The History of Rome, Vol. I...............................................................................................................................1

Livy ..........................................................................................................................................................1

PREFACE ................................................................................................................................................1

Book 1: The Earliest Legends ..................................................................................................................2

Book 2: The Early Years of the Republic ..............................................................................................34

Book 3: The Decemvirate......................................................................................................................68

Book 4: The Growing Power of the Plebs...........................................................................................107

Book 5: The Veii and the Destruction of Rome by the Gauls.............................................................140

Whether the task I have undertaken of writing a complete history of the Roman people from the very

commencement of its existence will reward me for the labour spent on it, I neither know for certain, nor if I

did know would I venture to say. For I see that this is an oldestablished and a common practice, each fresh

writer being invariably persuaded that he will either attain greater certainty in the materials of his narrative,

or surpass the rudeness of antiquity in the excellence of his style. However this may be, it will still be a great

satisfaction to me to have taken my part, too, in investing, to the utmost of my abilities, the annals of the

foremost nation in the world with a deeper interest; and if in such a crowd of writers my own reputation is

thrown into the shade, I would console myself with the renown and greatness of those who eclipse my fame.

The subject, moreover, is one that demands immense labour. It goes back beyond 700 years and, after starting

from small and humble beginnings, has grown to such dimensions that it begins to be overburdened by its

greatness. I have very little doubt, too, that for the majority of my readers the earliest times and those

immediately succeeding, will possess little attraction; they will hurry on to these modern days in which the

might of a long paramount nation is wasting by internal decay. I, on the other hand, shall look for a further

reward of my labours in being able to close my eyes to the evils which our generation has witnessed for so

many years; so long, at least, as I am devoting all my thoughts to retracing those pristine records, free from

all the anxiety which can disturb the historian of his own times even if it cannot warp him from the truth.

The traditions of what happened prior to the foundation of the City or whilst it was being built, are more

fitted to adorn the creations of the poet than the authentic records of the historian, and I have no intention of

establishing either their truth or their falsehood. This much licence is conceded to the ancients, that by

intermingling human actions with divine they may confer a more august dignity on the origins of states. Now,

if any nation ought to be allowed to claim a sacred origin and point back to a divine paternity that nation is

Rome. For such is her renown in war that when she chooses to represent Mars as her own and her founder's

father, the nations of the world accept the statement with the same equanimity with which they accept her

dominion. But whatever opinions may be formed or criticisms passed upon these and similar traditions, I

regard them as of small importance. The subjects to which I would ask each of my readers to devote his

earnest attention are thesethe life and morals of the community; the men and the qualities by which through

domestic policy and foreign war dominion was won and extended. Then as the standard of morality gradually

lowers, let him follow the decay of the national character, observing how at first it slowly sinks, then slips

downward more and more rapidly, and finally begins to plunge into headlong ruin, until he reaches these

There is this exceptionally beneficial and fruitful advantage to be derived from the study of the past, that you

see, set in the clear light of historical truth, examples of every possible type. From these you may select for

yourself and your country what to imitate, and also what, as being mischievous in its inception and disastrous

in its issues, you are to avoid. Unless, however, I am misled by affection for my undertaking, there has never

existed any commonwealth greater in power, with a purer morality, or more fertile in good examples; or any

state in which avarice and luxury have been so late in making their inroads, or poverty and frugality so highly

and continuously honoured, showing so clearly that the less wealth men possessed the less they coveted. In

these latter years wealth has brought avarice in its train, and the unlimited command of pleasure has created

in men a passion for ruining themselves and everything else through selfindulgence and licentiousness. But

criticisms which will be unwelcome, even when perhaps necessary, must not appear in the commencement at

all events of this extensive work. We should much prefer to start with favourable omens, and if we could

have adopted the poets' custom, it would have been much pleasanter to commence with prayers and

supplications to gods and goddesses that they would grant a favourable and successful issue to the great task

To begin with, it is generally admitted that after the capture of Troy, whilst the rest of the Trojans were

massacred, against two of themAeneas and Antenor the Achivi refused to exercise the rights of war, partly

owing to old ties of hospitality, and partly because these men had always been in favour of making peace and

surrendering Helen. Their subsequent fortunes were different. Antenor sailed into the furthest part of the

Adriatic, accompanied by a number of Enetians who had been driven from Paphlagonia by a revolution, and

after losing their king Pylaemenes before Troy were looking for a settlement and a leader. The combined

force of Enetians and Trojans defeated the Euganei, who dwelt between the sea and the Alps and occupied

their land. The place where they disembarked was called Troy, and the name was extended to the surrounding

district; the whole nation were called Veneti. Similar misfortunes led to Aeneas becoming a wanderer, but the

Fates were preparing a higher destiny for him. He first visited Macedonia, then was carried down to Sicily in

quest of a settlement; from Sicily he directed his course to the Laurentian territory. Here, too, the name of

Troy is found, and here the Trojans disembarked, and as their almost infinite wanderings had left them

nothing but their arms and their ships, they began to plunder the neighbourhood. The Aborigines, who

occupied the country, with their king Latinus at their head, came hastily together from the city and the

From this point there is a twofold tradition. According to the one, Latinus was defeated in battle, and made

peace with Aeneas, and subsequently a family alliance. According to the other, whilst the two armies were

standing ready to engage and waiting for the signal, Latinus advanced in front of his lines and invited the

leader of the strangers to a conference. He inquired of him what manner of men they were, whence they

came, what had happened to make them leave their homes, what were they in quest of when they landed in

Latinus' territory. When he heard that the men were Trojans, that their leader was Aeneas, the son of

Anchises and Venus, that their city had been burnt, and that the homeless exiles were now looking for a place

to settle in and build a city, he was so struck with the noble bearing of the men and their leader, and their

readiness to accept alike either peace or war, that he gave his right hand as a solemn pledge of friendship for

the future. A formal treaty was made between the leaders and mutual greetings exchanged between the

armies. Latinus received Aeneas as a guest in his house, and there, in the presence of his tutelary deities,

completed the political alliance by a domestic one, and gave his daughter in marriage to Aeneas. This

incident confirmed the Trojans in the hope that they had reached the term of their wanderings and won a

permanent home. They built a town, which Aeneas called Lavinium after his wife. In a short time a boy was

In a short time the Aborigines and Trojans became involved in war with Turnus, the king of the Rutulians.

Lavinia had been betrothed to him before the arrival of Aeneas, and, furious at finding a stranger preferred to

him, he declared war against both Latinus and Aeneas. Neither side could congratulate themselves on the

result of the battle; the Rutulians were defeated, but the victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost their leader

Latinus. Feeling their need of allies, Turnus and the Rutulians had recourse to the celebrated power of the

Etruscans and Mezentius, their king, who was reigning at Caere, a wealthy city in those days. From the first

he had felt anything but pleasure at the rise of the new city, and now he regarded the growth of the Trojan

state as much too rapid to be safe to its neighbours, so he welcomed the proposal to join forces with the

Rutulians. To keep the Aborigines from abandoning him in the face of this strong coalition and to secure their

being not only under the same laws, but also the same designation, Aeneas called both nations by the

common name of Latins. From that time the Aborigines were not behind the Trojans in their loyal devotion to

Aeneas. So great was the power of Etruria that the renown of her people had filled not only the inland parts of

Italy but also the coastal districts along the whole length of the land from the Alps to the Straits of Messina.

Aeneas, however, trusting to the loyalty of the two nations who were day by day growing into one, led his

forces into the field, instead of awaiting the enemy behind his walls. The battle resulted in favour of the

Latins, but it was the last mortal act of Aeneas. His tombwhatever it is lawful and right to call himis

His son, Ascanius, was not old enough to assume the government; but his throne remained secure throughout

his minority. During that intervalsuch was Lavinia's force of character though a woman was regent, the

Latin State, and the kingdom of his father and grandfather, were preserved unimpaired for her son. I will not

discuss the questionfor who could speak decisively about a matter of such extreme antiquity?whether the

man whom the Julian house claim, under the name of Iulus, as the founder of their name, was this Ascanius

or an older one than he, born of Creusa, whilst Ilium was still intact, and after its fall a sharer in his father's

fortunes. This Ascanius, where ever born, or of whatever motherit is generally agreed in any case that he

was the son of Aeneasleft to his mother (or his stepmother) the city of Lavinium, which was for those days a

prosperous and wealthy city, with a superabundant population, and built a new city at the foot of the Alban

hills, which from its position, stretching along the side of the hill, was called "Alba Longa." An interval of

thirty years elapsed between the foundation of Lavinium and the colonisation of Alba Longa. Such had been

the growth of the Latin power, mainly through the defeat of the Etruscans, that neither at the death of Aeneas,

nor during the regency of Lavinia, nor during the immature years of the reign of Ascanius, did either

Mezentius and the Etruscans or any other of their neighbours venture to attack them. When terms of peace

were being arranged, the river Albula, now called the Tiber, had been fixed as the boundary between the

Ascanius was succeeded by his son Silvius, who by some chance had been born in the forest. He became the

father of Aeneas Silvius, who in his turn had a son, Latinus Silvius. He planted a number of colonies: the

colonists were called Prisci Latini. The cognomen of Silvius was common to all the remaining kings of Alba,

each of whom succeeded his father. Their names are Alba, Atys, Capys, Capetus, Tiberinus, who was

drowned in crossing the Albula, and his name transferred to the river, which became henceforth the famous

Tiber. Then came his son Agrippa, after him his son Romulus Silvius. He was struck by lightning and left the

crown to his son Aventinus, whose shrine was on the hill which bears his name and is now a part of the city

of Rome. He was succeeded by Proca, who had two sons, Numitor and Amulius. To Numitor, the elder, he

bequeathed the ancient throne of the Silvian house. Violence, however, proved stronger than either the

father's will or the respect due to the brother's seniority; for Amulius expelled his brother and seized the

crown. Adding crime to crime, he murdered his brother's sons and made the daughter, Rea Silvia, a Vestal

virgin; thus, under the presence of honouring her, depriving her of all hopes of issue.

But the Fates had, I believe, already decreed the origin of this great city and the foundation of the mightiest

empire under heaven. The Vestal was forcibly violated and gave birth to twins. She named Mars as their

father, either because she really believed it, or because the fault might appear less heinous if a deity were the

cause of it. But neither gods nor men sheltered her or her babes from the king's cruelty; the priestess was

thrown into prison, the boys were ordered to be thrown into the river. By a heavensent chance it happened

that the Tiber was then overflowing its banks, and stretches of standing water prevented any approach to the

main channel. Those who were carrying the children expected that this stagnant water would be sufficient to

drown them, so under the impression that they were carrying out the king's orders they exposed the boys at

the nearest point of the overflow, where the Ficus Ruminalis (said to have been formerly called Romularis)

now stands. The locality was then a wild solitude. The tradition goes on to say that after the floating cradle in

which the boys had been exposed had been left by the retreating water on dry land, a thirsty shewolf from

the surrounding hills, attracted by the crying of the children, came to them, gave them her teats to suck and

was so gentle towards them that the king's flockmaster found her licking the boys with her tongue.

According to the story, his name was Faustulus. He took the children to his hut and gave them to his wife

Larentia to bring up. Some writers think that Larentia, from her unchaste life, had got the nickname of

"Shewolf" amongst the shepherds, and that this was the origin of the marvellous story. As soon as the boys,

thus born and thus brought up, grew to be young men they did not neglect their pastoral duties, but their

special delight was roaming through the woods on hunting expeditions. As their strength and courage were

thus developed, they used not only to lie in wait for fierce beasts of prey, but they even attacked brigands

when loaded with plunder. They distributed what they took amongst the shepherds, with whom, surrounded

by a continually increasing body of young men, they associated themselves in their serious undertakings and

It is said that the festival of the Lupercalia, which is still observed, was even in those days celebrated on the

Palatine hill. This hill was originally called Pallantium from a city of the same name in Arcadia; the name

was afterwards changed to Palatium. Evander, an Arcadian, had held that territory many ages before, and had

introduced an annual festival from Arcadia in which young men ran about naked for sport and wantonness, in

honour of the Lycaean Pan, whom the Romans afterwards called Inuus. The existence of this festival was

widely recognised, and it was while the two brothers were engaged in it that the brigands, enraged at losing

their plunder, ambushed them. Romulus successfully defended himself, but Remus was taken prisoner and

brought before Amulius, his captors impudently accusing him of their own crimes. The principal charge

brought against them was that of invading Numitor's lands with a body of young men whom they had got

together, and carrying off plunder as though in regular warfare. Remus accordingly was handed over to

Numitor for punishment. Faustulus had from the beginning suspected that it was royal offspring that he was

bringing up, for he was aware that the boys had been exposed at the king's command and the time at which he

had taken them away exactly corresponded with that of their exposure. He had, however, refused to divulge

the matter prematurely, until either a fitting opportunity occurred or necessity demanded its disclosure. The

necessity came first. Alarmed for the safety of Remus he revealed the state of the case to Romulus. It so

happened that Numitor also, who had Remus in his custody, on hearing that he and his brother were twins

and comparing their ages and the character and bearing so unlike that of one in a servile condition, began to

recall the memory of his grandchildren, and further inquiries brought him to the same conclusion as

Faustulus; nothing was wanting to the recognition of Remus. So the king Amulius was being enmeshed on all

sides by hostile purposes. Romulus shrunk from a direct attack with his body of shepherds, for he was no

match for the king in open fight. They were instructed to approach the palace by different routes and meet

there at a given time, whilst from Numitor's house Remus lent his assistance with a second band he had

At the beginning of the fray, Numitor gave out that an enemy had entered the City and was attacking the

palace, in order to draw off the Alban soldiery to the citadel, to defend it. When he saw the young men

coming to congratulate him after the assassination, he at once called a council of his people and explained his

brother's infamous conduct towards him, the story of his grandsons, their parentage and bringing up, and how

he recognised them. Then he proceeded to inform them of the tyrant's death and his responsibility for it. The

young men marched in order through the midst of the assembly and saluted their grandfather as king; their

action was approved by the whole population, who with one voice ratified the title and sovereignty of the

king. After the government of Alba was thus transferred to Numitor, Romulus and Remus were seized with

the desire of building a city in the locality where they had been exposed. There was the superfluous

population of the Alban and Latin towns, to these were added the shepherds: it was natural to hope that with

all these Alba would be small and Lavinium small in comparison with the city which was to be founded.

These pleasant anticipations were disturbed by the ancestral curse ambitionwhich led to a deplorable

quarrel over what was at first a trivial matter. As they were twins and no claim to precedence could be based

on seniority, they decided to consult the tutelary deities of the place by means of augury as to who was to

give his name to the new city, and who was to rule it after it had been founded. Romulus accordingly selected

Remus is said to have been the first to receive an omen: six vultures appeared to him. The augury had just

been announced to Romulus when double the number appeared to him. Each was saluted as king by his own

party. The one side based their claim on the priority of the appearance, the other on the number of the birds.

Then followed an angry altercation; heated passions led to bloodshed; in the tumult Remus was killed. The

more common report is that Remus contemptuously jumped over the newly raised walls and was forthwith

killed by the enraged Romulus, who exclaimed, "So shall it be henceforth with every one who leaps over my

walls." Romulus thus became sole ruler, and the city was called after him, its founder. His first work was to

fortify the Palatine hill where he had been brought up. The worship of the other deities he conducted

according to the use of Alba, but that of Hercules in accordance with the Greek rites as they had been

instituted by Evander. It was into this neighbourhood, according to the tradition, that Hercules, after he had

killed Geryon, drove his oxen, which were of marvellous beauty. He swam across the Tiber, driving the oxen

before him, and wearied with his journey, lay down in a grassy place near the river to rest himself and the

oxen, who enjoyed the rich pasture. When sleep had overtaken him, as he was heavy with food and wine, a

shepherd living near, called Cacus, presuming on his strength, and captivated by the beauty of the oxen,

determined to secure them. If he drove them before him into the cave, their hoofmarks would have led their

owner on his search for them in the same direction, so he dragged the finest of them backwards by their tails

into his cave. At the first streak of dawn Hercules awoke, and on surveying his herd saw that some were

missing. He proceeded towards the nearest cave, to see if any tracks pointed in that direction, but he found

that every hoofmark led from the cave and none towards it. Perplexed and bewildered he began to drive the

herd away from so dangerous a neighbourhood. Some of the cattle, missing those which were left behind,

lowed as they often do, and an answering low sounded from the cave. Hercules turned in that direction, and

as Cacus tried to prevent him by force from entering the cave, he was killed by a blow from Hercules' club,

The king of the country at that time was Evander, a refugee from Peloponnesus, who ruled more by personal

ascendancy than by the exercise of power. He was looked up to with reverence for his knowledge of lettersa

new and marvellous thing for uncivilised menbut he was still more revered because of his mother Carmenta,

who was believed to be a divine being and regarded with wonder by all as an interpreter of Fate, in the days

before the arrival of the Sibyl in Italy. This Evander, alarmed by the crowd of excited shepherds standing

round a stranger whom they accused of open murder, ascertained from them the nature of his act and what led

to it. As he observed the bearing and stature of the man to be more than human in greatness and august

dignity, he asked who he was. When he heard his name, and learnt his father and his country he said,

"Hercules, son of Jupiter, hail! My mother, who speaks truth in the name of the gods, has prophesied that

thou shalt join the company of the gods, and that here a shrine shall be dedicated to thee, which in ages to

come the most powerful nation in all the world shall call their Ara Maxima and honour with shine own

special worship." Hercules grasped Evander's right hand and said that he took the omen to himself and would

fulfil the prophecy by building and consecrating the altar. Then a heifer of conspicuous beauty was taken

from the herd, and the first sacrifice was offered; the Potitii and Pinarii, the two principal families in those

parts, were invited by Hercules to assist in the sacrifice and at the feast which followed. It so happened that

the Potitii were present at the appointed time, and the entrails were placed before them; the Pinarii arrived

after these were consumed and came in for the rest of the banquet. It became a permanent institution from

that time, that as long as the family of the Pinarii survived they should not eat of the entrails of the victims.

The Potitii, after being instructed by Evander, presided over that rite for many ages, until they handed over

this ministerial office to public servants after which the whole race of the Potitii perished. This out of all

foreign rites, was the only one which Romulus adopted, as though he felt that an immortality won through

After the claims of religion had been duly acknowledged, Romulus called his people to a council. As nothing

could unite them into one political body but the observance of common laws and customs, he gave them a

body of laws, which he thought would only be respected by a rude and uncivilised race of men if he inspired

them with awe by assuming the outward symbols of power. He surrounded himself with greater state, and in

particular he called into his service twelve lictors. Some think that he fixed upon this number from the

number of the birds who foretold his sovereignty; but I am inclined to agree with those who think that as this

class of public officers was borrowed from the same people from whom the "sella curulis" and the "toga

praetexta" were adopted their neighbours, the Etruscansso the number itself also was taken from them. Its

use amongst the Etruscans is traced to the custom of the twelve sovereign cities of Etruria, when jointly

electing a king, furnishing him each with one lictor. Meantime the City was growing by the extension of its

walls in various directions; an increase due rather to the anticipation of its future population than to any

present overcrowding. His next care was to secure an addition to the population that the size of the City might

not be a source of weakness. It had been the ancient policy of the founders of cities to get together a

multitude of people of obscure and low origin and then to spread the fiction that they were the children of the

soil. In accordance with this policy, Romulus opened a place of refuge on the spot where, as you go down

from the Capitol, you find an enclosed space between two groves. A promiscuous crowd of freemen and

slaves, eager for change, fled thither from the neighbouring states. This was the first accession of strength to

the nascent greatness of the city. When he was satisfied as to its strength, his next step was to provide for that

strength being wisely directed. He created a hundred senators; either because that number was adequate, or

because there were only a hundred heads of houses who could be created. In any case they were called the

"Patres" in virtue of their rank, and their descendants were called "Patricians."

The Roman State had now become so strong that it was a match for any of its neighbours in war, but its

greatness threatened to last for only one generation, since through the absence of women there was no hope

of offspring, and there was no right of intermarriage with their neighbours. Acting on the advice of the senate,

Romulus sent envoys amongst the surrounding nations to ask for alliance and the right of intermarriage on

behalf of his new community. It was represented that cities, like everything else, sprung from the humblest

beginnings, and those who were helped on by their own courage and the favour of heaven won for themselves

great power and great renown. As to the origin of Rome, it was well known that whilst it had received divine

assistance, courage and selfreliance were not wanting. There should, therefore, be no reluctance for men to

mingle their blood with their fellowmen. Nowhere did the envoys meet with a favourable reception. Whilst

their proposals were treated with contumely, there was at the same time a general feeling of alarm at the

power so rapidly growing in their midst. Usually they were dismissed with the question, "whether they had

opened an asylum for women, for nothing short of that would secure for them intermarriage on equal terms."

The Roman youth could ill brook such insults, and matters began to look like an appeal to force. To secure a

favourable place and time for such an attempt, Romulus, disguising his resentment, made elaborate

preparations for the celebration of games in honour of "Equestrian Neptune," which he called "the

Consualia." He ordered public notice of the spectacle to be given amongst the adjoining cities, and his people

supported him in making the celebration as magnificent as their knowledge and resources allowed, so that

expectations were raised to the highest pitch. There was a great gathering; people were eager to see the new

City, all their nearest neighboursthe people of Caenina, Antemnae, and Crustumeriumwere there, and the

whole Sabine population came, with their wives and families. They were invited to accept hospitality at the

different houses, and after examining the situation of the City, its walls and the large number of

dwellinghouses it included, they were astonished at the rapidity with which the Roman State had grown.

When the hour for the games had come, and their eyes and minds were alike riveted on the spectacle before

them, the preconcerted signal was given and the Roman youth dashed in all directions to carry off the

maidens who were present. The larger part were carried off indiscriminately, but some particularly beautiful

girls who had been marked out for the leading patricians were carried to their houses by plebeians told off for

the task. One, conspicuous amongst them all for grace and beauty, is reported to have been carried off by a

group led by a certain Talassius, and to the many inquiries as to whom she was intended for, the invariable

answer was given, "For Talassius." Hence the use of this word in the marriage rites. Alarm and consternation

broke up the games, and the parents of the maidens fled, distracted with grief, uttering bitter reproaches on

the violators of the laws of hospitality and appealing to the god to whose solemn games they had come, only

to be the victims of impious perfidy. The abducted maidens were quite as despondent and indignant.

Romulus, however, went round in person, and pointed out to them that it was all owing to the pride of their

parents in denying right of intermarriage to their neighbours. They would live in honourable wedlock, and

share all their property and civil rights, and dearest of all to human naturewould be the mothers of

freemen. He begged them to lay aside their feelings of resentment and give their affections to those whom

fortune had made masters of their persons. An injury had often led to reconciliation and love; they would find

their husbands all the more affectionate, because each would do his utmost, so far as in him lay, to make up

for the loss of parents and country. These arguments were reinforced by the endearments of their husbands,

who excused their conduct by pleading the irresistible force of their passiona plea effective beyond all

The feelings of the abducted maidens were now pretty completely appeased, but not so those of their parents.

They went about in mourning garb, and tried by their tearful complaints to rouse their countrymen to action.

Nor did they confine their remonstrances to their own cities; they flocked from all sides to Titus Tatius, the

king of the Sabines, and sent formal deputations to him, for his was the most influential name in those parts.

The people of Caenina, Crustumerium, and Antemnae were the greatest sufferers; they thought Tatius and his

Sabines were too slow in moving, so these three cities prepared to make war conjointly. Such, however, were

the impatience and anger of the Caeninensians that even the Crustuminians and Antemnates did not display

enough energy for them, so the men of Caenina made an attack upon Roman territory on their own account.

Whilst they were scattered far and wide, pillaging and destroying, Romulus came upon them with an army,

and after a brief encounter taught them that anger is futile without strength. He put them to a hasty flight, and

following them up, killed their king and despoiled his body; then after slaying their leader took their city at

the first assault. He was no less anxious to display his achievements than he had been great in performing

them, so, after leading his victorious army home, he mounted to the Capitol with the spoils of his dead foe

borne before him on a frame constructed for the purpose. He hung them there on an oak, which the shepherds

looked upon as a sacred tree, and at the same time marked out the site for the temple of Jupiter, and

addressing the god by a new title, uttered the following invocation: "Jupiter Feretrius! these arms taken from

a king, I, Romulus a king and conqueror, bring to thee, and on this domain, whose bounds I have in will and

purpose traced, I dedicate a temple to receive the 'spolia opima' which posterity following my example shall

bear hither, taken from the kings and generals of our foes slain in battle." Such was the origin of the first

temple dedicated in Rome. And the gods decreed that though its founder did not utter idle words in declaring

that posterity would thither bear their spoils, still the splendour of that offering should not be dimmed by the

number of those who have rivalled his achievement. For after so many years have elapsed and so many wars

been waged, only twice have the "spolia opima" been offered. So seldom has Fortune granted that glory to

Whilst the Romans were thus occupied, the army of the Antemnates seized the opportunity of their territory

being unoccupied and made a raid into it. Romulus hastily led his legion against this fresh foe and surprised

them as they were scattered over the fields. At the very first battleshout and charge the enemy were routed

and their city captured. Whilst Romulus was exulting over this double victory, his wife, Hersilia, moved by

the entreaties of the abducted maidens, implored him to pardon their parents and receive them into

citizenship, for so the State would increase in unity and strength. He readily granted her request. He then

advanced against the Crustuminians, who had commenced war, but their eagerness had been damped by the

successive defeats of their neighbours, and they offered but slight resistance. Colonies were planted in both

places; owing to the fertility of the soil of the Crustumine district, the majority gave their names for that

colony. On the other hand there were numerous migrations to Rome mostly of the parents and relatives of the

abducted maidens. The last of these wars was commenced by the Sabines and proved the most serious of all,

for nothing was done in passion or impatience; they masked their designs till war had actually commenced.

