.  Of  the students I met there I best

remember James Jackson, Junior, full  of zeal and playful as a boy, a young man whose early death was a

calamity to the profession of which he promised to be a chief  ornament; the late Reverend J. S. C. Greene,

who, as the prefix to  his name signifies, afterwards changed his profession, but one of  whose dissections I

remember looking upon with admiration; and my  friend Mr. Charles Amory, as we call him, Dr. Charles

Amory, as he is  entitled to be called, then, as now and always, a favorite with all  about him.  He had come to

us from the schools of Germany, and  brought with him recollections of the teachings of Blumenbach and the

elder Langenbeck, father of him whose portrait hangs in our Museum.  Dr. Lewis was our companion as well

as our teacher.  A good  demonstrator is,I will not say as important as a good Professor in  the teaching of

Anatomy, because I am not sure that he is not more  important.  He comes into direct personal relations with

the  students,he is one of them, in fact, as the Professor cannot be  from the nature of his duties.  The

Professor's chair is an  insulating stool, so to speak; his age, his knowledge, real or  supposed, his official


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station, are like the glass legs which support  the electrician's piece of furniture, and cut it off from the

common  currents of the floor upon which it stands.  Dr. Lewis enjoyed  teaching and made his students enjoy

being taught.  He delighted in  those anatomical conundrums to answer which keeps the student's eyes  open

and his wits awake.  He was happy as he dexterously performed  the tour de maitre of the old barbersurgeons,

or applied the spica  bandage and taught his scholars to do it, so neatly and symmetrically  that the aesthetic

missionary from the older centre of civilization  would bend over it in blissful contemplation, as if it were a

sunflower.  Dr. Lewis had many other tastes, and was a favorite, not  only with students, but in a wide circle,

professional, antiquarian,  masonic, and social. 

Dr. Otis was less widely known, but was a fluent and agreeable  lecturer, and esteemed as a good surgeon. 

I must content myself with this glimpse at myself and a few of my  fellowstudents in Boston.  After attending

two courses of Lectures  in the school of the University, I went to Europe to continue my  studies. 

You may like to hear something of the famous Professors of Paris in  the days when I was a student in the

Ecole de Medicine, and following  the great Hospital teachers. 

I can hardly believe my own memory when I recall the old  practitioners and Professors who were still going

round the hospitals  when I mingled with the train of students that attended the morning  visits.  See that bent

old man who is groping his way through the  wards of La Charity.  That is the famous Baron Boyer, author of

the  great work on surgery in nine volumes, a writer whose clearness of  style commends his treatise to general

admiration, and makes it a  kind of classic.  He slashes away at a terrible rate, they say, when  he gets hold of

the subject of fistula in its most frequent habitat,  but I never saw him do more than look as if he wanted to

cut a good  dollop out of a patient he was examining.  The short, square,  substantial man with irongray hair,

ruddy face, and white apron is  Baron Larrey, Napoleon's favorite surgeon, the most honest man he  ever

saw,it is reputed that he called him.  To go round the Hotel  des Invalides with Larrey was to live over the

campaigns of Napoleon,  to look on the sun of Austerlitz, to hear the cannons of Marengo, to  struggle through

the icy waters of the Beresina, to shiver in the  snows of the Russian retreat, and to gaze through the battle

smoke  upon the last charge of the red lancers on the redder field of  Waterloo.  Larrey was still strong and

sturdy as I saw him, and few  portraits remain printed in livelier colors on the tablet of my  memory. 