Strategy was aided by craft and deceit, as the following incident shows. Spurius Tarpeius was in command of

the Roman citadel. Whilst his daughter had gone outside the fortifications to fetch water for some religious

ceremonies, Tatius bribed her to admit his troops within the citadel. Once admitted, they crushed her to death

beneath their shields, either that the citadel might appear to have been taken by assault, or that her example

might be left as a warning that no faith should be kept with traitors. A further story runs that the Sabines were

in the habit of wearing heavy gold armlets on their left arms and richly jewelled rings, and that the girl made

them promise to give her "what they had on their left arms," accordingly they piled their shields upon her

instead of golden gifts. Some say that in bargaining for what they had in their left hands, she expressly asked

for their shields, and being suspected of wishing to betray them, fell a victim to her own bargain.

However this may be, the Sabines were in possession of the citadel. And they would not come down from it

the next day, though the Roman army was drawn up in battle array over the whole of the ground between the

Palatine and the Capitoline hill, until, exasperated at the loss of their citadel and determined to recover it, the

Romans mounted to the attack. Advancing before the rest, Mettius Curtius, on the side of the Sabines, and

Hostius Hostilius, on the side of the Romans, engaged in single combat. Hostius, fighting on disadvantageous

ground, upheld the fortunes of Rome by his intrepid bravery, but at last he fell; the Roman line broke and fled

to what was then the gate of the Palatine. Even Romulus was being swept away by the crowd of fugitives,

and lifting up his hands to heaven he exclaimed: "Jupiter, it was thy omen that I obeyed when I laid here on

the Palatine the earliest foundations of the City. Now the Sabines hold its citadel, having bought it by a bribe,

and coming thence have seized the valley and are pressing hitherwards in battle. Do thou, Father of gods and

men, drive hence our foes, banish terror from Roman hearts, and stay our shameful flight! Here do I vow a

temple to thee, 'Jove the Stayer,' as a memorial for the generations to come that it is through thy present help

that the City has been saved." Then, as though he had become aware that his prayer had been heard, he cried,

"Back, Romans! Jupiter Optimus Maximus bids you stand and renew the battle." They stopped as though

commanded by a voice from heavenRomulus dashed up to the foremost line, just as Mettius Curtius had run

down from the citadel in front of the Sabines and driven the Romans in headlong flight over the whole of the

ground now occupied by the Forum. He was now not far from the gate of the Palatine, and was shouting: "We

have conquered our faithless hosts, our cowardly foes; now they know that to carry off maidens is a very

different thing from fighting with men." In the midst of these vaunts Romulus, with a compact body of

valiant troops, charged down on him. Mettius happened to be on horseback, so he was the more easily driven

back, the Romans followed in pursuit, and, inspired by the courage of their king, the rest of the Roman army

routed the Sabines. Mettius, unable to control his horse, maddened by the noise of his pursuers, plunged into

a morass. The danger of their general drew off the attention of the Sabines for a moment from the battle; they

called out and made signals to encourage him, so, animated to fresh efforts, he succeeded in extricating

himself. Thereupon the Romans and Sabines renewed the fighting in the middle of the valley, but the fortune

Then it was that the Sabine women, whose wrongs had led to the war, throwing off all womanish fears in

their distress, went boldly into the midst of the flying missiles with dishevelled hair and rent garments.

Running across the space between the two armies they tried to stop any further fighting and calm the excited

passions by appealing to their fathers in the one army and their husbands in the other not to bring upon

themselves a curse by staining their hands with the blood of a fatherinlaw or a soninlaw, nor upon their

posterity the taint of parricide. "If," they cried, "you are weary of these ties of kindred, these marriagebonds,

then turn your anger upon us; it is we who are the cause of the war, it is we who have wounded and slain our

husbands and fathers. Better for us to perish rather than live without one or the other of you, as widows or as

orphans." The armies and their leaders were alike moved by this appeal. There was a sudden hush and

silence. Then the generals advanced to arrange the terms of a treaty. It was not only peace that was made, the

two nations were united into one State, the royal power was shared between them, and the seat of government

for both nations was Rome. After thus doubling the City, a concession was made to the Sabines in the new

appellation of Quirites, from their old capital of Cures. As a memorial of the battle, the place where Curtius

got his horse out of the deep marsh on to safer ground was called the Curtian lake. The joyful peace, which

put an abrupt close to such a deplorable war, made the Sabine women still dearer to their husbands and

fathers, and most of all to Romulus himself. Consequently when he effected the distribution of the people

into the thirty curiae, he affixed their names to the curiae. No doubt there were many more than thirty

women, and tradition is silent as to whether those whose names were given to the curiae were selected on the

ground of age, or on that of personal distinctioneither their own or their husbands'or merely by lot. The

enrolment of the three centuries of knights took place at the same time; the Ramnenses were called after

Romulus, the Titienses from T. Tatius. The origin of the Luceres and why they were so called is uncertain.

Thenceforward the two kings exercised their joint sovereignty with perfect harmony.

Some years subsequently the kinsmen of King Tatius illtreated the ambassadors of the Laurentines. They

came to seek redress from him in accordance with international law, but the influence and importunities of

his friends had more weight with Tatius than the remonstrances of the Laurentines. The consequence was that

he brought upon himself the punishment due to them, for when he had gone to the annual sacrifice at

Lavinium, a tumult arose in which he was killed. Romulus is reported to have been less distressed at this

incident than his position demanded, either because of the insincerity inherent in all joint sovereignty, or

because he thought he had deserved his fate. He refused, therefore, to go to war, but that the wrong done to

the ambassadors and the murder of the king might be expiated, the treaty between Rome and Lavinium was

renewed. Whilst in this direction an unhopedfor peace was secured, war broke out in a much nearer quarter,

in fact almost at the very gates of Rome. The people of Fidenae considered that a power was growing up too

close to them, so to prevent the anticipations of its future greatness from being realised, they took the

initiative in making war. Armed bands invaded and devastated the country lying between the City and

Fidenae. Thence they turned to the leftthe Tiber barred their advance on the rightand plundered and

destroyed, to the great alarm of the country people. A sudden rush from the fields into the City was the first

intimation of what was happening. A war so close to their gates admitted of no delay, and Romulus hurriedly

led out his army and encamped about a mile from Fidenae. Leaving a small detachment to guard the camp, he

went forward with his whole force, and whilst one part were ordered to lie in ambush in a place overgrown

with dense brushwood, he advanced with the larger part and the whole of the cavalry towards the city, and by

riding up to the very gates in a disorderly and provocative manner he succeeded in drawing the enemy. The

cavalry continued these tactics and so made the flight which they were to feign seem less suspicious, and

when their apparent hesitation whether to fight or to flee was followed by the retirement of the infantry, the

enemy suddenly poured out of the crowded gates, broke the Roman line and pressed on in eager pursuit till

they were brought to where the ambush was set. Then the Romans suddenly rose and attacked the enemy in

flank; their panic was increased by the troops in the camp bearing down upon them. Terrified by the

threatened attacks from all sides, the Fidenates turned and fled almost before Romulus and his men could

wheel round from their simulated flight. They made for their town much more quickly than they had just

before pursued those who pretended to flee, for their flight was a genuine one. They could not, however,

shake off the pursuit; the Romans were on their heels, and before the gates could be closed against them,

The contagion of the warspirit in Fidenae infected the Veientes. This people were connected by ties of blood

with the Fidenates, who were also Etruscans, and an additional incentive was supplied by the mere proximity

of the place, should the arms of Rome be turned against all her neighbours. They made an incursion into

Roman territory, rather for the sake of plunder than as an act of regular war. After securing their booty they

returned with it to Veii, without entrenching a camp or waiting for the enemy. The Romans, on the other

hand, not finding the enemy on their soil, crossed the Tiber, prepared and determined to fight a decisive

battle. On hearing that they had formed an entrenched camp and were preparing to advance on their city, the

Veientes went out against them, preferring a combat in the open to being shut up and having to fight from

houses and walls. Romulus gained the victory, not through stratagem, but through the prowess of his veteran

army. He drove the routed enemy up to their walls, but in view of the strong position and fortifications of the

city, he abstained from assaulting it. On his march homewards, he devastated their fields more out of revenge

than for the sake of plunder. The loss thus sustained, no less than the previous defeat, broke the spirit of the

Veientes, and they sent envoys to Rome to sue for peace. On condition of a cession of territory a truce was

granted to them for a hundred years. These were the principal events at home and in the field that marked the

reign of Romulus. Throughout whether we consider the courage he showed in recovering his ancestral

throne, or the wisdom he displayed in founding the City and adding to its strength through war and peace

alikewe find nothing incompatible with the belief in his divine origin and his admission to divine

immortality after death. It was, in fact, through the strength given by him that the City was powerful enough

to enjoy an assured peace for forty years after his departure. He was, however, more acceptable to the

populace than to the patricians, but most of all was he the idol of his soldiers. He kept a bodyguard of three

hundred men round him in peace as well as in war. These he called the "Celeres."

After these immortal achievements, Romulus held a review of his army at the "Caprae Palus" in the Campus

Martius. A violent thunderstorm suddenly arose and enveloped the king in so dense a cloud that he was quite

invisible to the assembly. From that hour Romulus was no longer seen on earth. When the fears of the Roman

youth were allayed by the return of bright, calm sunshine after such fearful weather, they saw that the royal

seat was vacant. Whilst they fully believed the assertion of the senators, who had been standing close to him,

that he had been snatched away to heaven by a whirlwind, still, like men suddenly bereaved, fear and grief

kept them for some time speechless. At length, after a few had taken the initiative, the whole of those present

hailed Romulus as "a god, the son of a god, the King and Father of the City of Rome." They put up

supplications for his grace and favour, and prayed that he would be propitious to his children and save and

protect them. I believe, however, that even then there were some who secretly hinted that he had been torn

limb from limb by the senatorsa tradition to this effect, though certainly a very dim one, has filtered down to

us. The other, which I follow, has been the prevailing one, due, no doubt, to the admiration felt for the man

and the apprehensions excited by his disappearance. This generally accepted belief was strengthened by one

man's clever device. The tradition runs that Proculus Julius, a man whose authority had weight in matters of

even the gravest importance, seeing how deeply the community felt the loss of the king, and how incensed

they were against the senators, came forward into the assembly and said: "Quirites! at break of dawn, today,

the Father of this City suddenly descended from heaven and appeared to me. Whilst, thrilled with awe, I

stood rapt before him in deepest reverence, praying that I might be pardoned for gazing upon him, 'Go,' said

he, 'tell the Romans that it is the will of heaven that my Rome should be the head of all the world. Let them

henceforth cultivate the arts of war, and let them know assuredly, and hand down the knowledge to posterity,

that no human might can withstand the arms of Rome.'" It is marvellous what credit was given to this man's

story, and how the grief of the people and the army was soothed by the belief which had been created in the

Disputes arose among the senators about the vacant throne. It was not the jealousies of individual citizens, for

no one was sufficiently prominent in so young a State, but the rivalries of parties in the State that led to this

strife. The Sabine families were apprehensive of losing their fair share of the sovereign power, because after

the death of Tatius they had had no representative on the throne; they were anxious, therefore, that the king

should be elected from amongst them. The ancient Romans could ill brook a foreign king; but amidst this

diversity of political views, all were for a monarchy; they had not yet tasted the sweets of liberty. The

senators began to grow apprehensive of some aggressive act on the part of the surrounding states, now that

the City was without a central authority and the army without a general. They decided that there must be

some head of the State, but no one could make up his mind to concede the dignity to any one else. The matter

was settled by the hundred senators dividing themselves into ten "decuries," and one was chosen from each

decury to exercise the supreme power. Ten therefore were in office, but only one at a time had the insignia of

authority and the lictors. Their individual authority was restricted to five days, and they exercised it in

rotation. This break in the monarchy lasted for a year, and it was called by the name it still bearsthat of

"interregnum." After a time the plebs began to murmur that their bondage was multiplied, for they had a

hundred masters instead of one. It was evident that they would insist upon a king being elected and elected by

them. When the senators became aware of this growing determination, they thought it better to offer

spontaneously what they were bound to part with, so, as an act of grace, they committed the supreme power

into the hands of the people, but in such a way that they did not give away more privilege than they retained.

For they passed a decree that when the people had chosen a king, his election would only be valid after the

senate had ratified it by their authority. The same procedure exists today in the passing of laws and the

election of magistrates, but the power of rejection has been withdrawn; the senate give their ratification

before the people proceed to vote, whilst the result of the election is still uncertain. At that time the "interrex"

convened the assembly and addressed it as follows: "Quirites! elect your king, and may heaven's blessing rest

on your labours! If you elect one who shall be counted worthy to follow Romulus, the senate will ratify your

choice." So gratified were the people at the proposal that, not to appear behindhand in generosity, they passed

a resolution that it should be left to the senate to decree who should reign in Rome.

There was living, in those days, at Cures, a Sabine city, a man of renowned justice and pietyNuma

Pompilius. He was as conversant as any one in that age could be with all divine and human law. His master is

given as Pythagoras of Samos, as tradition speaks of no other. But this is erroneous, for it is generally agreed

that it was more than a century later, in the reign of Servius Tullius, that Pythagoras gathered round him

crowds of eager students, in the most distant part of Italy, in the neighbourhood of Metapontum, Heraclea,

and Crotona. Now, even if he had been contemporary with Numa, how could his reputation have reached the

Sabines? From what places, and in what common language could he have induced any one to become his

disciple? Who could have guaranteed the safety of a solitary individual travelling through so many nations

differing in speech and character? I believe rather that Numa's virtues were the result of his native

temperament and selftraining, moulded not so much by foreign influences as by the rigorous and austere

discipline of the ancient Sabines, which was the purest type of any that existed in the old days. When Numa's

name was mentioned, though the Roman senators saw that the balance of power would be on the side of the

Sabines if the king were chosen from amongst them, still no one ventured to propose a partisan of his own, or

any senator, or citizen in preference to him. Accordingly they all to a man decreed that the crown should be

offered to Numa Pompilius. He was invited to Rome, and following the precedent set by Romulus, when he

obtained his crown through the augury which sanctioned the founding of the City, Numa ordered that in his

case also the gods should be consulted. He was solemnly conducted by an augur, who was afterwards

honoured by being made a State functionary for life, to the Citadel, and took his seat on a stone facing south.

The augur seated himself on his left hand, with his head covered, and holding in his right hand a curved staff

without any knots, which they called a "lituus." After surveying the prospect over the City and surrounding

country, he offered prayers and marked out the heavenly regions by an imaginary line from east to west; the

southern he defined as "the right hand," the northern as "the left hand." He then fixed upon an object, as far as

he could see, as a corresponding mark, and then transferring the lituus to his left hand, he laid his right upon

Numa's head and offered this prayer: "Father Jupiter, if it be heaven's will that this Numa Pompilius, whose

head I hold, should be king of Rome, do thou signify it to us by sure signs within those boundaries which I

have traced." Then he described in the usual formula the augury which he desired should be sent. They were

sent, and Numa being by them manifested to be king, came down from the "templum."

Having in this way obtained the crown, Numa prepared to found, as it were, anew, by laws and customs, that

City which had so recently been founded by force of arms. He saw that this was impossible whilst a state of

war lasted, for war brutalised men. Thinking that the ferocity of his subjects might be mitigated by the disuse

of arms, he built the temple of Janus at the foot of the Aventine as an index of peace and war, to signify when

it was open that the State was under arms, and when it was shut that all the surrounding nations were at

peace. Twice since Numa's reign has it been shut, once after the first Punic war in the consulship of T.

Manlius, the second time, which heaven has allowed our generation to witness, after the battle of Actium,

when peace on land and sea was secured by the emperor Caesar Augustus. After forming treaties of alliance

with all his neighbours and closing the temple of Janus, Numa turned his attention to domestic matters. The

removal of all danger from without would induce his subjects to luxuriate in idleness, as they would be no

longer restrained by the fear of an enemy or by military discipline. To prevent this, he strove to inculcate in

their minds the fear of the gods, regarding this as the most powerful influence which could act upon an

uncivilised and, in those ages, a barbarous people. But, as this would fail to make a deep impression without

some claim to supernatural wisdom, he pretended that he had nocturnal interviews with the nymph Egeria:

that it was on her advice that he was instituting the ritual most acceptable to the gods and appointing for each

deity his own special priests. First of all he divided the year into twelve months, corresponding to the moon's

revolutions. But as the moon does not complete thirty days in each month, and so there are fewer days in the

lunar year than in that measured by the course of the sun, he interpolated intercalary months and so arranged

them that every twentieth year the days should coincide with the same position of the sun as when they

started, the whole twenty years being thus complete. He also established a distinction between the days on

which legal business could be transacted and those on which it could not, because it would sometimes be

Next he turned his attention to the appointment of priests. He himself, however, conducted a great many

religious services, especially those which belong to the Flamen of Jupiter. But he thought that in a warlike

state there would be more kings of the type of Romulus than of Numa who would take the field in person. To

guard, therefore, against the sacrificial rites which the king performed being interrupted, he appointed a

Flamen as perpetual priest to Jupiter, and ordered that he should wear a distinctive dress and sit in the royal

curule chair. He appointed two additional Flamens, one for Mars, the other for Quirinus, and also chose

virgins as priestesses to Vesta. This order of priestesses came into existence originally in Alba and was

connected with the race of the founder. He assigned them a public stipend that they might give their whole

time to the temple, and made their persons sacred and inviolable by a vow of chastity and other religious

sanctions. Similarly he chose twelve "Salii" for Mars Gradivus, and assigned to them the distinctive dress of

an embroidered tunic and over it a brazen cuirass. They were instructed to march in solemn procession

through the City, carrying the twelve shields called the "Ancilia," and singing hymns accompanied by a

solemn dance in triple time. The next office to be filled was that of the Pontifex Maximus. Numa appointed

the son of Marcus, one of the senators Numa Marciusand all the regulations bearing on religion, written

out and sealed, were placed in his charge. Here was laid down with what victims, on what days, and at what

temples the various sacrifices were to be offered, and from what sources the expenses connected with them

were to be defrayed. He placed all other sacred functions, both public and private, under the supervision of

the Pontifex, in order that there might be an authority for the people to consult, and so all trouble and

confusion arising through foreign rites being adopted and their ancestral ones neglected might be avoided.

Nor were his functions confined to directing the worship of the celestial gods; he was to instruct the people

how to conduct funerals and appease the spirits of the departed, and what prodigies sent by lightning or in

any other way were to be attended to and expiated. To elicit these signs of the divine will, he dedicated an

altar to Jupiter Elicius on the Aventine, and consulted the god through auguries, as to which prodigies were to

The deliberations and arrangements which these matters involved diverted the people from all thoughts of

war and provided them with ample occupation. The watchful care of the gods, manifesting itself in the

providential guidance of human affairs, had kindled in all hearts such a feeling of piety that the sacredness of

promises and the sanctity of oaths were a controlling force for the community scarcely less effective than the

fear inspired by laws and penalties. And whilst his subjects were moulding their characters upon the unique

example of their king, the neighbouring nations, who had hitherto believed that it was a fortified camp and

not a city that was placed amongst them to vex the peace of all, were now induced to respect them so highly

that they thought it sinful to injure a State so entirely devoted to the service of the gods. There was a grove

through the midst of which a perennial stream flowed, issuing from a dark cave. Here Numa frequently

retired unattended as if to meet the goddess, and he consecrated the grove to the Camaenae, because it was

there that their meetings with his wife Egeria took place. He also instituted a yearly sacrifice to the goddess

Fides and ordered that the Flamens should ride to her temple in a hooded chariot, and should perform the

service with their hands covered as far as the fingers, to signify that Faith must be sheltered and that her seat

is holy even when it is in men's right hands. There were many other sacrifices appointed by him and places

dedicated for their performance which the pontiffs call the Argei. The greatest of all his works was the

preservation of peace and the security of his realm throughout the whole of his reign. Thus by two successive

kings the greatness of the State was advanced; by each in a different way, by the one through war, by the

other through peace. Romulus reigned thirtyseven years, Numa fortythree. The State was strong and

The death of Numa was followed by a second interregnum. Then Tullus Hostilius, a grandson of the Hostilius

who had fought so brilliantly at the foot of the Citadel against the Sabines, was chosen king by the people,

and their choice was confirmed by the senate. He was not only unlike the last king, but he was a man of more

warlike spirit even than Romulus, and his ambition was kindled by his own youthful energy and by the

glorious achievements of his grandfather. Convinced that the vigour of the State was becoming enfeebled

through inaction, he looked all round for a pretext for getting up a war. It so happened that Roman peasants

were at that time in the habit of carrying off plunder from the Alban territory, and the Albans from Roman

territory. Gaius Cluilius was at the time ruling in Alba. Both parties sent envoys almost simultaneously to

seek redress. Tullus had told his ambassadors to lose no time in carrying out their instructions; he was fully

aware that the Albans would refuse satisfaction, and so a just ground would exist for proclaiming war. The

Alban envoys proceeded in a more leisurely fashion. Tullus received them with all courtesy and entertained

them sumptuously. Meantime the Romans had preferred their demands, and on the Alban governor's refusal

had declared that war would begin in thirty days. When this was reported to Tullus, he granted the Albans an

audience in which they were to state the object of their coming. Ignorant of all that had happened, they

wasted time in explaining that it was with great reluctance that they would say anything which might

displease Tullus, but they were bound by their instructions; they were come to demand redress, and if that

were refused they were ordered to declare war. "Tell your king," replied Tullus, "that the king of Rome calls

the gods to witness that whichever nation is the first to dismiss with ignominy the envoys who came to seek

The Albans reported this at home. Both sides made extraordinary preparations for a war, which closely

resembled a civil war between parents and children, for both were of Trojan descent, since Lavinium was an

offshoot of Troy, and Alba of Lavinium, and the Romans were sprung from the stock of the kings of Alba.

The outcome of the war, however, made the conflict less deplorable, as there was no regular engagement, and

though one of the two cities was destroyed, the two nations were blended into one. The Albans were the first

to move, and invaded the Roman territory with an immense army. They fixed their camp only five miles from

the City and surrounded it with a moat; this was called for several centuries the "Cluilian Dyke" from the

name of the Alban general, till through lapse of time the name and the thing itself disappeared. While they

were encamped Cluilius, the Alban king, died, and the Albans made Mettius Fufetius dictator. The king's

death made Tullus more sanguine than ever of success. He gave out that the wrath of heaven which had fallen

first of all on the head of the nation would visit the whole race of Alba with condign punishment for this

unholy war. Passing the enemy's camp by a night march, he advanced upon Alban territory. This drew

Mettius from his entrenchments. He marched as close to his enemy as he could, and then sent on an officer to

inform Tullus that before engaging it was necessary that they should have a conference. If he granted one,

then he was satisfied that the matters he would lay before him were such as concerned Rome no less than

Alba. Tullus did not reject the proposal, but in case the conference should prove illusory, he led out his men

in order of battle. The Albans did the same. After they had halted, confronting each other, the two

commanders, with a small escort of superior officers, advanced between the lines. The Alban general,

addressing Tullus, said: "I think I have heard our king Cluilius say that acts of robbery and the

nonrestitution of plundered property, in violation of the existing treaty, were the cause of this war, and I

have no doubt that you, Tullus, allege the same pretext. But if we are to say what is true, rather than what is

plausible, we must admit that it is the lust of empire which has made two kindred and neighbouring peoples

take up arms. Whether rightly or wrongly I do not judge; let him who began the war settle that point; I am

simply placed in command by the Albans to conduct the war. But I want to give you a warning, Tullus. You

know, you especially who are nearer to them, the greatness of the Etruscan State, which hems us both in;

their immense strength by land, still more by sea. Now remember, when once you have given the signal to

engage, our two armies will fight under their eyes, so that when we are wearied and exhausted they may

attack us both, victor and vanquished alike. If then, not content with the secure freedom we now enjoy, we

are determined to enter into a game of chance, where the stakes are either supremacy or slavery, let us, in

heaven's name, choose some method by which, without great suffering or bloodshed on either side, it can be

decided which nation is to be master of the other." Although, from natural temperament, and the certainty he

felt of victory, Tullus was eager to fight, he did not disapprove of the proposal. After much consideration on

both sides a method was adopted, for which Fortune herself provided the necessary means.

There happened to be in each of the armies a triplet of brothers, fairly matched in years and strength. It is

generally agreed that they were called Horatii and Curiatii. Few incidents in antiquity have been more widely

celebrated, yet in spite of its celebrity there is a discrepancy in the accounts as to which nation each belonged.

There are authorities on both sides, but I find that the majority give the name of Horatii to the Romans, and

my sympathies lead me to follow them. The kings suggested to them that they should each fight on behalf of

their country, and where victory rested, there should be the sovereignty. They raised no objection; so the time

and place were fixed. But before they engaged a treaty was concluded between the Romans and the Albans,

providing that the nation whose representatives proved victorious should receive the peaceable submission of

the other. This is the earliest treaty recorded, and as all treaties, however different the conditions they contain,

are concluded with the same forms, I will describe the forms with which this one was concluded as handed

down by tradition. The Fetial put the formal question to Tullus: "Do you, King, order me to make a treaty

with the Pater Patratus of the Alban nation?" On the king replying in the affirmative, the Fetial said: "I

demand of thee, King, some tufts of grass." The king replied: "Take those that are pure." The Fetial brought

pure grass from the Citadel. Then he asked the king: "Do you constitute me the plenipotentiary of the People

of Rome, the Quirites, sanctioning also my vessels and comrades?" To which the king replied: "So far as may

be without hurt to myself and the People of Rome, the Quirites, I do." The Fetial was M. Valerius. He made

Spurius Furius the Pater Patratus by touching his head and hair with the grass. Then the Pater Patratus, who is

constituted for the purpose of giving the treaty the religious sanction of an oath, did so by a long formula in

verse, which it is not worth while to quote. After reciting the conditions he said: "Hear, O Jupiter, hear! thou

Pater Patratus of the people of Alba! Hear ye, too, people of Alba! As these conditions have been publicly

rehearsed from first to last, from these tablets, in perfect good faith, and inasmuch as they have here and now

been most clearly understood, so these conditions the People of Rome will not be the first to go back from. If

they shall, in their national council, with false and malicious intent be the first to go back, then do thou,

Jupiter, on that day, so smite the People of Rome, even as I here and now shall smite this swine, and smite

them so much the more heavily, as thou art greater in power and might." With these words he struck the

swine with a flint. In similar wise the Albans recited their oath and formularies through their own dictator and

On the conclusion of the treaty the six combatants armed themselves. They were greeted with shouts of

encouragement from their comrades, who reminded them that their fathers' gods, their fatherland, their

fathers, every fellowcitizen, every fellowsoldier, were now watching their weapons and the hands that

wielded them. Eager for the contest and inspired by the voices round them, they advanced into the open space

between the opposing lines. The two armies were sitting in front of their respective camps, relieved from

personal danger but not from anxiety, since upon the fortunes and courage of this little group hung the issue

of dominion. Watchful and nervous, they gaze with feverish intensity on a spectacle by no means

entertaining. The signal was given, and with uplifted swords the six youths charged like a battleline with the

courage of a mighty host. Not one of them thought of his own danger; their sole thought was for their

country, whether it would be supreme or subject, their one anxiety that they were deciding its future fortunes.

When, at the first encounter, the flashing swords rang on their opponents' shields, a deep shudder ran through

the spectators; then a breathless silence followed, as neither side seemed to be gaining any advantage. Soon,

however, they saw something more than the swift movements of limbs and the rapid play of sword and

shield: blood became visible flowing from open wounds. Two of the Romans fell one on the other, breathing

out their life, whilst all the three Albans were wounded. The fall of the Romans was welcomed with a burst of

exultation from the Alban army; whilst the Roman legions, who had lost all hope, but not all anxiety,

trembled for their solitary champion surrounded by the three Curiatii. It chanced that he was untouched, and

though not a match for the three together, he was confident of victory against each separately. So, that he

might encounter each singly, he took to flight, assuming that they would follow as well as their wounds

would allow. He had run some distance from the spot where the combat began, when, on looking back, he

saw them following at long intervals from each other, the foremost not far from him. He turned and made a

desperate attack upon him, and whilst the Alban army were shouting to the other Curiatii to come to their

brother's assistance, Horatius had already slain his foe and, flushed with victory, was awaiting the second

encounter. Then the Romans cheered their champion with a shout such as men raise when hope succeeds to

despair, and he hastened to bring the fight to a close. Before the third, who was not far away, could come up,

he despatched the second Curiatius. The survivors were now equal in point of numbers, but far from equal in

either confidence or strength. The one, unscathed after his double victory, was eager for the third contest; the

other, dragging himself wearily along, exhausted by his wounds and by his running, vanquished already by

the previous slaughter of his brothers, was an easy conquest to his victorious foe. There was, in fact, no

fighting. The Roman cried exultingly: "Two have I sacrificed to appease my brothers' shades; the third I will

offer for the issue of this fight, that the Roman may rule the Alban." He thrust his sword downward into the

neck of his opponent, who could no longer lift his shield, and then despoiled him as he lay. Horatius was

welcomed by the Romans with shouts of triumph, all the more joyous for the fears they had felt. Both sides

turned their attention to burying their dead champions, but with very different feelings, the one rejoicing in

wider dominion, the other deprived of their liberty and under alien rule. The tombs stand on the spots where

each fell; those of the Romans close together, in the direction of Alba; the three Alban tombs, at intervals, in

Before the armies separated, Mettius inquired what commands he was to receive in accordance with the terms

of the treaty. Tullus ordered him to keep the Alban soldiery under arms, as he would require their services if

there were war with the Veientines. Both armies then withdrew to their homes. Horatius was marching at the

head of the Roman army, carrying in front of him his triple spoils. His sister, who had been betrothed to one

of the Curiatii, met him outside the Capene gate. She recognised on her brother's shoulders the cloak of her

betrothed, which she had made with her own hands; and bursting into tears she tore her hair and called her

dead lover by name. The triumphant soldier was so enraged by his sister's outburst of grief in the midst of his

own triumph and the public rejoicing that he drew his sword and stabbed the girl. "Go," he cried, in bitter

reproach, "go to your betrothed with your illtimed love, forgetful as you are of your dead brothers, of the

one who still lives, and of your country! So perish every Roman woman who mourns for an enemy!" The

deed horrified patricians and plebeians alike; but his recent services were a setoff to it. He was brought

before the king for trial. To avoid responsibility for passing a harsh sentence, which would be repugnant to

the populace, and then carrying it into execution, the king summoned an assembly of the people, and said: "I

appoint two duumvirs to judge the treason of Horatius according to law." The dreadful language of the law

was: "The duumvirs shall judge cases of treason; if the accused appeal from the duumvirs, the appeal shall be

heard; if their sentence be confirmed, the lictor shall hang him by a rope on the fatal tree, and shall scourge

him either within or without the pomoerium." The duumvirs appointed under this law did not think that by its

provisions they had the power to acquit even an innocent person. Accordingly they condemned him; then one

of them said: "Publius Horatius, I pronounce you guilty of treason. Lictor, bind his hands." The lictor had

approached and was fastening the cord, when Horatius, at the suggestion of Tullus, who placed a merciful

interpretation on the law, said, "I appeal." The appeal was accordingly brought before the people.

Their decision was mainly influenced by Publius Horatius, the father, who declared that his daughter had

been justly slain; had it not been so, he would have exerted his authority as a father in punishing his son.

Then he implored them not to bereave of all his children the man whom they had so lately seen surrounded

with such noble offspring. Whilst saying this he embraced his son, and then, pointing to the spoils of the

Curiatii suspended on the spot now called the Pila Horatia, he said: "Can you bear, Quirites, to see bound,

scourged, and tortured beneath the gallows the man whom you saw, lately, coming in triumph adorned with

his foemen's spoils? Why, the Albans themselves could not bear the sight of such a hideous spectacle. Go,

lictor, bind those hands which when armed but a little time ago won dominion for the Roman people. Go,

cover the head of the liberator of this City! Hang him on the fatal tree, scourge him within the pomoerium, if

only it be amongst the trophies of his foes, or without, if only it be amongst the tombs of the Curiatii! To

what place can you take this youth where the monuments of his splendid exploits will not vindicate him from

such a shameful punishment?" The father's tears and the young soldier's courage ready to meet every peril

were too much for the people. They acquitted him because they admired his bravery rather than because they

regarded his cause as a just one. But since a murder in broad daylight demanded some expiation, the father

was commanded to make an atonement for his son at the cost of the State. After offering certain expiatory

sacrifices he erected a beam across the street and made the young man pass under it, as under a yoke, with his

head covered. This beam exists today, having always been kept in repair by the State: it is called "The

Sister's Beam." A tomb of hewn stone was constructed for Horatia on the spot where she was murdered.

But the peace with Alba was not a lasting one. The Alban dictator had incurred general odium through having

entrusted the fortunes of the State to three soldiers, and this had an evil effect upon his weak character. As

straightforward counsels had turned out so unfortunate, he tried to recover the popular favour by resorting to

crooked ones, and as he had previously made peace his aim in war, so now he sought the occasion of war in

peace. He recognised that his State possessed more courage than strength, he therefore incited other nations

to declare war openly and formally, whilst he kept for his own people an opening for treachery under the

mask of an alliance. The people of Fidenae, where a Roman colony existed, were induced to go to war by a

compact on the part of the Albans to desert to them; the Veientines were taken into the plot. When Fidenae

had broken out into open revolt, Tullus summoned Mettius and his army from Alba and marched against the

enemy. After crossing the Anio he encamped at the junction of that river with the Tiber. The army of the

Veientines had crossed the Tiber at a spot between his camp and Fidenae. In the battle they formed the right

wing near the river, the Fidenates were on the left nearer the mountains. Tullus formed his troops in front of

the Veientines, and stationed the Albans against the legion of the Fidenates. The Alban general showed as

little courage as fidelity; afraid either to keep his ground or to openly desert, he drew away gradually towards

the mountains. When he thought he had retired far enough, he halted his entire army, and still irresolute, he

began to form his men for attack, by way of gaining time, intending to throw his strength on the winning side.

Those Romans who had been stationed next to the Albans were astounded to find that their allies had

withdrawn and left their flank exposed, when a horseman rode up at full speed and reported to the king that

the Albans were leaving the field. In this critical situation, Tullus vowed to found a college of twelve Salii

and to build temples to Pallor and Pavor. Then, reprimanding the horseman loud enough for the enemy to

hear, he ordered him to rejoin the fighting line, adding that there was no occasion for alarm, as it was by his

orders that the Alban army was making a circuit that they might fall on the unprotected rear of the Fidenates.

At the same time he ordered the cavalry to raise their spears; this action hid the retreating Alban army from a

large part of the Roman infantry. Those who had seen them, thinking that what the king had said was actually

the case, fought all the more keenly. It was now the enemies' turn to be alarmed; they had heard clearly the

words of the king, and, moreover, a large part of the Fidenates who had formerly joined the Roman colonists

understood Latin. Fearing to be cut off from their town by a sudden charge of the Albans from the hills, they

retreated. Tullus pressed the attack, and after routing the Fidenates, returned to attack the Veientines with

greater confidence, as they were already demoralised by the panic of their allies. They did not wait for the

charge, but their flight was checked by the river in their rear. When they reached it, some, flinging away their

arms, rushed blindly into the water, others, hesitating whether to fight or fly, were overtaken and slain. Never

Then the Alban army, who had been watching the fight, marched down into the plain. Mettius congratulated

Tullus on his victory, Tullus replied in a friendly tone, and as a mark of goodwill, ordered the Albans to form

their camp contiguous to that of the Romans, and made preparations for a "lustral sacrifice" on the morrow.

As soon as it was light, and all the preparations were made, he gave the customary order for both armies to

muster on parade. The heralds began at the furthest part of the camp, where the Albans were, and summoned

them first of all; they, attracted by the novelty of hearing the Roman addressing his troops, took up their

position close round him. Secret instructions had been given for the Roman legion to stand fully armed

behind them, and the centurions were in readiness to execute instantly the orders they received. Tullus

commenced as follows: "Romans! if in any war that you have ever waged there has been reason for you to

thank, first, the immortal gods, and then your own personal courage, such was certainly the case in

yesterday's battle. For whilst you had to contend with an open enemy, you had a still more serious and

dangerous conflict to maintain against the treachery and perfidy of your allies. For I must undeceive you it

was by no command of mine that the Albans withdrew to the mountains. What you heard was not a real order

but a pretended one, which I used as an artifice to prevent your knowing that you were deserted, and so losing

heart for the battle, and also to fill the enemy with alarm and a desire to flee by making them think that they

were being surrounded. The guilt which I am denouncing does not involve all the Albans; they only followed

their general, just as you would have done had I wanted to lead my army away from the field. It is Mettius

who is the leader of this march, Mettius who engineered this war, Mettius who broke the treaty between

Rome and Alba. Others may venture on similar practices, if I do not make this man a signal lesson to all the

world." The armed centurions closed round Mettius, and the king proceeded: "I shall take a course which will

bring good fortune and happiness to the Roman people and myself, and to you, Albans; it is my intention to

transfer the entire Alban population to Rome, to give the rights of citizenship to the plebeians, and enrol the

nobles in the senate, and to make one City, one State. As formerly the Alban State was broken up into two

nations, so now let it once more become one." The Alban soldiery listened to these words with conflicting

feelings, but unarmed as they were and hemmed in by armed men, a common fear kept them silent. Then

Tullus said: "Mettius Fufetius! if you could have learnt to keep your word and respect treaties, I would have

given you that instruction in your lifetime, but now, since your character is past cure, do at least teach

mankind by your punishment to hold those things as sacred which have been outraged by you. As yesterday

your interest was divided between the Fidenates and the Romans, so now you shall give up your body to be

divided and dismembered." Thereupon two fourhorse chariots were brought up, and Mettius was bound at

full length to each, the horses were driven in opposite directions, carrying off parts of the body in each

chariot, where the limbs had been secured by the cords. All present averted their eyes from the horrible

spectacle. This is the first and last instance amongst the Romans of a punishment so regardless of humanity.

Amongst other things which are the glory of Rome is this, that no nation has ever been contented with milder

Meanwhile the cavalry had been sent on in advance to conduct the population to Rome; they were followed

by the legions, who were marched thither to destroy the city. When they entered the gates there was not that

noise and panic which are usually found in captured cities, where, after the gates have been shattered or the

walls levelled by the batteringram or the citadel stormed, the shouts of the enemy and the rushing of the

soldiers through the streets throw everything into universal confusion with fire and sword. Here, on the

contrary, gloomy silence and a grief beyond words so petrified the minds of all, that, forgetting in their terror

what to leave behind, what to take with them, incapable of thinking for themselves and asking one another's

advice, at one moment they would stand on their thresholds, at another wander aimlessly through their

houses, which they were seeing then for the last time. But now they were roused by the shouts of the cavalry

ordering their instant departure, now by the crash of the houses undergoing demolition, heard in the furthest

corners of the city, and the dust, rising in different places, which covered everything like a cloud. Seizing

hastily what they could carry, they went out of the city, and left behind their hearths and household gods and

the homes in which they had been born and brought up. Soon an unbroken line of emigrants filled the streets,

and as they recognised one another the sense of their common misery led to fresh outbursts of tears. Cries of

grief, especially from the women, began to make themselves heard, as they walked past the venerable temples

and saw them occupied by troops, and felt that they were leaving their gods as prisoners in an enemy's hands.

When the Albans had left their city the Romans levelled to the ground all the public and private edifices in

every direction, and a single hour gave over to destruction and ruin the work of those four centuries during

which Alba had stood. The temples of the gods, however, were spared, in accordance with the king's

The fall of Alba led to the growth of Rome. The number of the citizens was doubled, the Caelian hill was

included in the city, and that it might become more populated, Tullus chose it for the site of his palace, and

for the future lived there. He nominated Alban nobles to the senate that this order of the State might also be

augmented. Amongst them were the Tullii, the Servilii, the Quinctii, the Geganii, the Curiatii, and the Cloelii.

To provide a consecrated building for the increased number of senators he built the senatehouse, which

down to the time of our fathers went by the name of the Curia Hostilia. To secure an accession of military

strength of all ranks from the new population, he formed ten troops of knights from the Albans; from the

same source he brought up the old legions to their full strength and enrolled new ones. Impelled by the

confidence in his strength which these measures inspired, Tullus proclaimed war against the Sabines, a nation

at that time second only to the Etruscans in numbers and military strength. Each side had inflicted injuries on

the other and refused all redress. Tullus complained that Roman traders had been arrested in open market at

the shrine of Feronia; the Sabines' grievance was that some of their people had previously sought refuge in

the Asylum and been kept in Rome. These were the ostensible grounds of the war. The Sabines were far from

forgetting that a portion of their strength had been transferred to Rome by Tatius, and that the Roman State

had lately been aggrandised by the inclusion of the population of Alba; they, therefore, on their side began to

look round for outside help. Their nearest neighbour was Etruria, and, of the Etruscans, the nearest to them

were the Veientines. Their past defeats were still rankling in their memories, and the Sabines, urging them to

revolt, attracted many volunteers; others of the poorest and homeless classes were paid to join them. No

assistance was given by the State. With the Veientesit is not so surprising that the other cities rendered no

assistancethe truce with Rome was still held to be binding. Whilst preparations were being made on both

sides with the utmost energy, and it seemed as though success depended upon which side was the first to take

the offensive, Tullus opened the campaign by invading the Sabine territory. A severe action was fought at the

Silva Malitiosa. Whilst the Romans were strong in their infantry, their main strength was in their lately

increased cavalry force. A sudden charge of horse threw the Sabine ranks into confusion, they could neither

This victory threw great lustre upon the reign of Tullus, and upon the whole State, and added considerably to

its strength. At this time it was reported to the king and the senate that there had been a shower of stones on

the Alban Mount. As the thing seemed hardly credible, men were sent to inspect the prodigy, and whilst they

were watching, a heavy shower of stones fell from the sky, just like hailstones heaped together by the wind.

They fancied, too, that they heard a very loud voice from the grove on the summit, bidding the Albans

celebrate their sacred rites after the manner of their fathers. These solemnities they had consigned to oblivion,

as though they had abandoned their gods when they abandoned their country and had either adopted Roman

rites, or, as sometimes happens, embittered against Fortune, had given up the service of the gods. In

consequence of this prodigy, the Romans, too, kept up a public religious observance for nine days, eitheras

tradition assertsowing to the voice from the Alban Mount, or because of the warning of the soothsayers. In

either case, however, it became permanently established whenever the same prodigy was reported; a nine

days' solemnity was observed. Not long after a pestilence caused great distress, and made men indisposed for

the hardships of military service. The warlike king, however, allowed no respite from arms; he thought, too,

that it was more healthy for the soldiery in the field than at home. At last he himself was seized with a

lingering illness, and that fierce and restless spirit became so broken through bodily weakness, that he who

had once thought nothing less fitting for a king than devotion to sacred things, now suddenly became a prey

to every sort of religious terror, and filled the City with religious observances. There was a general desire to

recall the condition of things which existed under Numa, for men felt that the only help that was left against

sickness was to obtain the forgiveness of the gods and be at peace with heaven. Tradition records that the

king, whilst examining the commentaries of Numa, found there a description of certain secret sacrificial rites

paid to Jupiter Elicius: he withdrew into privacy whilst occupied with these rites, but their performance was

marred by omissions or mistakes. Not only was no sign from heaven vouchsafed to him, but the anger of

Jupiter was roused by the false worship rendered to him, and he burnt up the king and his house by a stroke of

lightning. Tullus had achieved great renown in war, and reigned for twoandthirty years.

On the death of Tullus, the government, in accordance with the original constitution, again devolved on the

senate. They appointed an interrex to conduct the election. The people chose Ancus Martius as king, the

senate confirmed the choice. His mother was Numa's daughter. At the outset of his reignremembering what

made his grandfather glorious, and recognising that the late reign, so splendid in all other respects, had, on

one side, been most unfortunate through the neglect of religion or the improper performance of its riteshe

determined to go back to the earliest source and conduct the state offices of religion as they had been

organised by Numa. He gave the Pontifex instructions to copy them out from the king's commentaries and set

them forth in some public place. The neighbouring states and his own people, who were yearning for peace,

were led to hope that the king would follow his grandfather in disposition and policy. In this state of affairs,

the Latins, with whom a treaty had been made in the reign of Tullus, recovered their confidence, and made an

incursion into Roman territory. On the Romans seeking redress, they gave a haughty refusal, thinking that the

king of Rome was going to pass his reign amongst chapels and altars. In the temperament of Ancus there was

a touch of Romulus as well as Numa. He realised that the great necessity of Numa's reign was peace,

especially amongst a young and aggressive nation, but he saw, too, that it would be difficult for him to

preserve the peace which had fallen to his lot unimpaired. His patience was being put to the proof, and not

only put to the proof but despised; the times demanded a Tullus rather than a Numa. Numa had instituted

religious observances for times of peace, he would hand down the ceremonies appropriate to a state of war. In

order, therefore, that wars might be not only conducted but also proclaimed with some formality, he wrote

down the law, as taken from the ancient nation of the Aequicoli, under which the Fetials act down to this day

The ambassador binds his head in a woollen fillet. When he has reached the frontiers of the nation from

whom satisfaction is demanded, he says, "Hear, O Jupiter! Hear, ye confines"naming the particular nation

whose they are"Hear, O Justice! I am the public herald of the Roman People. Rightly and duly authorised do

I come; let confidence be placed in my words." Then he recites the terms of the demands, and calls Jupiter to

witness: "If I am demanding the surrender of those men or those goods, contrary to justice and religion, suffer

me nevermore to enjoy my native land." He repeats these words as he crosses the frontier, he repeats them to

whoever happens to be the first person he meets, he repeats them as he enters the gates and again on entering

the forum, with some slight changes in the wording of the formula. If what he demands are not surrendered at

the expiration of thirtythree days for that is the fixed period of gracehe declares war in the following

terms: "Hear, O Jupiter, and thou Janus Quirinus, and all ye heavenly gods, and ye, gods of earth and of the

lower world, hear me! I call you to witness that this people"mentioning it by name"is unjust and does not

fulfil its sacred obligations. But about these matters we must consult the elders in our own land in what way

With these words the ambassador returned to Rome for consultation. The king forthwith consulted the senate

in words to the following effect: "Concerning the matters, suits, and causes, whereof the Pater Patratus of the

Roman People and Quirites hath complained to the Pater Patratus of the Prisci Latini, and to the people of the

Prisci Latini, which matters they were bound severally to surrender, discharge, and make good, whereas they

have done none of these thingssay, what is your opinion?" He whose opinion was first asked, replied, "I am

of opinion that they ought to be recovered by a just and righteous war, wherefore I give my consent and vote

for it." Then the others were asked in order, and when the majority of those present declared themselves of

the same opinion, war was agreed upon. It was customary for the Fetial to carry to the enemies' frontiers a

bloodsmeared spear tipped with iron or burnt at the end, and, in the presence of at least three adults, to say,

"Inasmuch as the peoples of the Prisci Latini have been guilty of wrong against the People of Rome and the

Quirites, and inasmuch as the People of Rome and the Quirites have ordered that there be war with the Prisci

Latini, and the Senate of the People of Rome and the Quirites have determined and decreed that there shall be

war with the Prisci Latini, therefore I and the People of Rome, declare and make war upon the peoples of the

Prisci Latini." With these words he hurled his spear into their territory. This was the way in which at that time

satisfaction was demanded from the Latins and war declared, and posterity adopted the custom.

After handing over the care of the various sacrificial rites to the Flamens and other priests, and calling up a

fresh army, Ancus advanced against Politorium a city belonging to the Latins. He took it by assault, and

following the custom of the earlier kings who had enlarged the State by receiving its enemies into Roman

citizenship, he transferred the whole of the population to Rome. The Palatine had been settled by the earliest

Romans, the Sabines had occupied the Capitoline hill with the Citadel, on one side of the Palatine, and the

Albans the Caelian hill, on the other, so the Aventine was assigned to the newcomers. Not long afterwards

there was a further addition to the number of citizens through the capture of Tellenae and Ficana. Politorium

after its evacuation was seized by the Latins and was again recovered; and this was the reason why the

Romans razed the city, to prevent its being a perpetual refuge for the enemy. At last the whole war was

concentrated round Medullia, and fighting went on for some time there with doubtful result. The city was

strongly fortified and its strength was increased by the presence of a large garrison. The Latin army was

encamped in the open and had had several engagements with the Romans. At last Ancus made a supreme

effort with the whole of his force and won a pitched battle, after which he returned with immense booty to

Rome, and many thousands of Latins were admitted into citizenship. In order to connect the Aventine with

the Palatine, the district round the altar of Venus Murcia was assigned to them. The Janiculum also was

brought into the city boundaries, not because the space was wanted, but to prevent such a strong position

from being occupied by an enemy. It was decided to connect this hill with the City, not only by carrying the

City wall round it, but also by a bridge, for the convenience of traffic. This was the first bridge thrown over

the Tiber, and was known as the Pons Sublicius. The Fossa Quiritium also was the work of King Ancus, and

afforded no inconsiderable protection to the lower and therefore more accessible parts of the City. Amidst

this vast population, now that the State had become so enormously increased, the sense of right and wrong

was obscured, and secret crimes were committed. To overawe the growing lawlessness a prison was built in

the heart of the City, overlooking the Forum. The additions made by this king were not confined to the City.

The Mesian Forest was taken from the Veientines, and the Roman dominion extended to the sea; at the mouth

of the Tiber the city of Ostia was built; saltpits were constructed on both sides of the river, and the temple of

Jupiter Feretrius was enlarged in consequence of the brilliant successes in the war.

During the reign of Ancus a wealthy and ambitious man named Lucumo removed to Rome, mainly with the

hope and desire of winning high distinction, for which no opportunity had existed in Tarquinii, since there

also he was an alien. He was the son of Demaratus a Corinthian, who had been driven from home by a

revolution, and who happened to settle in Tarquinii. There he married and had two sons, their names were

Lucumo and Arruns. Arruns died before his father, leaving his wife with child; Lucumo survived his father

and inherited all his property. For Demaratus died shortly after Arruns, and being unaware of the condition of

his daughterinlaw, had made no provision in his will for a grandchild. The boy, thus excluded from any

share of his grandfather's property, was called, in consequence of his poverty, Egerius. Lucumo, on the other

hand, heir to all the property, became elated by his wealth, and his ambition was stimulated by his marriage

with Tanaquil. This woman was descended from one of the foremost families in the State, and could not bear

the thought of her position by marriage being inferior to the one she claimed by birth. The Etruscans looked

down upon Lucumo as the son of a foreign refugee; she could not brook this indignity, and forgetting all ties

of patriotism if only she could see her husband honoured, resolved to emigrate from Tarquinii. Rome seemed

the most suitable place for her purpose. She felt that among a young nation where all nobility is a thing of

recent growth and won by personal merit, there would be room for a man of courage and energy. She

remembered that the Sabine Tatius had reigned there, that Numa had been summoned from Cures to fill the

throne, that Ancus himself was sprung from a Sabine mother, and could not trace his nobility beyond Numa.

Her husband's ambition and the fact that Tarquinii was his native country only on the mother's side, made

him give a ready ear to her proposals. They accordingly packed up their goods and removed to Rome.

They had got as far as the Janiculum when a hovering eagle swooped gently down and took off his cap as he

was sitting by his wife's side in the carriage, then circling round the vehicle with loud cries, as though

commissioned by heaven for this service, replaced it carefully upon his head and soared away. It is said that

Tanaquil, who, like most Etruscans, was expert in interpreting celestial prodigies, was delighted at the omen.