Leave the little group of students which gathers about Larrey  beneath  the gilded dome of the Invalides and

follow me to the Hotel  Dieu,  where rules and reigns the mastersurgeon of his day, at least  so far  as Paris and

France are concerned,the illustrious Baron  Dupuytren.  No man disputed his reign, some envied his

supremacy.  Lisfranc  shrugged his shoulders as he spoke of "ce grand homme de  1'autre cots  de la riviere,"

that great man on the other side of the  river, but  the great man he remained, until he bowed before the

mandate which  none may disobey.  "Three times," said Bouillaud, "did  the apoplectic  thunderbolt fall on that

robust brain,"it yielded at  last as the  old bald cliff that is riven and crashes down into the  valley.  I saw  him

before the first thunderbolt had descended: a  square, solid man,  with a high and fulldomed head, oracular in

his  utterances,  indifferent to those around him, sometimes, it was said,  very rough  with them.  He spoke in

low, even tones, with quiet  fluency, and was  listened to with that hush of rapt attention which I  have hardly

seen  in any circle of listeners unless when such men as  exPresident John  Quincy Adams or Daniel Webster

were the speakers.  I  do not think  that Dupuytren has left a record which explains his  influence, but in  point of

fact he dominated those around him in a  remarkable manner.  You must have all witnessed something of the

same  kind.  The personal  presence of some men carries command with it, and  their accents  silence the crowd

around them, when the same words from  other lips  might fall comparatively unheeded. 

As for Lisfranc, I can say little more of him than that he was a  great drawer of blood and hewer of members.  I

remember his ordering  a wholesale bleeding of his patients, right and left, whatever might  be the matter with

them, one morning when a phlebotomizing fit was on  him.  I recollect his regretting the splendid guardsmen

of the old  Empire,for what?  because they had such magnificent thighs to  amputate.  I got along about as far


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as that with him, when I ceased  to be a follower of M. Lisfranc. 

The name of Velpeau must have reached many of you, for he died in  1867, and his many works made his

name widely known.  Coming to Paris  in wooden shoes, starving, almost, at first, he raised himself to  great

eminence as a surgeon and as an author, and at last obtained  the Professorship to which his talents and

learning entitled him.  His  example may be an encouragement to some of my younger hearers who  are  born,

not with the silver spoon in their mouths, but with the  twotined iron fork in their hands.  It is a poor thing to

take up  their milk porridge with in their young days, but in after years it  will often transfix the solid

dumplings that roll out of the silver  spoon.  So Velpeau found it.  He had not what is called genius, he  was far

from prepossessing in aspect, looking as if he might have  wielded the sledgehammer (as I think he had done

in early life)  rather than the lancet, but he had industry, determination,  intelligence, character, and he made

his way to distinction and  prosperity, as some of you sitting on these benches and wondering  anxiously what

is to become of you in the struggle for life will have  done before the twentieth century has got halfway

through its first  quarter.  A good sound head over a pair of wooden shoes is a great  deal better than a wooden

head belonging to an owner who cases his  feet in calfskin, but a good brain is not enough without a stout

heart to fill the four great conduits which carry at once fuel and  fire to that mightiest of engines. 

How many of you who are before me are familiarly acquainted with  the  name of Broussais, or even with that

of Andral?  Both were  lecturing  at the Ecole de Medicine, and I often heard them.  Broussais  was in  those days

like an old volcano, which has pretty nearly used up  its  fire and brimstone, but is still boiling and bubbling in

its  interior, and now and then sends up a spirt of lava and a volley of  pebbles.  His theories of gastroenteritis,

of irritation and  inflammation as the cause of disease, and the practice which sprang  from them, ran over the

fields of medicine for a time like flame over  the grass of the prairies.  The way in which that knottyfeatured,

savage old man would bring out the word irritationwith rattling and  rolling reduplication of the resonant

letter rmight have taught a  lesson in articulation to Salvini.  But Broussais's theory was  languishing and

wellnigh become obsolete, and this, no doubt, added  vehemence to his defence of his cherished dogmas. 

Old theories, and old men who cling to them, must take themselves  out  of the way as the new generation with

its fresh thoughts and  altered  habits of mind comes forward to take the place of that which  is dying  out. This

was a truth which the fiery old theorist found it  very hard  to learn, and harder to bear, as it was forced upon

him.  For the  hour of his lecture was succeeded by that of a younger and  far more  popular professor.  As his

lecture drew towards its close,  the  benches, thinly sprinkled with students, began to fill up; the  doors  creaked

open and banged back oftener and oftener, until at last  the  sound grew almost continuous, and the voice of the

lecturer became  a  leonine growl as he strove in vain to be heard over the noise of  doors and footsteps. 

Broussais was now sixtytwo years old.  The new generation had  outgrown his doctrines, and the Professor

for whose hour the benches  had filled themselves belonged to that new generation.  Gabriel  Andral was little

more than half the age of Broussais, in the full  prime and vigor of manhood at thirtyseven years.  He was a

rapid,  fluent, fervid, and imaginative speaker, pleasing in aspect and  manner,a strong contrast to the harsh,

vituperative old man who had  just preceded him.  His Clinique Medicale is still valuable as a  collection of

cases, and his researches on the blood, conducted in  association with Gavarret, contributed new and valuable

facts to  science.  But I remember him chiefly as one of those instructors  whose natural eloquence made it

delightful to listen to him.  I doubt  if I or my fellowstudents did full justice either to him or to the  famous

physician of Hotel Dieu, Chomel.  We had addicted ourselves  almost too closely to the words of another

master, by whom we were  ready to swear as against all teachers that ever were or ever would  be. 

This object of our reverence, I might almost say idolatry, was one  whose name is well known to most of the

young men before me, even to  those who may know comparatively little of his works and teachings.  Pierre

Charles Alexandre Louis, at the age of fortyseven, as I  recall him, was a tall, rather spare, dignified

personage, of serene  and grave aspect, but with a pleasant smile and kindly voice for the  student with whom

he came into personal relations.  If I summed up  the lessons of Louis in two expressions, they would be these;


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I do  not hold him answerable for the words, but I will condense them after  my own fashion in French, and

then give them to you, expanded  somewhat, in English: 

          Formez toujours des idees nettes.

          Fuyez toujours les a peu pres.

Always make sure that you form a distinct and clear idea of the  matter you are considering. 

Always avoid vague approximations where exact estimates are  possible;  about so many,about so much,

instead of the precise number  and  quantity. 

Now, if there is anything on which the biological sciences have  prided themselves in these latter years it is

the substitution of  quantitative for qualitative formulae.  The "numerical system," of  which Louis was the

great advocate, if not the absolute originator,  was an attempt to substitute series of carefully recorded facts,

rigidly counted and closely compared, for those neverending records  of vague, unverifiable conclusions

with which the classics of the  healing art were overloaded.  The history of practical medicine had  been like the

story of the Danaides.  "Experience " had been, from  time immemorial, pouring its flowing treasures into

buckets full of  holes.  At the existing rate of supply and leakage they would never  be filled; nothing would

ever be settled in medicine.  But cases  thoroughly recorded and mathematically analyzed would always be

available for future use, and when accumulated in sufficient number  would lead to results which would be

trustworthy, and belong to  science. 

You young men who are following the hospitals hardly know how much  you are indebted to Louis.  I say

nothing of his Researches on  Phthisis or his great work on Typhoid Fever.  But I consider his  modest and brief

Essay on Bleeding in some Inflammatory Diseases,  based on cases carefully observed and numerically

analyzed, one of  the most important written contributions to practical medicine, to  the treatment of internal

disease, of this century, if not since the  days of Sydenham.  The lancet was the magician's wand of the dark

ages of medicine.  The old physicians not only believed in its  general efficacy as a wonderworker in disease,

but they believed  that each malady could be successfully attacked from some special  part of the body,the

strategic point which commanded the seat of  the morbid affection.  On a figure given in the curious old work

of  John de Ketam, no less than thirtyeight separate places are marked  as the proper ones to bleed from, in

different diseases.  Even Louis,  who had not wholly given up venesection, used now and then to order  that a

patient suffering from headache should be bled in the foot, in  preference to any other part. 

But what Louis did was this: he showed by a strict analysis of  numerous cases that bleeding did not

strangle,jugulate was the word  then used,acute diseases, more especially pneumonia.  This was not  a

reform,it was a revolution.  It was followed up in this country  by the remarkable Discourse of Dr. Jacob

Bigelow upon SelfLimited  Diseases, which has, I believe, done more than any other work or  essay in our

own language to rescue the practice of medicine from the  slavery to the drugging system which was a part of

the inheritance of  the profession. 