She threw her arms round her husband and bade him look for a high and majestic destiny, for such was the

import of the eagle's appearance, of the particular part of the sky where it appeared, and of the deity who sent

it. The omen was directed to the crown and summit of his person, the bird had raised aloft an adornment put

on by human hands, to replace it as the gift of heaven. Full of these hopes and surmises they entered the City,

and after procuring a domicile there, they announced his name as Lucius Tarquinius Priscus. The fact of his

being a stranger, and a wealthy one, brought him into notice, and he increased the advantage which Fortune

gave him by his courteous demeanour, his lavish hospitality, and the many acts of kindness by which he won

all whom it was in his power to win, until his reputation even reached the palace. Once introduced to the

king's notice, he soon succeeded by adroit complaisance in getting on to such familiar terms that he was

consulted in matters of state, as much as in private matters, whether they referred to either peace or war. At

last, after passing every test of character and ability, he was actually appointed by the king's will guardian to

Ancus reigned twentyfour years, unsurpassed by any of his predecessors in ability and reputation, both in

the field and at home. His sons had now almost reached manhood. Tarquin was all the more anxious for the

election of the new king to be held as soon as possible. At the time fixed for it he sent the boys out of the way

on a hunting expedition. He is said to have been the first who canvassed for the crown and delivered a set

speech to secure the interest of the plebs. In it he asserted that he was not making an unheardof request, he

was not the first foreigner who aspired to the Roman throne; were this so, any one might feel surprise and

indignation. But he was the third. Tatius was not only a foreigner, but was made king after he had been their

enemy; Numa, an entire stranger to the City, had been called to the throne without any seeking it on his part.

As to himself, as soon as he was his own master, he had removed to Rome with his wife and his whole

fortune; he had lived at Rome for a larger part of the period during which men discharge the functions of

citizenship than he had passed in his old country; he had learnt the laws of Rome, the ceremonial rites of

Rome, both civil and military, under Ancus himself, a very sufficient teacher; he had been second to none in

duty and service towards the king; he had not yielded to the king himself in generous treatment of others.

Whilst he was stating these facts, which were certainly true, the Roman people with enthusiastic unanimity

elected him king. Though in all other respects an excellent man, his ambition, which impelled him to seek the

crown, followed him on to the throne; with the design of strengthening himself quite as much as of increasing

the State, he made a hundred new senators. These were afterwards called "the Lesser Houses" and formed a

body of uncompromising supporters of the king, through whose kindness they had entered the senate. The

first war he engaged in was with the Latins. He took the town of Apiolae by storm, and carried off a greater

amount of plunder than could have been expected from the slight interest shown in the war. After this had

been brought in wagons to Rome, he celebrated the Games with greater splendour and on a larger scale than

his predecessors. Then for the first time a space was marked for what is now the "Circus Maximus." Spots

were allotted to the patricians and knights where they could each build for themselves standscalled

"ford"from which to view the Games. These stands were raised on wooden props, branching out at the top,

twelve feet high. The contests were horseracing and boxing, the horses and boxers mostly brought from

Etruria. They were at first celebrated on occasions of especial solemnity; subsequently they became an annual

fixture, and were called indifferently the "Roman" or the "Great Games." This king also divided the ground

He was also making preparations for surrounding the City with a stone wall when his designs were

interrupted by a war with the Sabines. So sudden was the outbreak that the enemy were crossing the Anio

before a Roman army could meet and stop them. There was great alarm in Rome. The first battle was

indecisive, and there was great slaughter on both sides. The enemies' return to their camp allowed time for the

Romans to make preparations for a fresh campaign. Tarquin thought his army was weakest in cavalry and

decided to double the centuries, which Romulus had formed, of the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres, and to

distinguish them by his own name. Now as Romulus had acted under the sanction of the auspices, Attus

Navius, a celebrated augur at that time, insisted that no change could be made, nothing new introduced,

unless the birds gave a favourable omen. The king's anger was roused, and in mockery of the augur's skill he

is reported to have said, "Come, you diviner, find out by your augury whether what I am now contemplating

can be done." Attus, after consulting the omens, declared that it could. "Well," the king replied, "I had it in

my mind that you should cut a whetstone with a razor. Take these, and perform the feat which your birds

portend can be done." It is said that without the slightest hesitation he cut it through. There used to be a statue

of Attus, representing him with his head covered, in the Comitium, on the steps to the left of the

senatehouse, where the incident occurred. The whetstone also, it is recorded, was placed there to be a

memorial of the marvel for future generations. At all events, auguries and the college of augurs were held in

such honour that nothing was undertaken in peace or war without their sanction; the assembly of the curies,

the assembly of the centuries, matters of the highest importance, were suspended or broken up if the omen of

the birds was unfavourable. Even on that occasion Tarquin was deterred from making changes in the names

or numbers of the centuries of knights; he merely doubled the number of men in each, so that the three

centuries contained eighteen hundred men. Those who were added to the centuries bore the same designation,

only they were called the "Second" knights, and the centuries being thus doubled are now called the "Six

After this division of the forces was augmented there was a second collision with the Sabines, in which the

increased strength of the Roman army was aided by an artifice. Men were secretly sent to set fire to a vast

quantity of logs lying on the banks of the Anio, and float them down the river on rafts. The wind fanned the

flames, and as the logs drove against the piles and stuck there they set the bridge on fire. This incident,

occurring during the battle, created a panic among the Sabines and led to their rout, and at the same time

prevented their flight; many after escaping from the enemy perished in the river. Their shields floated down

the Tiber as far as the City, and being recognised, made it clear that there had been a victory almost before it

could be announced. In that battle the cavalry especially distinguished themselves. They were posted on each

wing, and when the infantry in the centre were being forced back, it is said that they made such a desperate

charge from both sides that they not only arrested the Sabine legions as they were pressing on the retreating

Romans, but immediately put them to flight. The Sabines, in wild disorder, made for the hills, a few gained

them, by far the greater number, as was stated above, were driven by the cavalry into the river. Tarquin

determined to follow them up before they could recover from their panic. He sent the prisoners and booty to

Rome; the spoils of the enemy had been devoted to Vulcan, they were accordingly collected into an

enormous pile and burnt; then he proceeded forthwith to lead his army into the Sabine territory. In spite of

their recent defeat and the hopelessness of repairing it, the Sabines met him with a hastily raised body of

militia, as there was no time for concerting a plan of operations. They were again defeated, and as they were

Collatia and all the territory on this side of it was taken from the Sabines; Egerius, the king's nephew, was left

to hold it. I understand that the procedure on the surrender of Collatia was as follows: The king asked, "Have

you been sent as envoys and commissioners by the people of Collatia to make the surrender of yourselves and

the people of Collatia?" "We have." "And is the people of Collatia an independent people?" "It is." "Do you

surrender into my power and that of the People of Rome yourselves, and the people of Collatia, your city,

lands, water, boundaries, temples, sacred vessels, all things divine and human?" "We do surrender them."

"Then I accept them." After bringing the Sabine war to a conclusion Tarquin returned in triumph to Rome.

Then he made war on the Prisci Latini. No general engagement took place, he attacked each of their towns in

succession and subjugated the whole nation. The towns of Corniculum, Old Ficulea, Cameria, Crustumerium,

Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, were all taken from the Prisci Latini or those who had gone over to them.

Then peace was made. Works of peace were now commenced with greater energy even than had been

displayed in war, so that the people enjoyed no more quiet at home than they had had in the field. He made

preparations for completing the work, which had been interrupted by the Sabine war, of enclosing the City in

those parts where no fortification yet existed with a stone wall. The lowlying parts of the City round the

Forum, and the other valleys between the hills, where the water could not escape, were drained by conduits

which emptied into the Tiber. He built up with masonry a level space on the Capitol as a site for the temple of

Jupiter which he had vowed during the Sabine war, and the magnitude of the work revealed his prophetic

At that time an incident took place as marvellous in the appearance as it proved in the result. It is said that

whilst a boy named Servius Tullius was asleep, his head was enveloped in flames, before the eyes of many

who were present. The cry which broke out at such a marvellous sight aroused the royal family, and when

one of the domestics was bringing water to quench the flames the queen stopped him, and after calming the

excitement forbade the boy to be disturbed until he awoke of his own accord. Presently he did so, and the

flames disappeared. Then Tanaquil took her husband aside and said to him, "Do you see this boy, whom we

are bringing up in such a humble style? You may be certain that he will one day be a light to us in trouble and

perplexity, and a protection to our tottering house. Let us henceforth bring up with all care and indulgence

one who will be the source of measureless glory to the State and to ourselves." From this time the boy began

to be treated as their child and trained in those accomplishments by which characters are stimulated to the

pursuit of a great destiny. The task was an easy one, for it was carrying out the will of the gods. The youth

turned out to be of a truly kingly disposition, and when search was made for a soninlaw to Tarquinius,

none of the Roman youths could be compared with him in any respect, so the king betrothed his daughter to

him. The bestowal of this great honour upon him, whatever the reason for it, forbids our believing that he was

the son of a slave, and, in his boyhood, a slave himself. I am more inclined to the opinion of those who say

that in the capture of Corniculum, Servius Tullius, the leading man of that city, was killed, and his wife, who

was about to become a mother, was recognised amongst the other captive women, and in consequence of her

high rank was exempted from servitude by the Roman queen, and gave birth to a son in the house of Priscus

Tarquinius. This kind treatment strengthened the intimacy between the women, and the boy, brought up as he

was from infancy in the royal household, was held in affection and honour. It was the fate of his mother, who

fell into the hands of the enemy when her native city was taken, that made people think he was the son of a

When Tarquin had been about thirtyeight years on the throne, Servius Tullius was held in by far the highest

esteem of any one, not only with the king but also with the patricians and the commons. The two sons of

Ancus had always felt most keenly their being deprived of their father's throne through the treachery of their

guardian; its occupation by a foreigner who was not even of Italian, much less Roman descent, increased their

indignation, when they saw that not even after the death of Tarquin would the crown revert to them, but

would suddenly descend to a slavethat crown which Romulus, the offspring of a god, and himself a god, had

worn whilst he was on earth, now to be the possession of a slaveborn slave a hundred years later! They felt

that it would be a disgrace to the whole Roman nation, and especially to their house, if, while the male issue

of Ancus was still alive, the sovereignty of Rome should be open not only to foreigners but even to slaves.

They determined, therefore, to repel that insult by the sword. But it was on Tarquin rather than on Servius

that they sought to avenge their wrongs; if the king were left alive he would be able to deal more summary

vengeance than an ordinary citizen, and in the event of Servius being killed, the king would certainly make

any one else whom he chose for a soninlaw heir to the crown. These considerations decided them to form a

plot against the king's life. Two shepherds, perfect desperadoes, were selected for the deed. They appeared in

the vestibule of the palace, each with his usual implement, and by pretending to have a violent and

outrageous quarrel, they attracted the attention of all the royal guards. Then, as they both began to appeal to

the king, and their clamour had penetrated within the palace, they were summoned before the king. At first

they tried, by shouting each against the other, to see who could make the most noise, until, after being

repressed by the lictor and ordered to speak in turn, they became quiet, and one of the two began to state his

case. Whilst the king's attention was absorbed in listening to him, the other swung aloft his axe and drove it

into the king's head, and leaving the weapon in the wound both dashed out of the palace.

Whilst the bystanders were supporting the dying Tarquin in their arms, the lictors caught the fugitives. The

shouting drew a crowd together, wondering what had happened. In the midst of the confusion, Tanaquil

ordered the palace to be cleared and the doors closed; she then carefully prepared medicaments for dressing

the wound, should there be hopes of life; at the same time she decided on other precautions, should the case

prove hopeless, and hastily summoned Servius. She showed him her husband at the point of death, and taking

his hand, implored him not to leave his fatherinlaw's death unavenged, nor to allow his motherinlaw to

become the sport of her enemies. "The throne is yours, Servius," she said, "if you are a man; it does not

belong to those who have, through the hands of others, wrought this worst of crimes. Up! follow the guidance

of the gods who presaged the exaltation of that head round which divine fire once played! Let that

heavensent flame now inspire you. Rouse yourself in earnest! We, too, though foreigners, have reigned.

Bethink yourself not whence you sprang, but who you are. If in this sudden emergency you are slow to

resolve, then follow my counsels." As the clamour and impatience of the populace could hardly be restrained,

Tanaquil went to a window in the upper part of the palace looking out on the Via Novathe king used to live

by the temple of Jupiter Statorand addressed the people. She bade them hope for the best; the king had been

stunned by a sudden blow, but the weapon had not penetrated to any depth, he had already recovered

consciousness, the blood had been washed off and the wound examined, all the symptoms were favourable,

she was sure they would soon see him again, meantime it was his order that the people should recognise the

authority of Servius Tullius, who would administer justice and discharge the other functions of royalty.

Servius appeared in his trabea attended by the lictors, and after taking his seat in the royal chair decided some

cases and adjourned others under presence of consulting the king. So for several days after Tarquin's death

Servius continued to strengthen his position by giving out that he was exercising a delegated authority. At

length the sounds of mourning arose in the palace and divulged the fact of the king's death. Protected by a

strong bodyguard Servius was the first who ascended the throne without being elected by the people, though

without opposition from the senate. When the sons of Ancus heard that the instruments of their crime had

been arrested, that the king was still alive, and that Servius was so powerful, they went into exile at Suessa

Servius consolidated his power quite as much by his private as by his public measures. To guard against the

children of Tarquin treating him as those of Ancus had treated Tarquin, he married his two daughters to the

scions of the royal house, Lucius and Arruns Tarquin. Human counsels could not arrest the inevitable course

of destiny, nor could Servius prevent the jealousy aroused by his ascending the throne from making his

family the scene of disloyalty and hatred. The truce with the Veientines had now expired, and the resumption

of war with them and other Etruscan cities came most opportunely to help in maintaining tranquillity at

home. In this war the courage and good fortune of Tullius were conspicuous, and he returned to Rome, after

defeating an immense force of the enemy, feeling quite secure on the throne, and assured of the goodwill of

both patricians and commons. Then he set himself to by far the greatest of all works in times of peace. Just as

Numa had been the author of religious laws and institutions, so posterity extols Servius as the founder of

those divisions and classes in the State by which a clear distinction is drawn between the various grades of

dignity and fortune. He instituted the census, a most beneficial institution in what was to be a great empire, in

order that by its means the various duties of peace and war might be assigned, not as heretofore,

indiscriminately, but in proportion to the amount of property each man possessed. From it he drew up the

classes and centuries and the following distribution of them, adapted for either peace or war.

Those whose property amounted to, or exceeded 100,000 lbs. weight of copper were formed into eighty

centuries, forty of juniors and forty of seniors. These were called the First Class. The seniors were to defend

the City, the juniors to serve in the field. The armour which they were to provide themselves with comprised

helmet, round shield, greaves, and coat of mail, all of brass; these were to protect the person. Their offensive

weapons were spear and sword. To this class were joined two centuries of carpenters whose duty it was to

work the engines of war; they were without arms. The Second Class consisted of those whose property

amounted to between 75,000 and 100,000 lbs. weight of copper; they were formed, seniors and juniors

together, into twenty centuries. Their regulation arms were the same as those of the First Class, except that

they had an oblong wooden shield instead of the round brazen one and no coat of mail. The Third Class he

formed of those whose property fell as low as 50,000 lbs.; these also consisted of twenty centuries, similarly

divided into seniors and juniors. The only difference in the armour was that they did not wear greaves. In the

Fourth Class were those whose property did not fall below 25,000 lbs. They also formed twenty centuries;

their only arms were a spear and a javelin. The Fifth Class was larger it formed thirty centuries. They carried

slings and stones, and they included the supernumeraries, the hornblowers, and the trumpeters, who formed

three centuries. This Fifth Class was assessed at 11,000 lbs. The rest of the population whose property fell

After thus regulating the equipment and distribution of the infantry, he rearranged the cavalry. He enrolled

from amongst the principal men of the State twelve centuries. In the same way he made six other centuries

(though only three had been formed by Romulus) under the same names under which the first had been

inaugurated. For the purchase of the horse, 10,000 lbs. were assigned them from the public treasury; whilst

for its keep certain widows were assessed to pay 2000 lbs. each, annually. The burden of all these expenses

was shifted from the poor on to the rich. Then additional privileges were conferred. The former kings had

maintained the constitution as handed down by Romulus, viz., manhood suffrage in which all alike possessed

the same weight and enjoyed the same rights. Servius introduced a graduation; so that whilst no one was

ostensibly deprived of his vote, all the voting power was in the hands of the principal men of the State. The

knights were first summoned to record their vote, then the eighty centuries of the infantry of the First Class; if

their votes were divided, which seldom happened, it was arranged for the Second Class to be summoned;

very seldom did the voting extend to the lowest Class. Nor need it occasion any surprise, that the arrangement

which now exists since the completion of the thirtyfive tribes, their number being doubled by the centuries

of juniors and seniors, does not agree with the total as instituted by Servius Tullius. For, after dividing the

City with its districts and the hills which were inhabited into four parts, he called these divisions "tribes," I

think from the tribute they paid, for he also introduced the practice of collecting it at an equal rate according

to the assessment. These tribes had nothing to do with the distribution and number of the centuries.

The work of the census was accelerated by an enactment in which Servius denounced imprisonment and even

capital punishment against those who evaded assessment. On its completion he issued an order that all the

citizens of Rome, knights and infantry alike, should appear in the Campus Martius, each in their centuries.

After the whole army had been drawn up there, he purified it by the triple sacrifice of a swine, a sheep, and an

ox. This was called "a closed lustrum," because with it the census was completed. Eighty thousand citizens

are said to have been included in that census. Fabius Pictor, the oldest of our historians, states that this was

the number of those who could bear arms. To contain that population it was obvious that the City would have

to be enlarged. He added to it the two hillsthe Quirinal and the Viminaland then made a further addition by

including the Esquiline, and to give it more importance he lived there himself. He surrounded the City with a

mound and moats and wall; in this way he extended the "pomoerium." Looking only to the etymology of the

word, they explain "pomoerium" as "postmoerium"; but it is rather a "circamoerium." For the space which the

Etruscans of old, when founding their cities, consecrated in accordance with auguries and marked off by

boundary stones at intervals on each side, as the part where the wall was to be carried, was to be kept vacant

so that no buildings might connect with the wall on the inside (whilst now they generally touch), and on the

outside some ground might remain virgin soil untouched by cultivation. This space, which it was forbidden

either to build upon or to plough, and which could not be said to be behind the wall any more than the wall

could be said to be behind it, the Romans called the "pomoerium." As the City grew, these sacred boundary

After the State was augmented by the expansion of the City and all domestic arrangements adapted to the

requirements of both peace and war, Servius endeavoured to extend his dominion by statecraft, instead of

aggrandising it by arms, and at the same time made an addition to the adornment of the City. The temple of

the Ephesian Diana was famous at that time, and it was reported to have been built by the cooperation of the

states of Asia. Servius had been careful to form ties of hospitality and friendship with the chiefs of the Latin

nation, and he used to speak in the highest praise of that cooperation and the common recognition of the

same deity. By constantly dwelling on this theme he at length induced the Latin tribes to join with the people

of Rome in building a temple to Diana in Rome. Their doing so was an admission of the predominance of

Rome; a question which had so often been disputed by arms. Though the Latins, after their many unfortunate

experiences in war, had as a nation laid aside all thoughts of success, there was amongst the Sabines one man

who believed that an opportunity presented itself of recovering the supremacy through his own individual

cunning. The story runs that a man of substance belonging to that nation had a heifer of marvellous size and

beauty. The marvel was attested in after ages by the horns which were fastened up in the vestibule of the

temple of Diana. The creature was looked upon aswhat it really wasa prodigy, and the soothsayers

predicted that, whoever sacrificed it to Diana, the state of which he was a citizen should be the seat of empire.

This prophecy had reached the ears of the official in charge of the temple of Diana. When the first day on

which the sacrifice could properly be offered arrived, the Sabine drove the heifer to Rome, took it to the

temple, and placed it in front of the altar. The official in charge was a Roman, and, struck by the size of the

victim, which was well known by report, he recalled the prophecy and addressing the Sabine, said, "Why,

pray, are you, stranger, preparing to offer a polluted sacrifice to Diana? Go and bathe yourself first in running

water. The Tiber is flowing down there at the bottom of the valley." Filled with misgivings, and anxious for

everything to be done properly that the prediction might be fulfilled, the stranger promptly went down to the

Tiber. Meanwhile the Roman sacrificed the heifer to Diana. This was a cause of intense gratification to the

Servius was now confirmed on the throne by long possession. It had, however, come to his ears that the

young Tarquin was giving out that he was reigning without the assent of the people. He first secured the

goodwill of the plebs by assigning to each householder a slice of the land which had been taken from the

enemy. Then he was emboldened to put to them the question whether it was their will and resolve that he

should reign. He was acclaimed as king by a unanimous vote such as no king before him had obtained. This

action in no degree damped Tarquin's hopes of making his way to the throne, rather the reverse. He was a

bold and aspiring youth, and his wife Tullia stimulated his restless ambition. He had seen that the granting of

land to the commons was in defiance of the opinion of the senate, and he seized the opportunity it afforded

him of traducing Servius and strengthening his own faction in that assembly. So it came about that the

Roman palace afforded an instance of the crime which tragic poets have depicted, with the result that the

loathing felt for kings hastened the advent of liberty, and the crown won by villainy was the last that was

This Lucius Tarquiniuswhether he was the son or the grandson of King Priscus Tarquinius is not clear; if I

should give him as the son I should have the preponderance of authoritieshad a brother, Arruns Tarquinius,

a youth of gentle character. The two Tullias, the king's daughters, had, as I have already stated, married these

two brothers; and they themselves were of utterly unlike dispositions. It was, I believe, the good fortune of

Rome which intervened to prevent two violent natures from being joined in marriage, in order that the reign

of Servius Tullius might last long enough to allow the State to settle into its new constitution. The

highspirited one of the two Tullias was annoyed that there was nothing in her husband for her to work on in

the direction of either greed or ambition. All her affections were transferred to the other Tarquin; he was her

admiration, he, she said, was a man, he was really of royal blood. She despised her sister, because having a

man for her husband she was not animated by the spirit of a woman. Likeness of character soon drew them

together, as evil usually consorts best with evil. But it was the woman who was the originator of all the

mischief. She constantly held clandestine interviews with her sister's husband, to whom she unsparingly

vilified alike her husband and her sister, asserting that it would have been better for her to have remained

unmarried and he a bachelor, rather than for them each to be thus unequally mated, and fret in idleness

through the poltroonery of others. Had heaven given her the husband she deserved, she would soon have seen

the sovereignty which her father wielded established in her own house. She rapidly infected the young man

with her own recklessness. Lucius Tarquin and the younger Tullia, by a double murder, cleared from their

houses the obstacles to a fresh marriage; their nuptials were solemnised with the tacit acquiescence rather

From that time the old age of Tullius became more embittered, his reign more unhappy. The woman began to

look forward from one crime to another; she allowed her husband no rest day or night, for fear lest the past

murders should prove fruitless. What she wanted, she said, was not a man who was only her husband in

name, or with whom she was to live in uncomplaining servitude; the man she needed was one who deemed

himself worthy of a throne, who remembered that he was the son of Priscus Tarquinius, who preferred to

wear a crown rather than live in hopes of it. "If you are the man to whom I thought I was married, then I call

you my husband and my king; but if not, I have changed my condition for the worse, since you are not only a

coward but a criminal to boot. Why do you not prepare yourself for action? You are not, like your father, a

native of Corinth or Tarquinii, nor is it a foreign crown you have to win. Your father's household gods, your

father's image, the royal palace, the kingly throne within it, the very name of Tarquin, all declare you king. If

you have not courage enough for this, why do you excite vain hopes in the State? Why do you allow yourself

to be looked up to as a youth of kingly stock? Make your way back to Tarquinii or Corinth, sink back to the

position whence you sprung; you have your brother's nature rather than your father's." With taunts like these

she egged him on. She, too, was perpetually haunted by the thought that whilst Tanaquil, a woman of alien

descent, had shown such spirit as to give the crown to her husband and her soninlaw in succession, she

herself, though of royal descent, had no power either in giving it or taking it away. Infected by the woman's

madness Tarquin began to go about and interview the nobles, mainly those of the Lesser Houses; he

reminded them of the favour his father had shown them, and asked them to prove their gratitude; he won over

the younger men with presents. By making magnificent promises as to what he would do, and by bringing

At last, when he thought the time for action had arrived, he appeared suddenly in the Forum with a body of

armed men. A general panic ensued, during which he seated himself in the royal chair in the senatehouse

and ordered the Fathers to be summoned by the crier "into the presence of King Tarquin." They hastily

assembled, some already prepared for what was coming; others, apprehensive lest their absence should

arouse suspicion, and dismayed by the extraordinary nature of the incident, were convinced that the fate of

Servius was sealed. Tarquin went back to the king's birth, protested that he was a slave and the son of a slave,

and after his (the speaker's) father had been foully murdered, seized the throne, as a woman's gift, without

any interrex being appointed as heretofore, without any assembly being convened, without any vote of the

people being taken or any confirmation of it by the Fathers. Such was his origin, such was his right to the

crown. His sympathies were with the dregs of society from which he had sprung, and through jealousy of the

ranks to which he did not belong, he had taken the land from the foremost men in the State and divided it

amongst the vilest; he had shifted on to them the whole of the burdens which had formerly been borne in

common by all; he had instituted the census that the fortunes of the wealthy might be held up to envy, and be

an easily available source from which to shower doles, whenever he pleased, upon the neediest.

Servius had been summoned by a breathless messenger, and arrived on the scene while Tarquin was

speaking. As soon as he reached the vestibule, he exclaimed in loud tones, "What is the meaning of this,

Tarquin? How dared you, with such insolence, convene the senate or sit in that chair whilst I am alive?"