Yes, I say, as I look back on the long hours of the many days I  spent  in the wards and in the autopsy room of

La Pitie, where Louis  was one  of the attending physicians,yes, Louis did a great work for  practical

medicine.  Modest in the presence of nature, fearless in  the face of authority, unwearying in the pursuit of

truth, he was a  man whom any student might be happy and proud to claim as his teacher  and his friend, and

yet, as I look back on the days when I followed  his teachings, I feel that I gave myself up too exclusively to

his  methods of thought and study. 

There is one part of their business which certain medical  practitioners are too apt to forget; namely, that what

they should  most of all try to do is to ward off disease, to alleviate suffering,  to preserve life, or at least to

prolong it if possible.  It is not  of the slightest interest to the patient to know whether three or  three and a


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quarter cubic inches of his lung are hepatized.  His mind  is not occupied with thinking of the curious problems

which are to be  solved by his own autopsy,whether this or that strand of the spinal  marrow is the seat of

this or that form of degeneration.  He wants  something to relieve his pain, to mitigate the anguish of dyspnea,

to  bring back motion and sensibility to the dead limb, to still the  tortures of neuralgia.  What is it to him that

you can localize and  name by some uncouth term the disease which you could not prevent and  which you

cannot cure?  An old woman who knows how to make a poultice  and how to put it on, and does it tuto, eito,

jucunde, just when and  where it is wanted, is better,a thousand times better in many  cases,than a staring

pathologist, who explores and thumps and  doubts and guesses, and tells his patient be will be better

tomorrow,  and so goes home to tumble his books over and make out a diagnosis. 

But in those days, I, like most of my fellow students, was thinking  much more of "science" than of practical

medicine, and I believe if  we had not clung so closely to the skirts of Louis and had followed  some of the

courses of men like Trousseau,therapeutists, who gave  special attention to curative methods, and not

chiefly to diagnosis,  it would have been better for me and others.  One thing, at any  rate, we did learn in the

wards of Louis.  We learned that a very  large proportion of diseases get well of themselves, without any

special medication,the great fact formulated, enforced, and  popularized by Dr. Jacob Bigelow in the

Discourse referred to.  We  unlearned the habit of drugging for its own sake.  This detestable  practice, which I

was almost proscribed for condemning somewhat too  epigrammatically a little more than twenty years ago,

came to us, I  suspect, in a considerable measure from the English "general  practitioners," a sort of prescribing

apothecaries.  You remember  how, when the city was besieged, each artisan who was called upon in  council

to suggest the best means of defence recommended the articles  he dealt in: the carpenter, wood; the

blacksmith, iron; the mason,  brick; until it came to be a puzzle to know which to adopt. Then the  shoemaker

said, "Hang your walls with new boots,"  and gave good  reasons why these should be the best of all possible

defences.  Now  the "general practitioner"  charged, as I understand, for his  medicine, and in that way got paid

for his visit.  Wherever this is  the practice, medicine is sure to become a trade, and the people  learn to expect

drugging, and to consider it necessary, because drugs  are so universally given to the patients of the man who

gets his  living by them. 

It was something to have unlearned the pernicious habit of  constantly  giving poisons to a patient, as if they

were good in  themselves, of  drawing off the blood which he would want in his  struggle with  disease, of

making him sore and wretched with needless  blisters, of  turning his stomach with unnecessary nauseous

draught and  mixtures,  only because he was sick and something must be done.  But  there  were positive as

well as negative facts to be learned, and some  of  us, I fear, came home rich in the negatives of the expectant

practice, poor in the resources which many a plain country  practitioner had ready in abundance for the relief

and the cure of  disease.  No one instructor can be expected to do all for a student  which he requires.  Louis

taught us who followed him the love of  truth, the habit of passionless listening to the teachings of nature,  the

most careful and searching methods of observation, and the sure  means of getting at the results to be obtained

from them in the  constant employment of accurate tabulation.  He was not a showy, or  eloquent, or, I should

say, a very generally popular man, though the  favorite, almost the idol, of many students, especially

Genevese and  Bostonians.  But he was a man of lofty and admirable scientific  character, and his work will

endure in its influences long after his  name is lost sight of save to the faded eyes of the student of  medical

literature. 