Tarquin replied fiercely that he was occupying his father's seat, that a king's son was a much more legitimate

heir to the throne than a slave, and that he, Servius, in playing his reckless game, had insulted his masters

long enough. Shouts arose from their respective partisans, the people made a rush to the senatehouse, and it

was evident that he who won the fight would reign. Then Tarquin, forced by sheer necessity into proceeding

to the last extremity, seized Servius round the waist, and being a much younger and stronger man, carried him

out of the senatehouse and flung him down the steps into the Forum below. He then returned to call the

senate to order. The officers and attendants of the king fled. The king himself, half dead from the violence,

was put to death by those whom Tarquin had sent in pursuit of him. It is the current belief that this was done

at Tullia's suggestion, for it is quite in keeping with the rest of her wickedness. At all events, it is generally

agreed that she drove down to the Forum in a twowheeled car, and, unabashed by the presence of the crowd,

called her husband out of the senatehouse and was the first to salute him as king. He told her to make her

way out of the tumult, and when on her return she had got as far as the top of the Cyprius Vicus, where the

temple of Diana lately stood, and was turning to the right on the Urbius Clivus, to get to the Esquiline, the

driver stopped horrorstruck and pulled up, and pointed out to his mistress the corpse of the murdered

Servius. Then, the tradition runs, a foul and unnatural crime was committed, the memory of which the place

still bears, for they call it the Vicus Sceleratus. It is said that Tullia, goaded to madness by the avenging

spirits of her sister and her husband, drove right over her father's body, and carried back some of her father's

blood with which the car and she herself were defiled to her own and her husband's household gods, through

whose anger a reign which began in wickedness was soon brought to a close by a like cause. Servius Tullius

reigned fortyfour years, and even a wise and good successor would have found it difficult to fill the throne

as he had done. The glory of his reign was all the greater because with him perished all just and lawful

kingship in Rome. Gentle and moderate as his sway had been, he had nevertheless, according to some

authorities, formed the intention of laying it down, because it was vested in a single person, but this purpose

Lucius Tarquinius now began his reign. His conduct procured for him the nickname of "Superbus," for he

deprived his fatherinlaw of burial, on the plea that Romulus was not buried, and he slew the leading nobles

whom he suspected of being partisans of Servius. Conscious that the precedent which he had set, of winning

a throne by violence, might be used against himself, he surrounded himself with a guard. For he had nothing

whatever by which to make good his claim to the crown except actual violence; he was reigning without

either being elected by the people, or confirmed by the senate. As, moreover, he had no hope of winning the

affections of the citizens, he had to maintain his dominion by fear. To make himself more dreaded, he

conducted the trials in capital cases without any assessors, and under this presence he was able to put to

death, banish, or fine not only those whom he suspected or disliked, but also those from whom his only object

was to extort money. His main object was so to reduce the number of senators, by refusing to fill up any

vacancies, that the dignity of the order itself might be lowered through the smallness of its numbers, and less

indignation felt at all public business being taken out of its hands. He was the first of the kings to break

through the traditional custom of consulting the senate on all questions, the first to conduct the government

on the advice of his palace favourites. War, peace, treaties, alliances were made or broken off by him, just as

he thought good, without any authority from either people or senate. He made a special point of securing the

Latin nation, that through his power and influence abroad he might be safer amongst his subjects at home; he

not only formed ties of hospitality with their chief men, but established family connections. He gave his

daughter in marriage to Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum, who was quite the foremost man of the Latin race,

descended, if we are to believe traditions, from Ulysses and the goddess Circe; through that connection he

gained many of his soninlaw's relations and friends. he historian, and I have no intention of establishing

either their truth or their falsehood. This much licence is conceded to the ancients, that by intermingling

human actions with divine they may confer a more august dignity on the origins of states. Now, if any nation

ought to be allowed to claim a sacred origin and point back to a divine paternity that nation is Rome. For such

is her renown in war that when she chooses to represent Mars as her own and her founder's father, the nation

Tarquin had now gained considerable influence amongst the Latin nobility, and he sent word for them to

meet on a fixed date at the Grove of Ferentina, as there were matters of mutual interest about which he

wished to consult them. They assembled in considerable numbers at daybreak; Tarquin kept his appointment,

it is true, but did not arrive till shortly before sunset. The council spent the whole day in discussing many

topics. Turnus Herdonius, from Aricia, had made a fierce attack on the absent Tarquin. It was no wonder, he

said, that the epithet "Tyrant" had been bestowed upon him at Romefor this was what people commonly

called him, though only in whisperscould anything show the tyrant more than his thus trifling with the

whole Latin nation? After summoning the chiefs from distant homes, the man who had called the council was

not present. He was in fact trying how far he could go, so that if they submitted to the yoke he might crush

them. Who could not see that he was making his way to sovereignty over the Latins? Even supposing that his

own countrymen did well to entrust him with supreme power, or rather that it was entrusted and not seized by

an act of parricide, the Latins ought not, even in that case, to place it in the hands of an alien. But if his own

people bitterly rue his sway, seeing how they are being butchered, sent into exile, stripped of all their

property, what better fate can the Latins hope for? If they followed the speaker's advice they would go home

and take as little notice of the day fixed for the council as he who had fixed it was taking. Just while these and

similar sentiments were being uttered by the man who had gained his influence in Aricia by treasonable and

criminal practice, Tarquin appeared on the scene. That put a stop to his speech, for all turned from the

speaker to salute the king. When silence was restored, Tarquin was advised by those near to explain why he

had come so late. He said that having been chosen as arbitrator between a father and a son, he had been

detained by his endeavours to reconcile them, and as that matter had taken up the whole day, he would bring

forward the measures he had decided upon the next day. It is said that even this explanation was not received

by Turnus without his commenting on it; no case, he argued, could take up less time than one between a

father and a son, it could be settled in a few words; if the son did not comply with the father's wishes he

With these censures on the Roman king he left the council. Tarquin took the matter more seriously than he

appeared to do and at once began to plan Turnus' death, in order that he might inspire the Latins with the

same terror through which he had crushed the spirits of his subjects at home. As he had not the power to get

him openly put to death, he compassed his destruction by bringing a false charge against him. Through the

agency of some of the Aricians who were opposed to Turnus, he bribed a slave of his to allow a large

quantity of swords to be carried secretly into his quarters. This plan was executed in one night. Shortly before

daybreak Tarquin summoned the Latin chiefs into his presence, as though something had happened to give

him great alarm. He told them that his delay on the previous day had been brought about by some divine

providence, for it had proved the salvation both of them and himself. He was informed that Turnus was

planning his murder and that of the leading men in the different cities, in order that he might hold sole rule

over the Latins. He would have attempted it the previous day in the council; but the attempt was deferred

owing to the absence of the convener of the council, the chief object of attack. Hence the abuse levelled

against him in his absence, because his delay had frustrated the hopes of success. If the reports which reached

him were true, he had no doubt that, on the assembling of the council at daybreak, Turnus would come armed

and with a strong body of conspirators. It was asserted that a vast number of swords had been conveyed to

him. Whether this was an idle rumour or not could very soon be ascertained, he asked them to go with him to

Turnus. The restless, ambitious character of Turnus, his speech of the previous day, and Tarquin's delay,

which easily accounted for the postponement of the murder, all lent colour to their suspicions. They went,

inclined to accept Tarquin's statement, but quite prepared to regard the whole story as baseless, if the swords

were not discovered. When they arrived, Turnus was roused from sleep and placed under guard, and the

slaves who from affection to their master were preparing to defend him were seized. Then, when the

concealed swords were produced from every corner of his lodgings, the matter appeared only too certain and

Turnus was thrown into chains. Amidst great excitement a council of the Latins was at once summoned. The

sight of the swords, placed in the midst, aroused such furious resentment that he was condemned, without

being heard in his defence, to an unprecedented mode of death. He was thrown into the fountain of Ferentina

After the Latins had reassembled in council and had been commended by Tarquin for having inflicted on

Turnus a punishment befitting his revolutionary and murderous designs, Tarquin addressed them as follows:

It was in his power to exercise a longestablished right, since, as all the Latins traced their origin to Alba,

they were included in the treaty made by Tullus under which the whole of the Alban State with its colonies

passed under the suzerainty of Rome. He thought, however, that it would be more advantageous for all parties

if that treaty were renewed, so that the Latins could enjoy a share in the prosperity of the Roman people,

instead of always looking out for, or actually suffering, the demolition of their towns and the devastation of

their fields, as happened in the reign of Ancus and afterwards whilst his own father was on the throne. The

Latins were persuaded without much difficulty, although by that treaty Rome was the predominant State, for

they saw that the heads of the Latin League were giving their adhesion to the king, and Turnus afforded a

present example of the danger incurred by any one who opposed the king's wishes. So the treaty was

renewed, and orders were issued for the "juniors" amongst the Latins to muster under arms, in accordance

with the treaty, on a given day, at the Grove of Ferentina. In compliance with the order contingents assembled

from all the thirty towns, and with a view to depriving them of their own general or a separate command, or

distinctive standards, he formed one Latin and one Roman century into a maniple, thereby making one unit

out of the two, whilst he doubled the strength of the maniples, and placed a centurion over each half.

However tyrannical the king was in his domestic administration he was by no means a despicable general; in

military skill he would have rivalled any of his predecessors had not the degeneration of his character in other

directions prevented him from attaining distinction here also. He was the first to stir up war with the

Volsciansa war which was to last for more than two hundred years after his timeand took from them the

city of Pomptine Suessa. The booty was sold and he realised out of the proceeds forty talents of silver. He

then sketched out the design of a temple to Jupiter, which in its extent should be worthy of the king of gods

and men, worthy of the Roman empire, worthy of the majesty of the City itself. He set apart the

abovementioned sum for its construction. The next war occupied him longer than he expected. Failing to

capture the neighbouring city of Gabii by assault and finding it useless to attempt an investment, after being

defeated under its walls, he employed methods against it which were anything but Roman, namely, fraud and

deceit. He pretended to have given up all thoughts of war and to be devoting himself to laying the

foundations of his temple and other undertakings in the City. Meantime, it was arranged that Sextus, the

youngest of his three sons, should go as a refugee to Gabii, complaining loudly of his father's insupportable

cruelty, and declaring that he had shifted his tyranny from others on to his own family, and even regarded the

presence of his children as a burden and was preparing to devastate his own family as he had devastated the

senate, so that not a single descendant, not a single heir to the crown might be left. He had, he said, himself

escaped from the murderous violence of his father, and felt that no place was safe for him except amongst

Lucius Tarquin's enemies. Let them not deceive themselves, the war which apparently was abandoned was

hanging over them, and at the first chance he would attack them when they least expected it. If amongst them

there was no place for suppliants, he would wander through Latium, he would petition the Volsci, the Aequi,

the Hernici, until he came to men who know how to protect children against the cruel and unnatural

persecutions of parents. Perhaps he would find people with sufficient spirit to take up arms against a

remorseless tyrant backed by a warlike people. As it seemed probable that if they paid no attention to him he

would, in his angry mood, take his departure, the people of Gabii gave him a kind reception. They told him

not to be surprised if his father treated his children as he had treated his own subjects and his allies; failing

others he would end by murdering himself. They showed pleasure at his arrival and expressed their belief that

with his assistance the war would be transferred from the gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome.

He was admitted to the meetings of the national council. Whilst expressing his agreement with the elders of

Gabii on other subjects, on which they were better informed, he was continually urging them to war, and

claimed to speak with special authority, because he was acquainted with the strength of each nation, and

knew that the king's tyranny, which even his own children had found insupportable, was certainly detested by

his subjects. So after gradually working up the leaders of the Gabinians to revolt, he went in person with

some of the most eager of the young men on foraging and plundering expeditions. By playing the hypocrite

both in speech and action, he gained their mistaken confidence more and more; at last he was chosen as

commander in the war. Whilst the mass of the population were unaware of what was intended, skirmishes

took place between Rome and Gabii in which the advantage generally rested with the latter, until the

Gabinians from the highest to the lowest firmly believed that Sextus Tarquin had been sent by heaven to be

their leader. As for the soldiers, he became so endeared to them by sharing all their toils and dangers, and by

a lavish distribution of the plunder, that the elder Tarquin was not more powerful in Rome than his son was in

When he thought himself strong enough to succeed in anything that he might attempt, he sent one of his

friends to his father at Rome to ask what he wished him to do now that the gods had given him sole and

absolute power in Gabii. To this messenger no verbal reply was given, because, I believe, he mistrusted him.

The king went into the palacegarden, deep in thought, his son's messenger following him. As he walked

along in silence it is said that he struck off the tallest poppyheads with his stick. Tired of asking and waiting

for an answer, and feeling his mission to be a failure, the messenger returned to Gabii, and reported what he

had said and seen, adding that the king, whether through temper or personal aversion or the arrogance which

was natural to him, had not uttered a single word. When it had become clear to Sextus what his father meant

him to understand by his mysterious silent action, he proceeded to get rid of the foremost men of the State by

traducing some of them to the people, whilst others fell victims to their own unpopularity. Many were

publicly executed, some against whom no plausible charges could be brought were secretly assassinated.

Some were allowed to seek safety in flight, or were driven into exile; the property of these as well as of those

who had been put to death was distributed in grants and bribes. The gratification felt by each who received a

share blunted the sense of the public mischief that was being wrought, until, deprived of all counsel and help,

After the acquisition of Gabii, Tarquin made peace with the Aequi and renewed the treaty with the Etruscans.

Then he turned his attention to the business of the City. The first thing was the temple of Jupiter on the

Tarpeian Mount, which he was anxious to leave behind as a memorial of his reign and name; both the

Tarquins were concerned in it, the father had vowed it, the son completed it. That the whole of the area which

the temple of Jupiter was to occupy might be wholly devoted to that deity, he decided to deconsecrate the

fanes and chapels, some of which had been originally vowed by King Tatius at the crisis of his battle with

Romulus, and subsequently consecrated and inaugurated. Tradition records that at the commencement of this

work the gods sent a divine intimation of the future vastness of the empire, for whilst the omens were

favourable for the deconsecration of all the other shrines, they were unfavourable for that of the fane of

Terminus. This was interpreted to mean that as the abode of Terminus was not moved and he alone of all the

deities was not called forth from his consecrated borders, so all would be firm and immovable in the future

empire. This augury of lasting dominion was followed by a prodigy which portended the greatness of the

empire. It is said that whilst they were digging the foundations of the temple, a human head came to light

with the face perfect; this appearance unmistakably portended that the spot would be the stronghold of empire

and the head of all the world. This was the interpretation given by the soothsayers in the City, as well as by

those who had been called into council from Etruria. The king's designs were now much more extensive; so

much so that his share of the spoils of Pometia, which had been set apart to complete the work, now hardly

met the cost of the foundations. This makes me inclined to trust Fabius who, moreover is the older

authoritywhen he says that the amount was only forty talents, rather than Piso, who states that forty

thousand pounds of silver were set apart for that object. For not only is such a sum more than could be

expected from the spoils of any single city at that time, but it would more than suffice for the foundations of

Determined to finish his temple, he sent for workmen from all parts of Etruria, and not only used the public

treasury to defray the cost, but also compelled the plebeians to take their share of the work. This was in

addition to their military service, and was anything but a light burden. Still they felt it less of a hardship to

build the temples of the gods with their own hands, than they did afterwards when they were transferred to

other tasks less imposing, but involving greater toilthe construction of the "ford" in the Circus and that of

the Cloaca Maxima, a subterranean tunnel to receive all the sewage of the City. The magnificence of these

two works could hardly be equalled by anything in the present day. When the plebeians were no longer

required for these works, he considered that such a multitude of unemployed would prove a burden to the

State, and as he wished the frontiers of the empire to be more widely colonised, he sent colonists to Signia

and Circeii to serve as a protection to the City by land and sea. While he was carrying out these undertakings

a frightful portent appeared; a snake gliding out of a wooden column created confusion and panic in the

palace. The king himself was not so much terrified as filled with anxious forebodings. The Etruscan

soothsayers were only employed to interpret prodigies which affected the State; but this one concerned him

and his house personally, so he decided to send to the worldfamed oracle of Delphi. Fearing to entrust the

oracular response to any one else, he sent two of his sons to Greece, through lands at that time unknown and

over seas still less known. Titus and Arruns started on their journey. They had as a travelling companion L.

Junius Brutus, the son of the king's sister, Tarquinia, a young man of a very different character from that

which he had assumed. When he heard of the massacre of the chiefs of the State, amongst them his own

brother, by his uncle's orders, he determined that his intelligence should give the king no cause for alarm nor

his fortune any provocation to his avarice, and that as the laws afforded no protection, he would seek safety in

obscurity and neglect. Accordingly he carefully kept up the appearance and conduct of an idiot, leaving the

king to do what he liked with his person and property, and did not even protest against his nickname of

"Brutus"; for under the protection of that nickname the soul which was one day to liberate Rome was

awaiting its destined hour. The story runs that when brought to Delphi by the Tarquins, more as a butt for

their sport than as a companion, he had with him a golden staff enclosed in a hollow one of corner wood,

which he offered to Apollo as a mystical emblem of his own character. After executing their father's

commission the young men were desirous of ascertaining to which of them the kingdom of Rome would

come. A voice came from the lowest depths of the cavern: "Whichever of you, young men, shall be the first

to kiss his mother, he shall hold supreme sway in Rome." Sextus had remained behind in Rome, and to keep

him in ignorance of this oracle and so deprive him of any chance of coming to the throne, the two Tarquins

insisted upon absolute silence being kept on the subject. They drew lots to decide which of them should be

the first to kiss his mother on their return to Rome. Brutus, thinking that the oracular utterance had another

meaning, pretended to stumble, and as he fell kissed the ground, for the earth is of course the common mother

of us all. Then they returned to Rome, where preparations were being energetically pushed forward for a war

This people, who were at that time in possession of Ardea, were, considering the nature of their country and

the age in which they lived, exceptionally wealthy. This circumstance really originated the war, for the

Roman king was anxious to repair his own fortune, which had been exhausted by the magnificent scale of his

public works, and also to conciliate his subjects by a distribution of the spoils of war. His tyranny had already

produced disaffection, but what moved their special resentment was the way they had been so long kept by

the king at manual and even servile labour. An attempt was made to take Ardea by assault; when that failed

recourse was had to a regular investment to starve the enemy out. When troops are stationary, as is the case in

a protracted more than in an active campaign, furloughs are easily granted, more so to the men of rank,

however, than to the common soldiers. The royal princes sometimes spent their leisure hours in feasting and

entertainments, and at a wine party given by Sextus Tarquinius at which Collatinus, the son of Egerius, was

present, the conversation happened to turn upon their wives, and each began to speak of his own in terms of

extraordinarily high praise. As the dispute became warm, Collatinus said that there was no need of words, it

could in a few hours be ascertained how far his Lucretia was superior to all the rest. "Why do we not," he

exclaimed, "if we have any youthful vigour about us, mount our horses and pay our wives a visit and find out

their characters on the spot? What we see of the behaviour of each on the unexpected arrival of her husband,

let that be the surest test." They were heated with wine, and all shouted: "Good! Come on!" Setting spur to

their horses they galloped off to Rome, where they arrived as darkness was beginning to close in. Thence

they proceeded to Collatia, where they found Lucretia very differently employed from the king's

daughtersinlaw, whom they had seen passing their time in feasting and luxury with their acquaintances.

She was sitting at her wool work in the hall, late at night, with her maids busy round her. The palm in this

competition of wifely virtue was awarded to Lucretia. She welcomed the arrival of her husband and the

Tarquins, whilst her victorious spouse courteously invited the royal princes to remain as his guests. Sextus

Tarquin, inflamed by the beauty and exemplary purity of Lucretia, formed the vile project of effecting her

A few days afterwards Sextus Tarquin went, unknown to Collatinus, with one companion to Collatia. He was

hospitably received by the household, who suspected nothing, and after supper was conducted to the bedroom

set apart for guests. When all around seemed safe and everybody fast asleep, he went in the frenzy of his

passion with a naked sword to the sleeping Lucretia, and placing his left hand on her breast, said, "Silence,

Lucretia! I am Sextus Tarquin, and I have a sword in my hand; if you utter a word, you shall die." When the

woman, terrified out of her sleep, saw that no help was near, and instant death threatening her, Tarquin began

to confess his passion, pleaded, used threats as well as entreaties, and employed every argument likely to

influence a female heart. When he saw that she was inflexible and not moved even by the fear of death, he

threatened to disgrace her, declaring that he would lay the naked corpse of the slave by her dead body, so that

it might be said that she had been slain in foul adultery. By this awful threat, his lust triumphed over her

inflexible chastity, and Tarquin went off exulting in having successfully attacked her honour. Lucretia,

overwhelmed with grief at such a frightful outrage, sent a messenger to her father at Rome and to her

husband at Ardea, asking them to come to her, each accompanied by one faithful friend; it was necessary to

act, and to act promptly; a horrible thing had happened. Spurius Lucretius came with Publius Valerius, the

son of Volesus; Collatinus with Lucius Junius Brutus, with whom he happened to be returning to Rome when

he was met by his wife's messenger. They found Lucretia sitting in her room prostrate with grief. As they

entered, she burst into tears, and to her husband's inquiry whether all was well, replied, "No! what can be well

with a woman when her honour is lost? The marks of a stranger, Collatinus, are in your bed. But it is only the

body that has been violated, the soul is pure; death shall bear witness to that. But pledge me your solemn

word that the adulterer shall not go unpunished. It is Sextus Tarquin, who, coming as an enemy instead of a

guest, forced from me last night by brutal violence a pleasure fatal to me, and, if you are men, fatal to him."

They all successively pledged their word, and tried to console the distracted woman by turning the guilt from

the victim of the outrage to the perpetrator, and urging that it is the mind that sins, not the body, and where

there has been no consent there is no guilt. "It is for you," she said, "to see that he gets his deserts; although I

acquit myself of the sin, I do not free myself from the penalty; no unchaste woman shall henceforth live and

plead Lucretia's example." She had a knife concealed in her dress which she plunged into her heart, and fell

Whilst they were absorbed in grief, Brutus drew the knife from Lucretia's wound, and holding it, dripping

with blood, in front of him, said, "By this bloodmost pure before the outrage wrought by the king's sonI

swear, and you, O gods, I call to witness that I will drive hence Lucius Tarquinius Superbus, together with his

cursed wife and his whole brood, with fire and sword and every means in my power, and I will not suffer

them or any one else to reign in Rome." Then he handed the knife to Collatinus and then to Lucretius and

Valerius, who were all astounded at the marvel of the thing, wondering whence Brutus had acquired this new

character. They swore as they were directed; all their grief changed to wrath, and they followed the lead of

Brutus, who summoned them to abolish the monarchy forthwith. They carried the body of Lucretia from her

home down to the Forum, where, owing to the unheardof atrocity of the crime, they at once collected a

crowd. Each had his own complaint to make of the wickedness and violence of the royal house. Whilst all

were moved by the father's deep distress, Brutus bade them stop their tears and idle laments, and urged them

to act as men and Romans and take up arms against their insolent foes. All the highspirited amongst the

younger men came forward as armed volunteers, the rest followed their example. A portion of this body was

left to hold Collatia, and guards were stationed at the gates to prevent any news of the movement from

reaching the king; the rest marched in arms to Rome with Brutus in command. On their arrival, the sight of so

many men in arms spread panic and confusion wherever they marched, but when again the people saw that

the foremost men of the State were leading the way, they realised that whatever the movement was it was a

serious one. The terrible occurrence created no less excitement in Rome than it had done in Collatia; there

was a rush from all quarters of the City to the Forum. When they had gathered there, the herald summoned

them to attend the "Tribune of the Celeres"; this was the office which Brutus happened at the time to be

holding. He made a speech quite out of keeping with the character and temper he had up to that day assumed.

He dwelt upon the brutality and licentiousness of Sextus Tarquin, the infamous outrage on Lucretia and her

pitiful death, the bereavement sustained by her father, Tricipitinus, to whom the cause of his daughter's death

was more shameful and distressing than the actual death itself. Then he dwelt on the tyranny of the king, the

toils and sufferings of the plebeians kept underground clearing out ditches and sewersRoman men,

conquerors of all the surrounding nations, turned from warriors into artisans and stonemasons! He reminded

them of the shameful murder of Servius Tullius and his daughter driving in her accursed chariot over her

father's body, and solemnly invoked the gods as the avengers of murdered parents. By enumerating these and,

I believe, other still more atrocious incidents which his keen sense of the present injustice suggested, but

which it is not easy to give in detail, he goaded on the incensed multitude to strip the king of his sovereignty

and pronounce a sentence of banishment against Tarquin with his wife and children. With a picked body of

the "Juniors," who volunteered to follow him, he went off to the camp at Ardea to incite the army against the

king, leaving the command in the City to Lucretius, who had previously been made Prefect of the City by the

king. During the commotion Tullia fled from the palace amidst the execrations of all whom she met, men and

When the news of these proceedings reached the camp, the king, alarmed at the turn affairs were taking,

hurried to Rome to quell the outbreak. Brutus, who was on the same road had become aware of his approach,

and to avoid meeting him took another route, so that he reached Ardea and Tarquin Rome almost at the same

time, though by different ways. Tarquin found the gates shut, and a decree of banishment passed against him;

the Liberator of the City received a joyous welcome in the camp, and the king's sons were expelled from it.

Two of them followed their father into exile amongst the Etruscans in Caere. Sextus Tarquin proceeded to

Gabii, which he looked upon as his kingdom, but was killed in revenge for the old feuds he had kindled by

his rapine and murders. Lucius Tarquinius Superbus reigned twentyfive years. The whole duration of the

regal government from the foundation of the City to its liberation was two hundred and fortyfour years. Two

consuls were then elected in the assembly of centuries by the prefect of the City, in accordance with the

regulations of Servius Tullius. They were Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus.

It is of a Rome henceforth free that I am to write the historyher civil administration and the conduct of her

wars, her annually elected magistrates, the authority of her laws supreme over all her citizens. The tyranny of

the last king made this liberty all the more welcome, for such had been the rule of the former kings that they

might not undeservedly be counted as founders of parts, at all events, of the city; for the additions they made

were required as abodes for the increased population which they themselves had augmented. There is no

question that the Brutus who won such glory through the expulsion of Superbus would have inflicted the

gravest injury on the State had he wrested the sovereignty from any of the former kings, through desire of a

liberty for which the people were not ripe. What would have been the result if that horde of shepherds and

immigrants, fugitives from their own cities, who had secured liberty, or at all events impunity, in the shelter

of an inviolable sanctuary,if, I say, they had been freed from the restraining power of kings and, agitated by

tribunician storms, had begun to foment quarrels with the patricians in a City where they were aliens before

sufficient time had elapsed for either family ties or a growing love for the very soil to effect a union of

hearts? The infant State would have been torn to pieces by internal dissension. As it was, however, the

moderate and tranquilising authority of the kings had so fostered it that it was at last able to bring forth the

fair fruits of liberty in the maturity of its strength. But the origin of liberty may be referred to this time rather

because the consular authority was limited to one year than because there was any weakening of the authority

which the kings had possessed. The first consuls retained all the old jurisdiction and insignia of office, one

only, however, had the "fasces," to prevent the fear which might have been inspired by the sight of both with

those dread symbols. Through the concession of his colleague, Brutus had them first, and he was not less

zealous in guarding the public liberty than he had been in achieving it. His first act was to secure the people,

who were now jealous of their newlyrecovered liberty, from being influenced by any entreaties or bribes

from the king. He therefore made them take an oath that they would not suffer any man to reign in Rome. The

senate had been thinned by the murderous cruelty of Tarquin, and Brutus' next care was to strengthen its

influence by selecting some of the leading men of equestrian rank to fill the vacancies; by this means he

brought it up to the old number of three hundred. The new members were known as "conscripti," the old ones

retained their designation of "patres." This measure had a wonderful effect in promoting harmony in the State

He next gave his attention to the affairs of religion. Certain public functions had hitherto been executed by

the kings in person; with the view of supplying their place a "king for sacrifices" was created, and lest he

should become king in anything more than name, and so threaten that liberty which was their first care, his

office was made subordinate to the Pontifex Maximus. I think that they went to unreasonable lengths in

devising safeguards for their liberty, in all, even the smallest points. The second consulL. Tarquinius

Collatinusbore an unpopular name this was his sole offenceand men said that the Tarquins had been too

long in power. They began with Priscus; then Servius Tullius reigned, and Superbus Tarquinius, who even

after this interruption had not lost sight of the throne which another filled, regained it by crime and violence

as the hereditary possession of his house. And now that he was expelled, their power was being wielded by

Collatinus; the Tarquins did not know how to live in a private station, the very name was a danger to liberty.

What were at first whispered hints became the common talk of the City, and as the people were becoming

suspicious and alarmed, Brutus summoned an assembly. He first of all rehearsed the people's oath, that they

would suffer no man to reign or to live in Rome by whom the public liberty might be imperilled. This was to

be guarded with the utmost care, no means of doing so were to be neglected. Personal regard made him

reluctant to speak, nor would he have spoken had not his affection for the commonwealth compelled him.

The Roman people did consider that their freedom was not yet fully won; the royal race, the royal name, was

still there, not only amongst the citizens but in the government; in that fact lay an injury, an obstacle to full

liberty. Turning to his brother consul: "These apprehensions it is for you, L. Tarquinius, to banish of your

own free will. We have not forgotten, I assure you, that you expelled the king's family, complete your good

work, remove their very name. Your fellowcitizens will, on my authority, not only hand over your property,

but if you need anything, they will add to it with lavish generosity. Go, as our friend, relieve the

commonwealth from a, perhaps groundless, fear: men are persuaded that only with the family will the

tyranny of the Tarquins depart." At first the consul was struck dumb with astonishment at this extraordinary

request; then, when he was beginning to speak, the foremost men in the commonwealth gathered round him

and repeatedly urged the same plea, but with little success. It was not till Spurius Lucretius, his superior in

age and rank, and also his fatherinlaw, began to use every method of entreaty and persuasion that he

yielded to the universal wish. The consul, fearing lest after his year of office had expired and he returned to

private life, the same demand should be made upon him, accompanied with loss of property and the ignominy

of banishment, formally laid down the consulship, and after transferring all his effects to Lanuvium,

withdrew from the State. A decree of the senate empowered Brutus to propose to the people a measure

exiling all the members of the house of Tarquin. He conducted the election of a new consul, and the centuries

elected as his colleague Publius Valerius, who had acted with him in the expulsion of the royal family.

Though no one doubted that war with the Tarquins was imminent, it did not come as soon as was universally

expected. What was not expected, however, was that through intrigue and treachery the newwon liberty was

almost lost. There were some young men of high birth in Rome who during the late reign had done pretty

much what they pleased, and being boon companions of the young Tarquins were accustomed to live in royal

fashion. Now that all were equal before the law, they missed their former licence and complained that the

liberty which others enjoyed had become slavery for them; as long as there was a king, there was a person

from whom they could get what they wanted, whether lawful or not, there was room for personal influence

and kindness, he could show severity or indulgence, could discriminate between his friends and his enemies.

But the law was a thing, deaf and inexorable, more favourable to the weak than to the powerful, showing no

indulgence or forgiveness to those who transgressed; human nature being what it was, it was a dangerous

plan to trust solely to one's innocence. When they had worked themselves into a state of disaffection, envoys

from the royal family arrived, bringing a demand for the restoration of their property without any allusion to

their possible return. An audience was granted them by the senate, and the matter was discussed for some

days; fears were expressed that the nonsurrender would be taken as a pretext for war, while if surrendered it

might provide the means of war. The envoys, meantime, were engaged on another task: whilst ostensibly

seeking only the surrender of the property they were secretly hatching schemes for regaining the crown.

Whilst canvassing the young nobility in favour of their apparent object, they sounded them as to their other

proposals, and meeting with a favourable reception, they brought letters addressed to them by the Tarquins

The project was at first entrusted to the brothers Vitellii and Aquilii. The sister of the Vitellii was married to

the consul Brutus, and there were grownup children from this marriageTitus and Tiberius. Their uncles

took them into the conspiracy, there were others besides, whose names have been lost. In the meantime the

opinion that the property ought to be restored was adopted by the majority of the senate, and this enabled the

envoys to prolong their stay, as the consuls required time to provide vehicles for conveying the goods. They

employed their time in consultations with the conspirators and they insisted on getting a letter which they

were to give to the Tarquins, for without such a guarantee, they argued, how could they be sure that their

envoys had not brought back empty promises in a matter of such vast importance? A letter was accordingly

given as a pledge of good faith, and this it was that led to the discovery of the plot. The day previous to the

departure of the envoys they happened to be dining at the house of the Vitellii. After all who were not in the

secret had left, the conspirators discussed many details respecting their projected treason, which were

overheard by one of the slaves who had previously suspected that something was afoot, but was waiting for

the moment when the letter should be given, as its seizure would be a complete proof of the plot. When he

found that it had been given, he disclosed the affair to the consuls. They at once proceeded to arrest the

envoys and the conspirators, and crushed the whole plot without exciting any alarm. Their first care was to

secure the letter before it was destroyed. The traitors were forthwith thrown into prison; there was some

hesitation in dealing with the envoys, and although they had evidently been guilty of a hostile act, the rights

The question of the restoration of the property was referred anew to the senate, who yielding to their feelings

of resentment prohibited its restoration, and forbade its being brought into the treasury; it was given as

plunder to the plebs, that their share in this spoliation might destroy for ever any prospect of peaceable

relations with the Tarquins. The land of the Tarquins, which lay between the City and the Tiber, was

henceforth sacred to Mars and known as the Campus Martius. There happened, it is said, to be a crop of corn

there which was ripe for the harvest, and as it would have been sacrilege to consume what was growing on

the Campus, a large body of men were sent to cut it. They carried it, straw and all, in baskets to the Tiber and

threw it into the river. It was the height of the summer and the stream was low, consequently the corn stuck in

the shallows, and heaps of it were covered with mud; gradually as the debris which the river brought down

collected there, an island was formed. I believe that it was subsequently raised and strengthened so that the

surface might be high enough above the water and firm enough to carry temples and colonnades. After the

royal property had been disposed of, the traitors were sentenced and executed. Their punishment created a

great sensation owing to the fact that the consular office imposed upon a father the duty of inflicting

punishment on his own children; he who ought not to have witnessed it was destined to be the one to see it

duly carried out. Youths belonging to the noblest families were standing tied to the post, but all eyes were

turned to the consul's children, the others were unnoticed. Men did not grieve more for their punishment than

for the crime which had incurred itthat they should have conceived the idea, in that year above all, of

betraying to one, who had been a ruthless tyrant and was now an exile and an enemy, a newly liberated

country, their father who had liberated it, the consulship which had originated in the Junian house, the senate,

the plebs, all that Rome possessed of human or divine. The consuls took their seats, the lictors were told off

to inflict the penalty; they scourged their bared backs with rods and then beheaded them. During the whole

time, the father's countenance betrayed his feelings, but the father's stern resolution was still more apparent as

he superintended the public execution. After the guilty had paid the penalty, a notable example of a different

nature was provided to act as a deterrent of crime, the informer was assigned a sum of money from the

treasury and he was given his liberty and the rights of citizenship. He is said to have been the first to be made

free by the "vindicta." Some suppose this designation to have been derived from him, his name being

Vindicius. After him it was the rule that those who were made free in this way were considered to be

A detailed report of these matters reached Tarquin. He was not only furious at the failure of plans from which

he had hoped so much, but he was filled with rage at finding the way blocked against secret intrigues; and

consequently determined upon open war. He visited the cities of Etruria and appealed for help; in particular,

he implored the people of Veii and Tarquinii not to allow one to perish before their eyes who was of the same

blood with them, and from being a powerful monarch was now, with his children, homeless and destitute.

Others, he said, had been invited from abroad to reign in Rome; he, the king, whilst extending the rule of

Rome by a successful war, had been driven out by the infamous conspiracy of his nearest kinsmen. They had

no single person amongst them deemed worthy to reign, so they had distributed the kingly authority amongst

themselves, and had given his property as plunder to the people, that all might be involved in the crime. He

wanted to recover his country and his throne and punish his ungrateful subjects. The Veientines must help

him and furnish him with resources, they must set about avenging their own wrongs also, their legions so

often cut to pieces, their territory torn from them. This appeal decided the Veientines, they one and all loudly

demanded that their former humiliations should be wiped out and their losses made good, now that they had a

Roman to lead them. The people of Tarquinii were won over by the name and nationality of the exile; they

were proud of having a countryman as king in Rome. So two armies from these cities followed Tarquin to

recover his crown and chastise the Romans. When they had entered the Roman territory the consuls advanced

against them; Valerius with the infantry in phalanx formation, Brutus reconnoitring in advance with the

cavalry. Similarly the enemy's cavalry was in front of his main body, Arruns Tarquin, the king's son, in

command; the king himself followed with the legionaries. Whilst still at a distance Arruns distinguished the

consul by his escort of lictors; as they drew nearer he clearly recognised Brutus by his features, and in a

transport of rage exclaimed, "That is the man who drove us from our country; see him proudly advancing,

adorned with our insignia! Ye gods, avengers of kings, aid me!" With these words, he dug spurs into his

horse and rode straight at the consul. Brutus saw that he was making for him. It was a point of honour in

those days for the leaders to engage in single combat, so he eagerly accepted the challenge, and they charged

with such fury, neither of them thinking of protecting himself, if only he could wound his foe, that each drove

his spear at the same moment through the other's shield, and they fell dying from their horses, with the spears

sticking in them. The rest of the cavalry at once engaged, and not long after the infantry came up. The battle

raged with varying fortune, the two armies being fairly matched; the right wing of each was victorious, the

left defeated. The Veientes, accustomed to defeat at the hands of the Romans, were scattered in flight, but the

Tarquinians, a new foe, not only held their ground, but forced the Romans to give way.

After the battle had gone in this way, so great a panic seized Tarquin and the Etruscans that the two armies of

Veii and Tarquinii, on the approach of night, despairing of success, left the field and departed for their

homes. The story of the battle was enriched by marvels. In the silence of the next night a great voice is said to

have come from the forest of Arsia, believed to be the voice of Silvanus, which spoke thus: "The fallen of the

Tusci are one more than those of their foe; the Roman is conqueror." At all events the Romans left the field as

victors; the Etruscans regarded themselves as vanquished, for when daylight appeared not a single enemy was

in sight. P. Valerius, the consul, collected the spoils and returned in triumph to Rome. He celebrated his

colleague's obsequies with all the pomp possible in those days, but far greater honour was done to the dead by

the universal mourning, which was rendered specially noteworthy by the fact that the matrons were a whole

year in mourning for him, because he had been such a determined avenger of violated chastity. After this the

surviving consul, who had been in such favour with the multitude, found himselfsuch is its ficklenessnot

only unpopular but an object of suspicion, and that of a very grave character. It was rumoured that he was

aiming at monarchy, for he had held no election to fill Brutus' place, and he was building a house on the top

of the Velia, an impregnable fortress was being constructed on that high and strong position. The consul felt

hurt at finding these rumours so widely believed, and summoned the people to an assembly. As he entered the

"fasces" were lowered, to the great delight of the multitude, who understood that it was to them that they

were lowered as an open avowal that the dignity and might of the people were greater than those of the

consul. Then, after securing silence, he began to eulogise the good fortune of his colleague who had met his

death, as a liberator of his country, possessing the highest honour it could bestow, fighting for the

commonwealth, whilst his glory was as yet undimmed by jealousy and distrust. Whereas he himself had

outlived his glory and fallen on days of suspicion and opprobrium; from being a liberator of his country he

had sunk to the level of the Aquilii and Vitellii. "Will you," he cried, "never deem any man's merit so assured

that it cannot be tainted by suspicion? Am I, the most determined foe to kings to dread the suspicion of

desiring to be one myself? Even if I were dwelling in the Citadel on the Capitol, am I to believe it possible

that I should be feared by my fellowcitizens? Does my reputation amongst you hang on so slight a thread?

Does your confidence rest upon such a weak foundation that it is of greater moment where I am than who I

am? The house of Publius Valerius shall be no check upon your freedom, your Velia shall be safe. I will not

only move my house to level ground, but I will move it to the bottom of the hill that you may dwell above the

citizen whom you suspect. Let those dwell on the Velia who are regarded as truer friends of liberty than

Publius Valerius." All the materials were forthwith carried below the Velia and his house was built at the

Laws were passed which not only cleared the consul from suspicion but produced such a reaction that he won

the people's affections, hence his soubriquet of Publicola. The most popular of these laws were those which

granted a right of appeal from the magistrate to the people and devoted to the gods the person and property of

any one who entertained projects of becoming king. Valerius secured the passing of these laws while still sole

consul, that the people might feel grateful solely to him; afterwards he held the elections for the appointment

of a colleague. The consul elected was Sp. Lucretius. But he had not, owing to his great age, strength enough

to discharge the duties of his office, and within a few days he died. M. Horatius Pulvillus was elected in his

place. In some ancient authors I find no mention of Lucretius, Horatius being named immediately after

Brutus; as he did nothing of any note during his office, I suppose, his memory has perished. The temple of

Jupiter on the Capitol had not yet been dedicated, and the consuls drew lots to decide which should dedicate

it. The lot fell to Horatius. Publicola set out for the Veientine war. His friends showed unseemly annoyance at

the dedication of so illustrious a fane being assigned to Horatius, and tried every means of preventing it.

When all else failed, they tried to alarm the consul, whilst he was actually holding the doorpost during the

dedicatory prayer, by a wicked message that his son was dead, and he could not dedicate a temple while death

was in his house. As to whether he disbelieved the message, or whether his conduct simply showed

extraordinary selfcontrol, there is no definite tradition, and it is not easy to decide from the records. He only

allowed the message to interrupt him so far that he gave orders for the body to be burnt; then, with his hand

still on the doorpost, he finished the prayer and dedicated the temple. These were the principal incidents at

home and in the field during the first year after the expulsion of the royal family. The consuls elected for the

The Tarquins had now taken refuge with Porsena, the king of Clusium, whom they sought to influence by

entreaty mixed with warnings. At one time they entreated him not to allow men of Etruscan race, of the same

blood as himself, to wander as penniless exiles; at another they would warn him not to let the new fashion of

expelling kings go unpunished. Liberty, they urged, possessed fascination enough in itself; unless kings

defend their authority with as much energy as their subjects show in quest of liberty, all things come to a dead

level, there will be no one thing preeminent or superior to all else in the State; there will soon be an end of

kingly power, which is the most beautiful thing, whether amongst gods or amongst mortal men. Porsena

considered that the presence of an Etruscan upon the Roman throne would be an honour to his nation;

accordingly he advanced with an army against Rome. Never before had the senate been in such a state of

alarm, so great at that time was the power of Clusium and the reputation of Porsena. They feared not only the

enemy but even their own fellowcitizens, lest the plebs, overcome by their fears, should admit the Tarquins

into the City, and accept peace even though it meant slavery. Many concessions were made at that time to the

plebs by the senate. Their first care was to lay in a stock of corn, and commissioners were despatched to

Vulsi and Cumae to collect supplies. The sale of salt, hitherto in the hands of private individuals who had

raised the price to a high figure, was now wholly transferred to the State. The plebs were exempted from the

payment of harbourdues and the wartax, so that they might fall on the rich, who could bear the burden; the

poor were held to pay sufficient to the State if they brought up their children. This generous action of the

senate maintained the harmony of the commonwealth through the subsequent stress of siege and famine so

completely that the name of king was not more abhorrent to the highest than it was to the lowest, nor did any

demagogue ever succeed in becoming so popular in after times as the senate was then by its beneficent

On the appearance of the enemy the country people fled into the City as best they could. The weak places in

the defences were occupied by military posts; elsewhere the walls and the Tiber were deemed sufficient

protection. The enemy would have forced their way over the Sublician bridge had it not been for one man,

Horatius Cocles. The good fortune of Rome provided him as her bulwark on that memorable day. He

happened to be on guard at the bridge when he saw the Janiculum taken by a sudden assault and the enemy

rushing down from it to the river, whilst his own men, a panicstruck mob, were deserting their posts and

throwing away their arms. He reproached them one after another for their cowardice, tried to stop them,

appealed to them in heaven's name to stand, declared that it was in vain for them to seek safety in flight

whilst leaving the bridge open behind them, there would very soon be more of the enemy on the Palatine and

the Capitol than there were on the Janiculum. So he shouted to them to break down the bridge by sword or

fire, or by whatever means they could, he would meet the enemies' attack so far as one man could keep them

at bay. He advanced to the head of the bridge. Amongst the fugitives, whose backs alone were visible to the

enemy, he was conspicuous as he fronted them armed for fight at close quarters. The enemy were astounded

at his preternatural courage. Two men were kept by a sense of shame from deserting himSp. Lartius and T.

Herminiusboth of them men of high birth and renowned courage. With them he sustained the first

tempestuous shock and wild confused onset, for a brief interval. Then, whilst only a small portion of the

bridge remained and those who were cutting it down called upon them to retire, he insisted upon these, too,

retreating. Looking round with eyes dark with menace upon the Etruscan chiefs, he challenged them to single

combat, and reproached them all with being the slaves of tyrant kings, and whilst unmindful of their own

liberty coming to attack that of others. For some time they hesitated, each looking round upon the others to

begin. At length shame roused them to action, and raising a shout they hurled their javelins from all sides on

their solitary foe. He caught them on his outstretched shield, and with unshaken resolution kept his place on

the bridge with firmly planted foot. They were just attempting to dislodge him by a charge when the crash of

the broken bridge and the shout which the Romans raised at seeing the work completed stayed the attack by

filling them with sudden panic. Then Cocles said, "Tiberinus, holy father, I pray thee to receive into thy

propitious stream these arms and this thy warrior." So, fully armed, he leaped into the Tiber, and though

many missiles fell over him he swam across in safety to his friends: an act of daring more famous than

credible with posterity. The State showed its gratitude for such courage; his statue was set up in the

Comitium, and as much land given to him as he could drive the plough round in one day. Besides this public

honour, the citizens individually showed their feeling; for, in spite of the great scarcity, each, in proportion to

Repulsed in his first attempt, Porsena changed his plans from assault to blockade. After placing a detachment

to hold the Janiculum he fixed his camp on the plain between that hill and the Tiber, and sent everywhere for

boats, partly to intercept any attempt to get corn into Rome and partly to carry his troops across to different

spots for plunder, as opportunity might serve. In a short time he made the whole of the district round Rome so

insecure that not only were all the crops removed from the fields but even the cattle were all driven into the

City, nor did any one venture to take them outside the gates. The impunity with which the Etruscans

committed their depredations was due to strategy on the part of the Romans more than to fear. For the consul

Valerius, determined to get an opportunity of attacking them when they were scattered in large numbers over

the fields, allowed small forages to pass unnoticed, whilst he was reserving himself for vengeance on a larger

scale. So to draw on the pillagers, he gave orders to a considerable body of his men to drive cattle out of the

Esquiline gate, which was the furthest from the enemy, in the expectation that they would gain intelligence of

it through the slaves who were deserting, owing to the scarcity produced by the blockade. The information

was duly conveyed, and in consequence they crossed the river in larger numbers than usual in the hope of

securing the whole lot. P. Valerius ordered T. Herminius with a small body of troops to take up a concealed

position at a distance of two miles on the Gabian road, whilst Sp. Lartius with some lightarmed infantry was

to post himself at the Colline gate until the enemy had passed him and then to intercept their retreat to the

river. The other consul, T. Lucretius, with a few maniples made a sortie from the Naevian gate; Valerius

himself led some picked cohorts from the Caelian hill, and these were the first to attract the enemy's notice.

When Herminius became aware that fighting was begun, he rose from ambush and took the enemy who were

engaged with Valerius in rear. Answering cheers arose right and left, from the Colline and the Naevian gates

and the pillagers, hemmed in, unequal to the fight, and with every way of escape blocked, were cut to pieces.

That put an end to these irregular and scattered excursions on the part of the Etruscans.

The blockade, however, continued, and with it a growing scarcity of corn at famine prices. Porsena still

cherished hopes of capturing the City by keeping up the investment. There was a young noble, C. Mucius,

who regarded it as a disgrace that whilst Rome in the days of servitude under her kings had never been

blockaded in any war or by any foe, she should now, in the day of her freedom, be besieged by those very

Etruscans whose armies she had often routed. Thinking that this disgrace ought to be avenged by some great

deed of daring, he determined in the first instance to penetrate into the enemy's camp on his own

responsibility. On second thoughts, however, he became apprehensive that if he went without orders from the

consuls, or unknown to any one, and happened to be arrested by the Roman outposts, he might be brought

back as a deserter, a charge which the condition of the City at the time would make only too probable. So he

went to the senate. "I wish," he said, "Fathers, to swim the Tiber, and, if I can, enter the enemy's camp, not as

a pillager nor to inflict retaliation for their pillagings. I am purposing, with heaven's help, a greater deed."

The senate gave their approval. Concealing a sword in his robe, he started. When he reached the camp he

took his stand in the densest part of the crowd near the royal tribunal. It happened to be the soldiers' payday,

and a secretary, sitting by the king and dressed almost exactly like him, was busily engaged, as the soldiers

kept coming to him incessantly. Afraid to ask which of the two was the king, lest his ignorance should betray

him, Mucius struck as fortune directed the blow and killed the secretary instead of the king. He tried to force

his way back with his bloodstained dagger through the dismayed crowd, but the shouting caused a rush to

be made to the spot; he was seized and dragged back by the king's bodyguard to the royal tribunal. Here,

alone and helpless, and in the utmost peril, he was still able to inspire more fear than he felt. "I am a citizen of

Rome," he said, "men call me C. Mucius. As an enemy I wished to kill an enemy, and I have as much

courage to meet death as I had to inflict it. It is the Roman nature to act bravely and to suffer bravely. I am

not alone in having made this resolve against you, behind me there is a long list of those who aspire to the

same distinction. If then it is your pleasure, make up your mind for a struggle in which you will every hour

have to fight for your life and find an armed foe on the threshold of your royal tent. This is the war which we

the youth of Rome, declare against you. You have no serried ranks, no pitched battle to fear, the matter will

be settled between you alone and each one of us singly." The king, furious with anger, and at the same time

terrified at the unknown danger, threatened that if he did not promptly explain the nature of the plot which he

was darkly hinting at he should be roasted alive. "Look," Mucius cried, "and learn how lightly those regard

their bodies who have some great glory in view." Then he plunged his right hand into a fire burning on the

altar. Whilst he kept it roasting there as if he were devoid of all sensation, the king, astounded at his

preternatural conduct, sprang from his seat and ordered the youth to be removed from the altar. "Go," he said,

"you have been a worse enemy to yourself than to me. I would invoke blessings on your courage if it were

displayed on behalf of my country; as it is, I send you away exempt from all rights of war, unhurt, and safe."

Then Mucius, reciprocating, as it were, this generous treatment, said, "Since you honour courage, know that

what you could not gain by threats you have obtained by kindness. Three hundred of us, the foremost

amongst the Roman youth, have sworn to attack you in this way. The lot fell to me first, the rest, in the order

of their lot, will come each in his turn, till fortune shall give us a favourable chance against you."