Many other names of men more or less famous in their day, and who  were teaching while I was in Paris,

come up before me.  They are but  empty sounds for the most part in the ears of persons of not more  than

middle age.  Who of you knows anything of Richerand, author of a  very popular work on Physiology,

commonly put into the student's  hands when I first began to ask for medical textbooks?  I heard him  lecture

once, and have had his image with me ever since as that of an  old, wornout man,a venerable but

dilapidated relic of an effete  antiquity.  To verify this impression I have just looked out the  dates of his birth

and death, and find that he was eighteen years  younger than the speaker who is now addressing you.  There is

a  terrible parallax between the period before thirty and that after  threescore and ten, as two men of those ages


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look, one with naked  eyes, one through his spectacles, at the man of fifty and thereabout.  Magendie, I doubt

not you have all heard of.  I attended but one of  his lectures.  I question if one here, unless some contemporary

of my  own has strayed into the amphitheatre,knows anything about  Marjolin.  I remember two things about

his lectures on surgery, the  deep tones of his voice as he referred to his oracle,the earlier  writer, Jean Louis

Petit,and his formidable snuffbox.  What he  taught me lies far down, I doubt not, among the roots of my

knowledge, but it does not flower out in any noticeable blossoms, or  offer me any very obvious fruits.  Where

now is the fame of  Bouillaud, Professor and Deputy, the Sangrado of his time?  Where is  the renown of

Piorry, percussionist and poet, expert alike in the  resonances of the thoracic cavity and those of the rhyming

vocabulary? I think life has not yet done with the vivacious  Ricord, whom I remember calling the Voltaire

of pelvic literature,a  sceptic as to the morality of the race in general, who would have  submitted Diana to

treatment with his mineral specifics, and ordered  a course of blue pills for the vestal virgins. 

Ricord was born at the beginning of the century, and Piorry some  years earlier.  Cruveilhier, who died in

1874, is still remembered by  his great work on pathological anatomy; his work on descriptive  anatomy has

some things which I look in vain for elsewhere.  But  where is Civiale,where are Orfila, Gendrin, Rostan,

Biett, Alibert,  jolly old Baron Alibert, whom I remember so well in his broad  brimmed hat, worn a little

jauntily on one side, calling out to the  students in the courtyard of the Hospital St.  Louis, "Enfans de la

methode naturelle, etesvous tous ici?" "Children of the natural  method [his own method of classification of

skin diseases,] are you  all here?  "All here, then, perhaps; all where, now? 

My show of ghosts is over.  It is always the same story that old  men  tell to younger ones, some few of whom

will in their turn repeat  the  tale, only with altered names, to their children's children. 

     Like phantoms painted on the magic slide,

     Forth from the darkness of the past we glide,

     As living shadows for a moment seen

     In airy pageant on the eternal screen,

     Traced by a ray from one unchanging flame,

     Then seek the dust and stillness whence we came.

Dr. Benjamin Waterhouse, whom I well remember, came back from  Leyden,  where he had written his Latin

graduating thesis, talking of  the  learned Gaubius and the late illustrious Boerhaave and other dead  Dutchmen,

of whom you know as much, most of you, as you do of Noah's  apothecary and the family physician of

Methuselah, whose  prescriptions seem to have been lost to posterity.  Dr. Lloyd came  back to Boston full of

the teachings of Cheselden and Sharpe, William  Hunter, Smellie, and Warner; Dr. James Jackson loved to tell

of Mr.  Cline and to talk of Mr. John Hunter; Dr. Reynolds would give you his  recollections of Sir Astley

Cooper and Mr. Abernethy; I have named  the famous Frenchmen of my student days; Leyden, Edinburgh,

London,  Paris, were each in turn the Mecca of medical students, just as at  the present day Vienna and Berlin

are the centres where our young men  crowd for instruction.  These also must sooner or later yield their

precedence and pass the torch they hold to other hands.  Where shall  it next flame at the head of the long

procession?  Shall it find its  old place on the shores of the Gulf of Salerno, or shall it mingle  its rays with the

northern aurora up among the fiords of Norway,or  shall it be borne across the Atlantic and reach the banks

of the  Charles, where Agassiz and Wyman have taught, where Hagen still  teaches, glowing like his own

Lampyris splendidula, with enthusiasm,  where the first of American botanists and the ablest of American

surgeons are still counted in the roll of honor of our great  University? 