Mucius was accordingly dismissed; afterwards he received the soubriquet of Scaevola, from the loss of his

right hand. Envoys from Porsena followed him to Rome. The king's narrow escape from the first of many

attempts; which was owing solely to the mistake of his assailant, and the prospect of having to meet as many

attacks as there were conspirators, so unnerved him that he made proposals of peace to Rome. One for the

restoration of the Tarquins was put forward, more because he could not well refuse their request than because

he had any hope of its being granted. The demand for the restitution of their territory to the Veientines, and

that for the surrender of hostages as a condition of the withdrawal of the detachment from the Janiculum,

were felt by the Romans to be inevitable, and on their being accepted and peace concluded, Porsena moved

his troops from the Janiculum and evacuated the Roman territory. As a recognition of his courage the senate

gave C. Mucius a piece of land across the river, which was afterwards known as the Mucian Meadows. The

honour thus paid to courage incited even women to do glorious things for the State. The Etruscan camp was

situated not far from the river, and the maiden Cloelia, one of the hostages, escaped, unobserved, through the

guards and at the head of her sister hostages swam across the river amidst a shower of javelins and restored

them all safe to their relatives. When the news of this incident reached him, the king was at first exceedingly

angry and sent to demand the surrender of Cloelia; the others he did not care about. Afterwards his feelings

changed to admiration; he said that the exploit surpassed those of Cocles and Mucius, and announced that

whilst on the one hand he should consider the treaty broken if she were not surrendered, he would on the

other hand, if she were surrendered, send her back to her people unhurt. Both sides behaved honourably; the

Romans surrendered her as a pledge of loyalty to the terms of the treaty; the Etruscan king showed that with

him courage was not only safe but honoured, and after eulogising the girl's conduct, told her that he would

make her a present of half the remaining hostages, she was to choose whom she would. It is said that after all

had been brought before her, she chose the boys of tender age; a choice in keeping with maidenly modesty,

and one approved by the hostages themselves, since they felt that the age which was most liable to

illtreatment should have the preference in being rescued from hostile hands. After peace was thus

reestablished, the Romans rewarded the unprecedented courage shown by a woman by an unprecedented

honour, namely an equestrian statue. On the highest part of the Sacred Way a statue was erected representing

Quite inconsistent with this peaceful withdrawal from the City on the part of the Etruscan king is the custom

which, with other formalities, has been handed down from antiquity to our own age of "selling the goods of

King Porsena." This custom must either have been introduced during the war and kept up after peace was

made, or else it must have a less bellicose origin than would be implied by the description of the goods sold

as "taken from the enemy." The most probable tradition is that Porsena, knowing the City to be without food

owing to the long investment, made the Romans a present of his richlystored camp, in which provisions had

been collected from the neighbouring fertile fields of Etruria. Then, to prevent the people seizing them

indiscriminately as spoils of war, they were regularly sold, under the description of "the goods of Porsena," a

description indicating rather the gratitude of the people than an auction of the king's personal property, which

had never been at the disposal of the Romans. To prevent his expedition from appearing entirely fruitless,

Porsena, after bringing the war with Rome to a close, sent his son Aruns with a part of his force to attack

Aricia. At first the Aricians were dismayed by the unexpected movement, but the succours which in response

to their request were sent from the Latin towns and from Cumae so far encouraged them that they ventured to

offer battle. At the commencement of the action the Etruscans attacked with such vigour that they routed the

Aricians at the first charge. The Cuman cohorts made a strategical flank movement, and when the enemy had

pressed forward in disordered pursuit, they wheeled round and attacked them in the rear. Thus the Etruscans,

now all but victorious, were hemmed in and cut to pieces. A very small remnant, after losing their general,

made for Rome, as there was no nearer place of safety. Without arms, and in the guise of suppliants, they

were kindly received and distributed amongst different houses. After recovering from their wounds, some left

for their homes, to tell of the kind hospitality they had received; many remained behind out of affection for

their hosts and the City. A district was assigned to them to dwell in, which subsequently bore the designation

The new consuls were Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius. This year Porsena made the last attempt to effect the

restoration of the Tarquins. The ambassadors whom he had despatched to Rome with this object were

informed that the senate were going to send an embassy to the king, and the most honourable of the senators

were forthwith despatched. They stated that the reason why a select number of senators had been sent to him

in preference to a reply being given to his ambassadors at Rome was not that they had been unable to give the

brief answer that kings would never be allowed in Rome, but simply that all mention of the matter might be

for ever dropped, that after the interchange of so many kindly acts there might be no cause of irritation, for

he, Porsena, was asking for what would be against the liberty of Rome. The Romans, if they did not wish to

hasten their own ruin, would have to refuse the request of one to whom they wished to refuse nothing. Rome

was not a monarchy, but a free City, and they had made up their minds to open their gates even to an enemy

sooner than to a king. It was the universal wish that whatever put an end to liberty in the City should put an

end to the City itself. They begged him, if he wished Rome to be safe, to allow it to be free. Touched with a

feeling of sympathy and respect, the king replied, "Since this is your fixed and unalterable determination, I

will not harass you by fruitless proposals, nor will I deceive the Tarquins by holding out hopes of an

assistance which I am powerless to render. Whether they insist on war or are prepared to live quietly, in either

case they must seek another place of exile than this, to prevent any interruption of the peace between you and

me." He followed up his words by still stronger practical proofs of friendship, for he returned the remainder

of the hostages and restored the Veientine territory which had been taken away under the treaty. As all hope

of restoration was cut off, Tarquin went to his soninlaw Mamilius Octavius at Tusculum. So the peace

The new consuls were M. Valerius and P. Postumius. This year a successful action was fought with the

Sabines; the consuls celebrated a triumph. Then the Sabines made preparations for war on a larger scale. To

oppose them and also at the same time to guard against danger in the direction of Tusculum, from which

place war, though not openly declared, was still apprehended, the consuls elected were P. Valerius for the

fourth time and T. Lucretius for the second. A conflict which broke out amongst the Sabines between the

peace party and the war party brought an accession of strength to the Romans. Attius Clausus, who was

afterwards known in Rome as Appius Claudius, was an advocate for peace, but, unable to maintain his

ground against the opposing faction, who were stirring up war, he fled to Rome with a large body of clients.

They were admitted to the citizenship and received a grant of land lying beyond the Anio. They were called

the Old Claudian tribe, and their numbers were added to by fresh tribesmen from that district. After his

election into the senate it was not long before Appius gained a prominent position in that body. The consuls

marched into the Sabine territory, and by their devastation of the country and the defeats which they inflicted

so weakened the enemy that no renewal of the war was to be feared for a long time. The Romans returned

home in triumph. The following year, in the consulship of Agrippa Menenius and P. Postumius, P. Valerius

died. He was universally admitted to be first in the conduct of war and the arts of peace, but though he

enjoyed such an immense reputation, his private fortune was so scanty that it could not defray the expenses of

his funeral. They were met by the State. The matrons mourned for him as a second Brutus. In the same year

two Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora, revolted to the Auruncans. War commenced, and after the defeat of an

immense army which had sought to oppose the advance of the consuls into their territory, the whole war was

centered round Pometia. There was no respite from bloodshed after the battle any more than during the

fighting, many more were killed than were taken prisoners; the prisoners were everywhere butchered; even

the hostages, three hundred of whom they had in their hands, fell a victim to the enemy's bloodthirsty rage.

The consuls who succeeded, Opiter Verginius and Sp. Cassius, tried at first to take Pometia by storm, then

they had recourse to regular siegeworks. Actuated more by a spirit of mortal hatred than by any hope or

chance of success, the Auruncans made a sortie. The greater number were armed with blazing torches, and

they carried flames and death everywhere. The "vineae" were burnt, great numbers of the besiegers were

killed and wounded, they nearly killed one of the consulsthe authorities do not give his name after he had

fallen from his horse severely wounded. After this disaster the Romans returned home, with a large number

of wounded, amongst them the consul, whose condition was critical. After an interval, long enough for the

recovery of the wounded and the filling up of the ranks, operations were resumed at Pometia in stronger force

and in a more angry temper. The vineae were repaired and the other vast works were made good, and when

everything was ready for the soldiers to mount the walls, the place surrendered. The Auruncans, however,

were treated with no less rigour after they had surrendered the city than if it had been taken by assault; the

principal men were beheaded, the rest of the townsfolk sold as slaves. The town was razed, the land put up

for sale. The consuls celebrated a triumph more because of the terrible vengeance they had inflicted than on

The following year had as consuls Postumius Cominius and T. Lartius. During this year an incident occurred

which, though small in itself, threatened to lead to the renewal of a war more formidable than the Latin war

which was dreaded. During the games at Rome some courtesans were carried off by Sabine youths in sheer

wantonness. A crowd gathered, and a quarrel arose which became almost a pitched battle. The alarm was

increased by the authentic report that at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius the thirty Latin towns had

formed a league. The apprehensions felt by the State at such a serious crisis led to suggestions being made for

the first time for the appointment of a dictator. It is not, however, clearly ascertained in what year this office

was created, or who the consuls were who had forfeited the confidence of the people owing to their being

adherents of the Tarquinsfor this, too, is part of the traditionor who was the first dictator. In the most

ancient authorities I find that it was T. Lartius, and that Sp. Cassius was his master of the horse. Only men of

consular rank were eligible under the law governing the appointment. This makes me more inclined to

believe that Lartius, who was of consular rank, was set over the consuls to restrain and direct them rather than

Manlius Valerius, the son of Marcus and grandson of Volesus. Besides, if they wanted the dictator to be

chosen from that family especially, they would have much sooner chosen the father, M. Valerius, a man of

proved worth and also of consular rank. When, for the first time, a Dictator was created in Rome, a great fear

fell on the people, after they saw the axes borne before him, and consequently they were more careful to obey

his orders. For there was not, as in the case of the consuls, each of whom possessed the same authority, any

chance of securing the aid of one against the other, nor was there any right of appeal, nor in short was there

any safety anywhere except in punctilious obedience. The Sabines were even more alarmed at the

appointment of a Dictator than the Romans, because they were convinced that it was in their account that he

had been created. Accordingly envoys were sent with proposals for peace. They begged the Dictator and the

senate to pardon what was a youthful escapade, but were told in reply that young men could be pardoned, but

not old men, who were continually stirring up fresh wars. However, the negotiations continued and peace

would have been secured if the Sabines could have made up their minds to comply with the demand to make

good the expenses of the war. War was proclaimed; an informal truce kept the year undisturbed.

The next consuls were Ser. Sulpicius and Manlius Tullius. Nothing worth recording took place. The consuls

of the following year were T. Aebutius and C. Vetusius. During their consulship Fidenae was besieged;

Crustumeria captured; Praeneste revolted from the Latins to Rome. The Latin war which had been

threatening for some years now at last broke out. A. Postumius, the Dictator, and T. Aebutius, Master of the

Horse, advanced with a large force of infantry and cavalry to the Lake Regillus in the district of Tusculum

and came upon the main army of the enemy. On hearing that the Tarquins were in the army of the Latins, the

passions of the Romans were so roused that they determined to engage at once. The battle that followed was

more obstinately and desperately fought than any previous ones had been. For the commanders not only took

their part in directing the action, they fought personally against each other, and hardly one of the leaders in

either army, with the exception of the Roman Dictator, left the field unwounded. Tarquinius Superbus,

though now enfeebled by age, spurred his horse against Postumius, who in the front of the line was

addressing and forming his men. He was struck in the side and carried off by a body of his followers into a

place of safety. Similarly on the other wing Aebutius, Master of the Horse, directed his attack against

Octavius Mamilius; the Tusculan leader saw him coming and rode at him full speed. So terrific was the shock

that Aebutius' arm was pierced, Mamilius was speared in the breast, and led off by the Latins into their

second line. Aebutius, unable to hold a weapon with his wounded arm, retired from the fighting. The Latin

leader, in no way deterred by his wound, infused fresh energy into the combat, for, seeing that his own men

were wavering, he called up the cohort of Roman exiles, who were led by Lucius Tarquinius. The loss of

country and fortune made them fight all the more desperately; for a short time they restored the battle, and the

M. Valerius, the brother of Publicola, catching sight of the fiery young Tarquin conspicuous in the front line,

dug spurs into his horse and made for him with levelled lance, eager to enhance the pride of his house, that

the family who boasted of having expelled the Tarquins might have the glory of killing them. Tarquin evaded

his foe by retiring behind his men. Valerius, riding headlong into the ranks of the exiles, was run through by a

spear from behind. This did not check the horse's speed, and the Roman sank dying to the ground, his arms

falling upon him. When the Dictator Postumius saw that one of his principal officers had fallen, and that the

exiles were rushing on furiously in a compact mass whilst his men were shaken and giving ground, he

ordered his own cohort a picked force who formed his bodyguardto treat any of their own side whom they

saw in flight as enemy. Threatened in front and rear the Romans turned and faced the foe, and closed their

ranks. The Dictator's cohort, fresh in mind and body, now came into action and attacked the exhausted exiles

with great slaughter. Another single combat between the leaders took place; the Latin commander saw the

cohort of exiles almost hemmed in by the Roman Dictator, and hurried to the front with some maniples of the

reserves. T. Herminius saw them coming, and recognised Mamilius by his dress and arms. He attacked the

enemies' commander much more fiercely than the Master of the Horse had previously done, so much so, in

fact, that he killed him by a single spearthrust through his side. Whilst despoiling the body he himself was

struck by a javelin, and after being carried back to the camp, expired whilst his wound was being dressed.

Then the Dictator hurried up to the cavalry and appealed to them to relieve the infantry, who were worn out

with the struggle, by dismounting and fighting on foot. They obeyed, leaped from their horses, and protecting

themselves with their targes, fought in front of the standards. The infantry recovered their courage at once

when they saw the flower of the nobility fighting on equal terms and sharing the same dangers with

themselves. At last the Latins were forced back, wavered, and finally broke their ranks. The cavalry had their

horses brought up that they might commence the pursuit, the infantry followed. It is said that the Dictator,

omitting nothing that could secure divine or human aid, vowed, during the battle, a temple to Castor and

promised rewards to those who should be the first and second to enter the enemies' camp. Such was the

ardour which the Romans displayed that in the same charge which routed the enemy they carried their camp.

Thus was the battle fought at Lake Regillus. The Dictator and the Master of the Horse returned in triumph to

For the next three years there was neither settled peace nor open war. The consuls were Q. Cloelius and T.

Larcius. They were succeeded by A. Sempronius and M. Minucius. During their consulship a temple was

dedicated to Saturn and the festival of the Saturnalia instituted. The next consuls were A. Postumius and T.

Verginius. I find in some authors this year given as the date of the battle at Lake Regillus, and that A.

Postumius laid down his consulship because the fidelity of his colleague was suspected, on which a Dictator

was appointed. So many errors as to dates occur, owing to the order in which the consuls succeeded being

variously given, that the remoteness in time of both the events and the authorities make it impossible to

determine either which consuls succeeded which, or in what year any particular event occurred. Ap. Claudius

and P. Servilius were the next consuls. This year is memorable for the news of Tarquin's death. His death

took place at Cuma, whither he had retired, to seek the protection of the tyrant Aristodemus after the power of

the Latins was broken. The news was received with delight by both senate and plebs. But the elation of the

patricians was carried to excess. Up to that time they had treated the commons with the utmost deference,

now their leaders began to practice injustice upon them. The same year a fresh batch of colonists was sent to

complete the number at Signia, a colony founded by King Tarquin. The number of tribes at Rome was

The relations with the Volscians during the Latin war were neither friendly nor openly hostile. The Volscians

had collected a force which they were intending to send to the aid of the Latins had not the Dictator

forestalled them by the rapidity of his movements, a rapidity due to his anxiety to avoid a battle with the

combined armies. To punish them the consuls led the legions into the Volscian country. This unexpected

movement paralysed the Volscians, who were not expecting retribution for what had been only an intention.

Unable to offer resistance, they gave as hostages three hundred children belonging to their nobility, drawn

from Cora and Pometia. The legions, accordingly, were marched back without fighting. Relieved from the

immediate danger, the Volscians soon fell back on their old policy, and after forming an armed alliance with

the Hernicans, made secret preparations for war. They also despatched envoys through the length and breadth

of Latium to induce that nation to join them. But after their defeat at Lake Regillus the Latins were so

incensed against every one who advocated a resumption of hostilities that they did not even spare the

Volscian envoys, who were arrested and conducted to Rome. There they were handed over to the consuls and

evidence was produced showing that the Volscians and Hernicans were preparing for war with Rome. When

the matter was brought before the senate, they were so gratified by the action of the Latins that they sent back

six thousand prisoners who had been sold into slavery, and also referred to the new magistrates the question

of a treaty which they had hitherto persistently refused to consider. The Latins congratulated themselves upon

the course they had adopted, and the advocates of peace were in high honour. They sent a golden crown as a

gift to the Capitoline Jupiter. The deputation who brought the gift were accompanied by a large number of the

released prisoners, who visited the houses where they had worked as slaves to thank their former masters for

the kindness and consideration shown them in their misfortunes, and to form ties of hospitality with them. At

no previous period had the Latin nation been on more friendly terms both politically and personally with the

But a war with the Volscians was imminent, and the State was torn with internal dissensions; the patricians

and the plebeians were bitterly hostile to one another, owing mainly to the desperate condition of the debtors.

They loudly complained that whilst fighting in the field for liberty and empire they were oppressed and

enslaved by their fellowcitizens at home; their freedom was more secure in war than in peace, safer amongst

the enemy than amongst their own people. The discontent, which was becoming of itself continually more

embittered, was still further inflamed by the signal misfortunes of one individual. An old man, bearing visible

proofs of all the evils he had suffered, suddenly appeared in the Forum. His clothing was covered with filth,

his personal appearance was made still more loathsome by a corpselike pallor and emaciation, his unkempt

beard and hair made him look like a savage. In spite of this disfigurement he was recognised by the pitying

bystanders; they said that he had been a centurion, and mentioned other military distinctions he possessed. He

bared his breast and showed the scars which witnessed to many fights in which he had borne an honourable

part. The crowd had now almost grown to the dimensions of an Assembly of the people. He was asked,

"Whence came that garb, whence that disfigurement?" He stated that whilst serving in the Sabine war he had

not only lost the produce of his land through the depredations of the enemy, but his farm had been burnt, all

his property plundered, his cattle driven away, the wartax demanded when he was least able to pay it, and he

had got into debt. This debt had been vastly increased through usury and had stripped him first of his father's

and grandfather's farm, then of his other property, and at last like a pestilence had reached his person. He had

been carried off by his creditor, not into slavery only, but into an underground workshop, a living death. Then

On seeing and hearing all this a great outcry arose; the excitement was not confined to the Forum, it spread

everywhere throughout the City. Men who were in bondage for debt and those who had been released rushed

from all sides into the public streets and invoked "the protection of the Quirites." Every one was eager to join

the malcontents, numerous bodies ran shouting through all the streets to the Forum. Those of the senators

who happened to be in the Forum and fell in with the mob were in great danger of their lives. Open violence

would have been resorted to, had not the consuls, P. Servilius and Ap. Claudius, promptly intervened to quell

the outbreak. The crowd surged round them, showed their chains and other marks of degradation. These, they

said, were their rewards for having served their country; they tauntingly reminded the consuls of the various

campaigns in which they had fought, and peremptorily demanded rather than petitioned that the senate should

be called together. Then they closed round the Senatehouse, determined to be themselves the arbiters and

directors of public policy. A very small number of senators, who happened to be available, were got together

by the consuls, the rest were afraid to go even to the Forum, much more to the Senatehouse. No business

could be transacted owing to the requisite number not being present. The people began to think that they were

being played with and put off, that the absent senators were not kept away by accident or by fear, but in order

to prevent any redress of their grievances, and that the consuls themselves were shuffling and laughing at

their misery. Matters were reaching the point at which not even the majesty of the consuls could keep the

enraged people in check, when the absentees, uncertain whether they ran the greater risk by staying away or

coming, at last entered the Senatehouse. The House was now full, and a division of opinion showed itself

not only amongst the senators but even between the two consuls. Appius, a man of passionate temperament,

was of opinion that the matter ought to be settled by a display of authority on the part of the consuls; if one or

two were brought up for trial, the rest would calm down. Servilius, more inclined to gentle measures, thought

that when men's passions are aroused it was safer and easier to bend them than to break them.

In the middle of these disturbances, fresh alarm was created by some Latin horsemen who galloped in with

the disquieting tidings that a Volscian army was on the march to attack the City. This intelligence affected the

patricians and the plebeians very differently; to such an extent had civic discord rent the State in twain. The

plebeians were exultant, they said that the gods were preparing to avenge the tyranny of the patricians; they

encouraged each other to evade enrolment, for it was better for all to die together than to perish one by one.

"Let the patricians take up arms, let the patricians serve as common soldiers, that those who get the spoils of

war may share its perils." The senate, on the other hand, filled with gloomy apprehensions by the twofold

danger from their own fellowcitizens and from their enemy, implored the consul Servilius, who was more

sympathetic towards the people, to extricate the State from the perils that beset it on all sides. He dismissed

the senate and went into the Assembly of the plebs. There he pointed out how anxious the senate were to

consult the interests of the plebs, but their deliberations respecting what was certainly the largest part, though

still only a part, of the State had been cut short by fears for the safety of the State as a whole. The enemy

were almost at their gates, nothing could be allowed to take precedence of the war, but even if the attack were

postponed, it would not be honourable on the part of the plebeians to refuse to take up arms for their country

till they had been paid for doing so, nor would it be compatible with the selfrespect of the senate to be

actuated by fear rather than by goodwill in devising measures for the relief of their distressed

fellowcitizens. He convinced the Assembly of his sincerity by issuing an edict that none should keep a

Roman citizen in chains or duress whereby he would be prevented from enrolling for military service, none

should distrain or sell the goods of a soldier as long as he was in camp, or detain his children or

grandchildren. On the promulgation of this edict those debtors who were present at once gave in their names

for enrolment, and crowds of persons running in all quarters of the City from the houses where they were

confined, as their creditors had no longer the right to detain them, gathered together in the Forum to take the

military oath. These formed a considerable force, and none were more conspicuous for courage and activity

in the Volscian war. The consul led his troops against the enemy and encamped a short distance from them.

The very next night the Volscians, trusting to the dissensions amongst the Romans, made an attempt on the

camp, on the chance of desertions taking place, or the camp being betrayed, in the darkness. The outposts

perceived them, the army was aroused, and on the alarm being sounded they rushed to arms, so the Volscian

attempt was foiled; for the rest of the night both sides kept quiet. The following day, at dawn, the Volscians

filled up the trenches and attacked the rampart. This was already being torn down on all sides while the

consul, in spite of the shouts of the whole armyof the debtors most of all demanding the signal for action,

delayed for a few minutes, in order to test the temper of his men. When he was quite satisfied as to their

ardour and determination, he gave the signal to charge and launched his soldiery, eager to engage, upon the

foe. They were routed at the very first onset, the fugitives were cut down as far as the infantry could pursue

them, then the cavalry drove them in confusion to their camp. They evacuated it in their panic, the legions

soon came up, surrounded it, captured and plundered it. The following day the legions marched to Suessa

Pometia, whither the enemy had fled, and in a few days it was captured and given up to the soldiers to

pillage. This to some extent relieved the poverty of the soldiers. The consul, covered with glory, led his

victorious army back to Rome. Whilst on the march he was visited by envoys from the Volscians of Ecetra,

who were concerned for their own safety after the capture of Pometia. By a decree of the senate, peace was

Immediately afterwards a fresh alarm was created at Rome by the Sabines, but it was more a sudden raid than

a regular war. News was brought during the night that a Sabine army had advanced as far as the Anio on a

predatory expedition, and that the farms in that neighbourhood were being harried and burnt. A. Postumius,

who had been the Dictator in the Latin war, was at once sent there with the whole of the cavalry force; the

consul Servilius followed with a picked body of infantry. Most of the enemy were surrounded by the cavalry

while scattered in the fields; the Sabine legion offered no resistance to the advance of the infantry. Tired out

with their march and the nocturnal plunderinga large proportion of them were in the farms full of food and

winethey had hardly sufficient strength to flee. The Sabine war was announced and concluded in one night,

and strong hopes were entertained that peace had now been secured everywhere. The next day, however,

envoys from the Auruncans came with a demand for the evacuation of the Volscian territory, otherwise they

were to proclaim war. The army of the Auruncans had begun their advance when the envoys left home, and

the report of its having been seen not far from Aricia created so much excitement and confusion amongst the

Romans that it was impossible either for the senate to take the matter into formal consideration, or for a

favourable reply to be given to those who were commencing hostilities, since they were themselves taking up

arms to repel them. They marched to Aricia; not far from there they engaged the Auruncans and in one battle

After the defeat of the Auruncans, the Romans, who had, within a few days, fought so many successful wars,

were expecting the fulfilment of the promises which the consul had made on the authority of the senate.