Let me add a few words which shall not be other than cheerful, as I  bid farewell to this edifice which I have

known so long.  I am  grateful to the roof which has sheltered me, to the floors which have  sustained me,

though I have thought it safest always to abstain from  anything like eloquence, lest a burst of too emphatic

applause might  land my class and myself in the cellar of the collapsing structure,  and bury us in the fate of

Korah, Dathan, and Abiram.  I have helped  to wear these stairs into hollows,stairs which I trod when they

were smooth and level, fresh from the plane.  There are just thirty  two of them, as there were five and thirty


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years ago, but they are  steeper and harder to climb, it seems to me, than they were then.  I  remember that in

the early youth of this building, the late Dr. John  K.  Mitchell, father of our famous Dr. Weir Mitchell, said to

me as  we came out of the Demonstrator's room, that some day or other a  whole class would go heels over

head down this graded precipice, like  the herd told of in Scripture story.  This has never happened as yet;  I

trust it never will.  I have never been proud of the apartment  beneath the seats, in which my preparations for

lecture were made.  But I chose it because I could have it to myself, and I resign it,  with a wish that it were

more worthy of regret, into the hands of my  successor, with my parting benediction.  Within its twilight

precincts I have often prayed for light, like Ajax, for the daylight  found scanty entrance, and the gaslight

never illuminated its dark  recesses.  May it prove to him who comes after me like the cave of  the Sibyl, out of

the gloomy depths of which came the oracles which  shone with the rays of truth and wisdom! 

This temple of learning is not surrounded by the mansions of the  great and the wealthy.  No stately avenues

lead up to its facades and  porticoes.  I have sometimes felt, when convoying a distinguished  stranger through

its precincts to its door, that he might question  whether stareyed Science had not missed her way when she

found  herself in this not too attractive locality.  I cannot regret that  weyou, I should sayare soon to

migrate to a more favored region,  and carry on your work as teachers and as learners in ampler halls  and

under far more favorable conditions. 

I hope that I may have the privilege of meeting you there, possibly  may be allowed to add my words of

welcome to those of my former  colleagues, and in that pleasing anticipation I bid goodby to this  scene of

my long labors, and, for the present at least, to the  friends with whom I have been associated. 

APPENDUM 

NOTES TO THE ADDRESS ON CURRENTS AND COUNTER  CURRENTS IN MEDICAL  SCIENCE. 

Some passages contained in the original manuscript of the Address,  and omitted in the delivery on account of

its length, are restored in  the text or incorporated with these Notes. 

NOTE A.  

There is good reason to doubt whether the nitrate of silver has any  real efficacy in epilepsy.  It has seemed to

cure many cases, but  epilepsy is a very uncertain disease, and there is hardly anything  which has not been

supposed to cure it.  Dr. Copland cites many  authorities in its favor, most especially Lombard's cases.  But De

la  Berge and Monneret (Comp.  de Med.  Paris), 1839, analyze these same  cases, eleven in number, and can

only draw the inference of a very  questionable value in the supposed remedy.  Dr. James Jackson says  that

relief of epilepsy is not to be attained by any medicine with  which he is acquainted, but by diet.  (Letters to a

Young Physician,  p.  67.) Guy Patin, Dean of the Faculty of Paris, Professor at the  Royal College, Author of

the Antimonial Martyrology, a wit and a man  of sense and learning, who died almost two hundred years ago,

had  come to the same conclusion, though the chemists of his time boasted  of their remedies.  "Did, you ever

see a case of epilepsy cured by  nitrate of silver?"  I said to one of the oldest and most experienced  surgeons in

this country.  "Never," was his instant reply.  Dr.  Twitchell's experience was very similar.  How, then, did

nitrate of  silver come to be given for epilepsy?  Because, as Dr. Martin has so  well reminded us, lunatics were

considered formerly to be under the  special influence of Luna, the moon (which Esquirol, be it observed,

utterly denies), and lunar caustic, or nitrate of silver, is a salt  of that metal which was called luna from its

whiteness, and of course  must be in the closest relations with the moon.  It follows beyond  all reasonable

question that the moon's metal, silver, and its  preparations, must be the specific remedy for moonblasted

maniacs and  epileptics! 

Yet the practitioner who prescribes the nitrate of silver supposes  he  is guided by the solemn experience of the

past, instead of by its  idle fancies.  He laughs at those old physicians who placed such  confidence in the right


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hind hoof of an elk as a remedy for the same  disease, and leaves the record of his own belief in a treatment

quite  as fanciful and far more objectionable, written in indelible ink upon  a living tablet where he who runs

may read it for a whole generation,  if nature spares his walking advertisement so long. 

NOTE B.  

The presumption that a man is innocent until he is proved guilty,  does not mean that there are no rogues, but

lays the onus probandi on  the party to which it properly belongs.  So with this proposition.  A  noxious agent

should never be employed in sickness unless there is  ample evidence in the particular case to overcome the

general  presumption against all such agents, and the evidence is very apt to  be defective. 

The miserable delusion of Homoeopathy builds itself upon an axiom  directly the opposite of this; namely,

that the sick are to be cured  by poisons.  Similia similibus curantur means exactly this.  It is  simply a theory of

universal poisoning, nullified in practice by the  infinitesimal contrivance.  The only way to kill it and all

similar  fancies, and to throw every quack nostrum into discredit, is to root  out completely the suckers of the

old rotten superstition that  whatever is odious or noxious is likely to be good for disease.  The  current of

sound practice with ourselves is, I believe, setting fast  in the direction I have indicated in the above

proposition.  To  uphold the exhibition of noxious agents in disease, as the rule,  instead of admitting them

cautiously and reluctantly as the  exception, is, as I think, an eddy of opinion in the direction of the  barbarism

out of which we believe our art is escaping.  It is only  through the enlightened sentiment and action of the

Medical  Profession that the community can be brought to acknowledge that  drugs should always be regarded

as evils. 

It is true that some suppose, and our scientific and thoughtful  associate, Dr.  Gould, has half countenanced the

opinion, that there  may yet be discovered a specific for every disease.  Let us not  despair of the future, but let

us be moderate in our expectations.  When an oil is discovered that will make a bad watch keep good time;

when a recipe is given which will turn an acephalous foetus into a  promising child; when a man can enter the

second time into his  mother's womb and give her back the infirmities which twenty  generations have stirred

into her blood, and infused into his own  through hers, we may be prepared to enlarge the National

Pharmacopoeia with a list of specifies for everything but old age,  and possibly for that also. 

NOTE C.  

The term specific is used here in its ordinary sense, without  raising  the question of the propriety of its

application to these or  other  remedies. 

The credit of introducing Cinchona rests between the Jesuits, the  Countess of Chinchon, the Cardinal de

Lugo, and Sir Robert Talbor,  who employed it as a secret remedy.  (Pereira.) Mercury as an  internal specific

remedy was brought into use by that impudent and  presumptuous quack, as he was considered, Paracelsus.

(Encyc.  Brit.  art.  "Paracelsus.") Arsenic was introduced into England as a remedy  for intermittents by Dr.

Fowler, in consequence of the success of a  patent medicine, the Tasteless Ague Drops, which were supposed,

"probably with reason," to be a preparation of that mineral.  (Rees's  Cyc.  art.  "Arsenic.")  Colchicum came into

notice in a similar way,  from the success of the Eau Medicinale of M. Husson, a French  military officer.

(Pereira.) Iodine was discovered by a saltpetre  manufacturer, but applied by a physician in place of the old

remedy,  burnt sponge, which seems to owe its efficacy to it.  (Dunglison, New  Remedies.) As for Sulphur,

"the common people have long used it as an  ointment" for scabies.  (Rees's Cyc.  art.  "Scabies.") The modern

cantiscorbutic regimen is credited to Captain Cook.  "To his sagacity  we are indebted for the first impulse to

those regulations by which  scorbutus is so successfully prevented in our navy."  (Lond.  Cyc.  Prac.  Med.  art.

"Scorbutus.") Iron and various salts which enter  into the normal composition of the human body do not

belong to the  materia medica by our definition, but to the materia alimentaria. 


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Page No 178


For the first introduction of iron as a remedy, see Pereira, who  gives a very curious old story. 

The statement in the text concerning a portion of the materia  medica  stands exactly as delivered, and is meant

exactly as it stands.  No  denunciation of drugs, as sparingly employed by a wise physician,  was  or is intended.

If, however, as Dr.  Gould stated in his  "valuable  and practical discourse" to which the Massachusetts Medical

Society  "listened with profit as well as interest,"  "Drugs, in  themselves  considered, may always be regarded

as evils,"any one who  chooses  may question whether the evils from their abuse are, on the  whole,  greater

or less than the undoubted benefits obtained from their  proper use.  The large exception of opium, wine,

specifics, and  anaesthetics, made in the text, takes off enough from the useful  side, as I fully believe, to turn

the balance; so that a vessel  containing none of these, but loaded with antimony, strychnine,  acetate of lead,

aloes, aconite, lobelia, lapis infernalis, stercus  diaboli, tormentilla, and other approved, and, in skilful hands,

really useful remedies, brings, on the whole, more harm than good to  the port it enters. 

It is a very narrow and unjust view of the practice of medicine, to  suppose it to consist altogether in the use of

powerful drugs, or of  drugs of any kind.  Far from it.  "The physician may do very much for  the welfare of the

sick, more than others can do, although he does  not, even in the major part of cases, undertake to control and

overcome the disease by art.  It was with these views that I never  reported any patient cured at our hospital.

Those who recovered  their health were reported as well; not implying that they were made  so by the active

treatment they had received there.  But it was to be  understood that all patients received in that house were to

be cured,  that is, taken care of."  (Letters to a Young Physician, by James  Jackson, M.  D., Boston, 1855.) 

"Hygienic rules, properly enforced, fresh air, change of air,  travel,  attention to diet, good and appropriate

food judiciously  regulated,  together with the administration of our tonics, porter,  ale, wine,  iron, etc., supply

the diseased or impoverished system with  what Mr.  Gull, of St. Bartholomew's Hospital, aptly calls the 'raw

material of  the blood;' and we believe that if any real improvement  has taken  place in medical practice,

independently of those truly  valuable  contributions we have before described, it is in the  substitution of

tonics, stimulants, and general management, for  drastic cathartics,  for bleeding, depressing agents, including

mercury, tartar emetics,  etc., so much in vogue during the early part  even of this century."  (F. P. Porcher, in

Charleston Med. Journal and  Review for January,  1860.) 


MEDICAL ESSAYS

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Bookmarks



1. Table of Contents, page = 3

2. MEDICAL ESSAYS, page = 4

   3. Oliver Wendell Holmes, page = 4

   4. PREFACE., page = 4

   5. PREFACE TO THE NEW EDITION., page = 7

   6.  HOMOEOPATHY AND ITS KINDRED DELUSIONS., page = 7

   7.  THE CONTAGIOUSNESS OF PUERPERAL FEVER., page = 8

   8. III. CURRENTS AND COUNTER-CURRENTS IN MEDICAL SCIENCE, page = 76

   9. BORDER LINES OF KNOWLEDGE IN SOME PROVINCES OF MEDICAL SCIENCE., page = 89

   10. SCHOLASTIC AND BEDSIDE TEACHING., page = 113

   11. THE MEDICAL PROFESSION IN MASSACHUSETTS., page = 128

   12. THE YOUNG PRACTITIONER, page = 150

   13. MEDICAL LIBRARIES., page = 160

   14. SOME OF MY EARLY TEACHERS, page = 169