Appius, partly from his innate love of tyranny and partly to undermine the confidence felt in his colleague,

gave the harshest sentences he could when debtors were brought before him. One after another those who had

before pledged their persons as security were now handed over to their creditors, and others were compelled

to give such security. A soldier to whom this happened appealed to the colleague of Appius. A crowd

gathered round Servilius, they reminded him of his promises, upbraided him with their services in war and

the scars they had received, and demanded that he should either get an ordinance passed by the senate, or, as

consul, protect his people; as commander, his soldiers. The consul sympathised with them, but under the

circumstances he was compelled to temporise; the opposite policy was so recklessly insisted on not only by

his colleague but by the entire party of the nobility. By taking a middle course he did not escape the odium of

the plebs nor did he win the favour of the patricians. These regarded him as a weak popularityhunting

consul, the plebeians considered him false, and it soon became apparent that he was as much detested as

A dispute had arisen between the consuls as to which of them should dedicate the temple of Mercury. The

senate referred the question to the people, and issued orders that the one to whom the dedication was assigned

by the people should preside over the cornmarket and form a guild of merchants and discharge functions in

the presence of the Pontifex Maximus. The people assigned the dedication of the temple to M. Laetorius, the

first centurion of the legion, a choice obviously made not so much to honour the man, by conferring upon

him an office so far above his station, as to bring discredit on the consuls. One of them, at all events, was

excessively angry, as were the senate, but the courage of the plebs had risen, and they went to work in a very

different method from that which they had adopted at first. For as any prospect of help from the consuls or

the senate was hopeless, they took matters into their own hands, and whenever they saw a debtor brought

before the court, they rushed there from all sides, and by their shouts and uproar prevented the consul's

sentence from being heard, and when it was pronounced no one obeyed it. They resorted to violence, and all

the fear and danger to personal liberty was transferred from the debtors to the creditors, who were roughly

handled before the eyes of the consul. In addition to all this there were growing apprehensions of a Sabine

war. A levy was decreed, but no one gave in his name. Appius was furious; he accused his colleague of

courting the favour of the people, denounced him as a traitor to the commonwealth because he refused to give

sentence where debtors were brought before him, and moreover he refused to raise troops after the senate had

ordered a levy. Still, he declared, the ship of State was not entirely deserted nor the consular authority thrown

to the winds; he, singlehanded, would vindicate his own dignity and that of the senate. Whilst the usual

daily crowd were standing round him, growing ever bolder in licence, he ordered one conspicuous leader of

the agitation to be arrested. As he was being dragged away by the lictors, he appealed. There was no doubt as

to what judgment the people would give, and he would not have allowed the appeal had not his obstinacy

been with great difficulty overcome more by the prudence and authority of the senate than by the clamour of

the people, so determined was he to brave the popular odium. From that time the mischief became more

serious every day, not only through open clamour but, what was far more dangerous, through secession and

secret meetings. At length the consuls, detested as they were by the plebs, went out of officeServilius

Then A. Verginius and T. Vetusius took office. As the plebeians were doubtful as to what sort of consuls they

would have, and were anxious to avoid any precipitate and illconsidered action which might result from

hastily adopted resolutions in the Forum, they began to hold meetings at night, some on the Esquiline and

others on the Aventine. The consuls considered this state of things to be fraught with danger, as it really was,

and made a formal report to the senate. But any orderly discussion of their report was out of the question,

owing to the excitement and clamour with which the senators received it, and the indignation they felt at the

consuls throwing upon them the odium of measures which they ought to have carried on their own authority

as consuls. "Surely," it was said, "if there were really magistrates in the State, there would have been no

meetings in Rome beyond the public Assembly; now the State was broken up into a thousand senates and

assemblies, since some councils were being held on the Esquiline and others on the Aventine. Why, one man

like Appius Claudius, who was worth more than a consul, would have dispersed these gatherings in a

moment." When the consuls, after being thus censured, asked what they wished them to do, as they were

prepared to act with all the energy and determination that the senate desired, a decree was passed that the levy

should be raised as speedily as possible, for the plebs was waxing wanton through idleness. After dismissing

the senate, the consuls ascended the tribunal and called out the names of those liable to active service. Not a

single man answered to his name. The people, standing round as though in formal assembly, declared that the

plebs could no longer be imposed upon, the consuls should not get a single soldier until the promise made in

the name of the State was fulfilled. Before arms were put into their hands, every man's liberty must be

restored to him, that they might fight for their country and their fellowcitizens and not for tyrannical

masters. The consuls were quite aware of the instructions they had received from the senate, but they were

also aware that none of those who had spoken so bravely within the walls of the Senatehouse were now

present to share the odium which they were incurring. A desperate conflict with the plebs seemed inevitable.

Before proceeding to extremities they decided to consult the senate again. Thereupon all the younger senators

rushed from their seats, and crowding round the chairs of the consuls, ordered them to resign their office and

Having had quite enough of trying to coerce the plebs on the one hand and persuading the senate to adopt a

milder course on the other, the consuls at last said: "Senators, that you may not say you have not been

forewarned, we tell you that a very serious disturbance is at hand. We demand that those who are the loudest

in charging us with cowardice shall support us whilst we conduct the levy. We will act as the most resolute

may wish, since such is your pleasure." They returned to the tribunal and purposely ordered one of those who

were in view to be called up by name. As he stood silent, and a number of men had closed round him to

prevent his being seized, the consuls sent a lictor to him. The lictor was pushed away, and those senators who

were with the consuls exclaimed that it was an outrageous insult and rushed down from the tribunal to assist

the lictor. The hostility of the crowd was diverted from the lictor, who had simply been prevented from

making the arrest, to the senators. The interposition of the consuls finally allayed the conflict. There had,

however, been no stones thrown or weapons used, it had resulted in more noise and angry words than

personal injury. The senate was summoned and assembled in disorder; its proceedings were still more

disorderly. Those who had been roughly handled demanded an inquiry, and all the more violent members

supported the demand by shouting and uproar quite as much as by their votes. When at last the excitement

had subsided, the consuls censured them for showing as little calm judgment in the senate as there was in the

Forum. Then the debate proceeded in order. Three different policies were advocated. P. Valerius did not think

the general question ought to be raised; he thought they ought only to consider the case of those who, in

reliance on the promise of the consul P. Servilius, had served in the Volscian, Auruncan, and Sabine wars.

Titus Larcius considered that the time had passed for rewarding only men who had served, the whole plebs

was overwhelmed with debt, the evil could not be arrested unless there was a measure for universal relief.

Any attempt to differentiate between the various classes would only kindle fresh discord instead of allaying

it. Appius Claudius, harsh by nature, and now maddened by the hatred of the plebs on the one hand and the

praises of the senate on the other, asserted that these riotous gatherings were not the result of misery but of

licence, the plebeians were actuated by wantonness more than by anger. This was the mischief which had

sprung from the right of appeal, for the consuls could only threaten without the power to execute their threats

as long as a criminal was allowed to appeal to his fellowcriminals. "Come," said he, "let us create a Dictator

from whom there is no appeal, then this madness which is setting everything on fire will soon die down. Let

me see any one strike a lictor then, when he knows that his back and even his life are in the sole power of the

To many the sentiments which Appius uttered seemed cruel and monstrous, as they really were. On the other

hand, the proposals of Verginius and Larcius would set a dangerous precedent, that of Larcius at all events, as

it would destroy all credit. The advice given by Verginius was regarded as the most moderate, being a middle

course between the other two. But through the strength of his party, and the consideration of personal

interests which always have injured and always will injure public policy, Appius won the day. He was very

nearly being himself appointed Dictator, an appointment which would more than anything have alienated the

plebs, and that too at a most critical time when the Volscians, the Aequi, and the Sabines were all in arms

together. The consuls and the older patricians, however, took care that a magistracy clothed with such

tremendous powers should be entrusted to a man of moderate temper. They created M. Valerius, the son of

Volesus, Dictator. Though the plebeians recognised that it was against them that a Dictator had been created,

still, as they held their right of appeal under a law which his brother had passed, they did not fear any harsh or

tyrannical treatment from that family. Their hopes were confirmed by an edict issued by the Dictator, very

similar to the one made by Servilius. That edict had been ineffective, but they thought that more confidence

could be placed in the person and power of the Dictator, so, dropping all opposition, they gave in their names

for enrolment. Ten legions, were formed, a larger army than had ever before been assembled. Three of them

The war could no longer be delayed. The Aequi had invaded the Latin territory. Envoys sent by the Latins

asked the senate either to send help or allow them to arm for the purpose of defending their frontier. It was

thought safer to defend the unarmed Latins than to allow them to rearm themselves. The consul Vetusius

was despatched, and that was the end of the raids. The Aequi withdrew from the plains, and trusting more to

the nature of the country than to their arms, sought safety on the mountain ridges. The other consul advanced

against the Volscians, and to avoid loss of time, he devastated their fields with the object of forcing them to

move their camp nearer to his and so bringing on an engagement. The two armies stood facing each other, in

front of their respective lines, on the level space between the camps. The Volscians had considerably the

advantage in numbers, and accordingly showed their contempt for their foe by coming on in disorder. The

Roman consul kept his army motionless, forbade their raising an answering shout, and ordered them to stand

with their spears fixed in the ground, and when the enemy came to close quarters, to spring forward and make

all possible use of their swords. The Volscians, wearied with their running and shouting, threw themselves

upon the Romans as upon men benumbed with fear, but when they felt the strength of the counterattack and

saw the swords flashing before them, they retreated in confusion just as if they had been caught in an ambush,

and owing to the speed at which they had come into action, they had not even strength to flee. The Romans,

on the other hand, who at the beginning of the battle had remained quietly standing, were fresh and vigorous,

and easily overtook the exhausted Volscians, rushed their camp, drove them out, and pursued them as far as

Velitrae, victors and vanquished bursting pellmell into the city. A greater slaughter of all ranks took place

there than in the actual battle; a few who threw down their arms and surrendered received quarter.

Whilst these events were occurring amongst the Volscians, the Dictator, after entering the Sabine territory,

where the most serious part of the war lay, defeated and routed the enemy and chased them out of their camp.

A cavalry charge had broken the enemy's centre which, owing to the excessive lengthening of the wings, was

weakened by an insufficient depth of files, and while thus disordered the infantry charged them. In the same

charge the camp was captured and the war brought to a close. Since the battle at Lake Regillus no more

brilliant action had been fought in those years. The Dictator rode in triumph into the City. In addition to the

customary distinctions, a place was assigned in the Circus Maximus to him and to his posterity, from which

to view the Games, and the sella curulis was placed there. After the subjugation of the Volscians, the territory

of Velitrae was annexed and a body of Roman citizens was sent out to colonise it. Some time later, an

engagement took place with the Aequi. The consul was reluctant to fight as he would have to attack on

unfavourable ground, but his soldiers forced him into action. They accused him of protracting the war in

order that the Dictator's term of office might expire before they returned home, in which case his promises

would fall to the ground, as those of the consul had previously done. They compelled him to march his army

up the mountain at all hazards; but owing to the cowardice of the enemy this unwise step resulted in success.

They were so astounded at the daring of the Romans that before they came within range of their weapons

they abandoned their camp, which was in a very strong position, and dashed down into the valley in the rear.

Whilst these three wars were thus brought to a successful issue, the course which domestic affairs were

taking continued to be a source of anxiety to both the patricians and the plebeians. The moneylenders

possessed such influence and had taken such skilful precautions that they rendered the commons and even the

Dictator himself powerless. After the consul Vetusius had returned, Valerius introduced, as the very first

business of the senate, the treatment of the men who had been marching to victory, and moved a resolution as

to what decision they ought to come to with regard to the debtors. His motion was negatived, on which he

said, "I am not acceptable as an advocate of concord. Depend upon it, you will very soon wish that the

Roman plebs had champions like me. As far as I am concerned, I will no longer encourage my

fellowcitizens in vain hopes nor will I be Dictator in vain. Internal dissensions and foreign wars have made

this office necessary to the commonwealth; peace has now been secured abroad, at home it is made

impossible. I would rather be involved in the revolution as a private citizen than as Dictator." So saying, he

left the House and resigned his dictatorship. The reason was quite clear to the plebs; he had resigned office

because he was indignant at the way they were treated. The nonfulfilment of his pledge was not due to him,

they considered that he had practically kept his word, and on his way home they followed him with approving

The senate now began to feel apprehensive lest on the disbandment of the army there should be a recurrence

of the secret conclaves and conspiracies. Although the Dictator had actually conducted the enrolment, the

soldiers had sworn obedience to the consuls. Regarding them as still bound by their oath, the senate ordered

the legions to be marched out of the City on the pretext that war had been recommenced by the Aequi. This

step brought the revolution to a head. It is said that the first idea was to put the consuls to death that the men

might be discharged from their oath; then, on learning that no religious obligation could be dissolved by a

crime, they decided, at the instigation of a certain Sicinius, to ignore the consuls and withdraw to the Sacred

Mount, which lay on the other side of the Anio, three miles from the City. This is a more generally accepted

tradition than the one adopted by Piso that the secession was made to the Aventine. There, without any

commander in a regularly entrenched camp, taking nothing with them but the necessaries of life, they quietly

maintained themselves for some days, neither receiving nor giving any provocation. A great panic seized the

City, mutual distrust led to a state of universal suspense. Those plebeians who had been left by their

comrades in the City feared violence from the patricians; the patricians feared the plebeians who still

remained in the City, and could not make up their minds whether they would rather have them go or stay.

"How long," it was asked, "would the multitude who had seceded remain quiet? What would happen if a

foreign war broke out in the meantime?" They felt that all their hopes rested on concord amongst the citizens,

The senate decided, therefore, to send as their spokesman Menenius Agrippa, an eloquent man, and

acceptable to the plebs as being himself of plebeian origin. He was admitted into the camp, and it is reported

that he simply told them the following fable in primitive and uncouth fashion. "In the days when all the parts

of the human body were not as now agreeing together, but each member took its own course and spoke its

own speech, the other members, indignant at seeing that everything acquired by their care and labour and

ministry went to the belly, whilst it, undisturbed in the middle of them all, did nothing but enjoy the pleasures

provided for it, entered into a conspiracy; the hands were not to bring food to the mouth, the mouth was not

to accept it when offered, the teeth were not to masticate it. Whilst, in their resentment, they were anxious to

coerce the belly by starving it, the members themselves wasted away, and the whole body was reduced to the

last stage of exhaustion. Then it became evident that the belly rendered no idle service, and the nourishment it

received was no greater than that which it bestowed by returning to all parts of the body this blood by which

we live and are strong, equally distributed into the veins, after being matured by the digestion of the food."

By using this comparison, and showing how the internal disaffection amongst the parts of the body resembled

the animosity of the plebeians against the patricians, he succeeded in winning over his audience.

Negotiations were then entered upon for a reconciliation. An agreement was arrived at, the terms being that

the plebs should have its own magistrates, whose persons were to be inviolable, and who should have the

right of affording protection against the consuls. And further, no patrician should be allowed to hold that

office. Two "tribunes of the plebs" were elected, C. Licinius and L. Albinus. These chose three colleagues. It

is generally agreed that Sicinius, the instigator of the secession, was amongst them, but who the other two

were is not settled. Some say that only two tribunes were created on the Sacred Hill and that it was there that

the lex sacrata was passed. During the secession of the plebs Sp. Cassius and Postumius Cominius entered on

their consulship. In their year of office a treaty was concluded with the Latin towns, and one of the consuls

remained in Rome for the purpose. The other was sent to the Volscian war. He routed a force of Volscians

from Antium, and pursued them to Longula, which he gained possession of. Then he advanced to Polusca,

also belonging to the Volscians, which he captured, after which he attacked Corioli in great force.

Amongst the most distinguished of the young soldiers in the camp at that time was Cnaeus Marcius, a young

man prompt in counsel and action, who afterwards received the epithet of Coriolanus. During the progress of

the siege, while the Roman army was devoting its whole attention to the townspeople whom it had shut up

within their walls, and not in the least apprehending any danger from hostile movements without, it was

suddenly attacked by Volscian legions who had marched from Antium. At the same moment a sortie was

made from the town. Marcius happened to be on guard, and with a picked body of men not only repelled the

sortie but made a bold dash through the open gate, and after cutting down many in the part of the city nearest

to him, seized some fire and hurled it on the buildings which abutted on the walls. The shouts of the

townsmen mingled with the shrieks of the terrified women and children encouraged the Romans and

dismayed the Volscians, who thought that the city which they had come to assist was already captured. So the

troops from Antium were routed and Corioli taken. The renown which Marcius won so completely eclipsed

that of the consul, that, had not the treaty with the Latinswhich owing to his colleague's absence had been

concluded by Sp. Cassius alonebeen inscribed on a brazen column, and so permanently recorded, all

memory of Postumius Cominius having carried on a war with the Volscians would have perished. In the same

year Agrippa Menenius died, a man who all through his life was equally beloved by the patricians and the

plebeians, and made himself still more endeared to the plebeians after their secession. Yet he, the negotiator

and arbitrator of the reconciliation, who acted as the ambassador of the patricians to the plebs, and brought

them back to the City, did not possess money enough to defray the cost of his funeral. He was interred by the

The new consuls were T. Geganius and P. Minucius. In this year, whilst all abroad was undisturbed by war

and the civic dissensions at home were healed, the commonwealth was attacked by another much more

serious evil: first, dearness of food, owing to the fields remaining uncultivated during the secession, and

following on this a famine such as visits a besieged city. It would have led to the perishing of the slaves in

any case, and probably the plebeians would have died, had not the consuls provided for the emergency by

sending men in various directions to buy corn. They penetrated not only along the coast to the right of Ostia

into Etruria, but also along the sea to the left past the Volscian country as far as Cumae. Their search

extended even as far as Sicily; to such an extent did the hostility of their neighbours compel them to seek

distant help. When corn had been bought at Cumae, the ships were detained by the tyrant Aristodemus, in lieu

of the property of Tarquin, to whom he was heir. Amongst the Volscians and in the Pomptine district it was

even impossible to purchase corn, the corn merchants were in danger of being attacked by the population.

Some corn came from Etruria up the Tiber; this served for the support of the plebeians. They would have

been harassed by a war, doubly unwelcome when provisions were so scarce, if the Volscians, who were

already on the march, had not been attacked by a frightful pestilence. This disaster cowed the enemy so

effectually that even when it had abated its violence they remained to some extent in a state of terror; the

Romans increased the number of colonists at Velitrae and sent a new colony to Norba, up in the mountains, to

During the consulship of M. Minucius and A. Sempronius, a large quantity of corn was brought from Sicily,

and the question was discussed in the senate at what price it should be given to the plebs. Many were of

opinion that the moment had come for putting pressure on the plebeians, and recovering the rights which had

been wrested from the senate through the secession and the violence which accompanied it. Foremost among

these was Marcius Coriolanus, a determined foe to the tribunitian power. "If," he argued, "they want their

corn at the old price, let them restore to the senate its old powers. Why, then, do I, after being sent under the

yoke, ransomed as it were from brigands, see plebeian magistrates, why do I see a Sicinius in power? Am I to

endure these indignities a moment longer than I can help? Am I, who could not put up with a Tarquin as king,

to put up with a Sicinius? Let him secede now! let him call out his plebeians, the way lies open to the Sacred

Hill and to other hills. Let them carry off the corn from our fields as they did two years ago; let them enjoy

the scarcity which in their madness they have produced! I will venture to say that after they have been tamed

by these sufferings, they will rather work as labourers themselves in the fields than prevent their being

cultivated by an armed secession." It is not so easy to say whether they ought to have done this as it is to

express one's belief that it could have been done, and the senators might have made it a condition of lowering

the price of the corn that they should abrogate the tribunitian power and all the legal restrictions imposed

The senate considered these sentiments too bitter, the plebeians in their exasperation almost flew to arms.

Famine, they said, was being used as a weapon against them, as though they were enemies; they were being

cheated out of food and sustenance; the foreign corn, which fortune had unexpectedly given them as their

sole means of support, was to be snatched from their mouths unless their tribunes were given up in chains to

Cn. Marcius, unless he could work his will on the backs of the Roman plebeians. In him a new executioner

had sprung up, who ordered them either to die or live as slaves. He would have been attacked on leaving the

Senatehouse had not the tribunes most opportunely fixed a day for his impeachment. This allayed the

excitement, every man saw himself a judge with the power of life and death over his enemy. At first Marcius

treated the threats of the tribunes with contempt; they had the right of protecting not of punishing, they were

the tribunes of the plebs not of the patricians. But the anger of the plebeians was so thoroughly roused that the

patricians could only save themselves by the punishment of one of their order. They resisted, however, in

spite of the odium: they incurred, and exercised all the powers they possessed both collectively and

individually. At first they attempted to thwart proceedings by posting pickets of their clients to deter

individuals from frequenting meetings and conclaves. Then they proceeded in a bodyyou might suppose that

every patrician was impeachedand implored the plebeians, if they refused to acquit a man who was

innocent, at least to give up to them, as guilty, one citizen, one senator. As he did not put in an appearance on

the day of trial, their resentment remained unabated, and he was condemned in his absence. He went into

exile amongst the Volscians, uttering threats against his country, and even then entertaining hostile designs

against it. The Volscians welcomed his arrival, and he became more popular as his resentment against his

countrymen became more bitter, and his complaints and threats were more frequently heard. He enjoyed the

hospitality of Attius Tullius, who was by far the most important man at that time amongst the Volscians and a

lifelong enemy of the Romans. Impelled each by similar motives, the one by oldstanding hatred, the other

by newlyprovoked resentment, they formed joint plans for war with Rome. They were under the impression

that the people could not easily be induced, after so many defeats, to take up arms again, and that after their

losses in their numerous wars and recently through the pestilence, their spirits were broken. The hostility had

now had time to die down; it was necessary, therefore, to adopt some artifice by which fresh irritation might

It so happened that preparations were being made for a repetition of the "Great Games." The reason for their

repetition was that early in the morning, prior to the commencement of the Games, a householder after

flogging his slave had driven him through the middle of the Circus Maximus. Then the Games commenced,

as though the incident had no religious significance. Not long afterwards, Titus Latinius, a member of the

plebs, had a dream. Jupiter appeared to him and said that the dancer who commenced the Games was

displeasing to him, adding that unless those Games were repeated with due magnificence, disaster would

overtake the City, and he was to go and report this to the consuls. Though he was by no means free from

religious scruples, still his fears gave way before his awe of the magistrates, lest he should become an object

of public ridicule. This hesitation cost him dear, for within a few days he lost his son. That he might have no

doubt as to the cause of this sudden calamity, the same form again appeared to the distressed father in his

sleep, and demanded of him whether he had been sufficiently repaid for his neglect of the divine will, for a

more terrible recompense was impending if he did not speedily go and inform the consuls. Though the matter

was becoming more urgent, he still delayed, and while thus procrastinating he was attacked by a serious

illness in the form of sudden paralysis. Now the divine wrath thoroughly alarmed him, and wearied out by his

past misfortune and the one from which he was suffering he called his relations together and explained what

he had seen and heard, the repeated appearance of Jupiter in his sleep, the threatening wrath of heaven

brought home to him by his calamities. On the strong advice of all present he was carried in a litter to the

consuls in the Forum, and from there by the consuls' order into the Senatehouse. After repeating the same

story to the senators, to the intense surprise of all, another marvel occurred. The tradition runs that he who

had been carried into the Senatehouse paralysed in every limb, returned home, after performing his duty, on

The senate decreed that the Games should be celebrated on the most splendid scale. At the suggestion of

Attius Tullius, a large number of Volscians came to them. In accordance with a previous arrangement with

Marcius, Tullius came to the consuls, before the proceedings commenced, and said that there were certain

matters touching the State which he wished to discuss privately with them. When all the bystanders had been

removed, he began: "It is with great reluctance that I say anything to the disparagement of my people. I do

not come, however, to charge them with having actually committed any offence, but to take precautions

against their committing one. The character of our citizens is more fickle than I should wish; we have

experienced this in many defeats, for we owe our present security not to our own deserts but to your

forbearance. Here at this moment are a great multitude of Volscians, the Games are going on, the whole City

will be intent on the spectacle. I remember what an outrage was committed by the young Sabines on a similar

occasion, I shudder lest any illadvised and reckless incident should occur. For our sakes, and yours, consuls,

I thought it right to give you this warning. As far as I am concerned, it is my intention to start at once for

home, lest, if I stay, I should be involved in some mischief either of speech or act." With these words he

departed. These vague hints, uttered apparently on good authority, were laid by the consuls before the senate.

As generally happens, the authority rather than the facts of the case induced them to take even excessive

precautions. A decree was passed that the Volscians should leave the City, criers were sent round ordering

them all to depart before nightfall. Their first feeling was one of panic as they ran off to their respective

lodgings to take away their effects, but when they had started a feeling of indignation arose at their being

driven away from the Games, from a festival which was in a manner a meeting of gods and men, as though

As they were going along in an almost continuous stream, Tullius, who had gone on in advance, waited for

them at the Ferentine Fountain. Accosting their chief men as they came up in tones of complaint and

indignation, he led them, eagerly listening to words which accorded with their own angry feelings, and

through them the multitude, down to the plain which stretched below the road. There he began a speech:

"Even though you should forget the wrongs that Rome has inflicted and the defeats which the Volscian nation

has suffered, though you should forget everything else, with what temper, I should like to know, do you

brook this insult of yesterday, when they commenced their Games by treating us with ignominy? Have you

not felt that they have won a triumph over you today, that as you departed you were a spectacle to the

townsfolk, to the strangers, to all those neighbouring populations; that your wives, your children, were

paraded as a gazingstock before men's eyes? What do you suppose were the thoughts of those who heard the

voice of the criers, those who watched us depart, those who met this ignominious cavalcade? What could they

have thought but that there was some awful guilt cleaving to us, so that if we had been present at the Games

we should have profaned them and made an expiation necessary, and that this was the reason why we were

driven away from the abodes of these good and religious people and from all intercourse and association with

them? Does it not occur to you that we owe our lives to the haste with which we departed, if we may call it a

departure and not a flight? And do you count this City as anything else than the City of your enemies, where,

had you lingered a single day, you would all have been put to death? War has been declared against youto

the great misery of those who have declared it, if you are really men." So they dispersed to their homes, with

their feelings of resentment embittered by this harangue. They so worked upon the feelings of their

fellowcountrymen, each in his own city, that the whole Volscian nation revolted.

By the unanimous vote of the states, the conduct of the war was entrusted to Attius Tullius and Cn. Marcius,

the Roman exile, on whom their hopes chiefly rested. He fully justified their expectations, so that it became

quite evident that the strength of Rome lay in her generals rather than in her army. He first marched against

Cerceii, expelled the Roman colony and handed it over to the Volscians as a free city. Then he took Satricum,

Longula, Polusca, and Corioli, towns which the Romans had recently acquired. Marching across country into

the Latin road, he recovered Lavinium, and then, in succession, Corbio, Vetellia, Trebium Labici, and Pedum.

Finally, he advanced from Pedum against the City. He entrenched his camp at the Cluilian Dykes, about five

miles distant, and from there he ravaged the Roman territory. The raiding parties were accompanied by men

whose business it was to see that the lands of the patricians were not touched; a measure due either to his rage

being especially directed against the plebeians, or to his hope that dissensions might arise between them and

the patricians. These certainly would have arisen to such a pitch were the tribunes exciting the plebs by their

attacks on the chief men of the Statehad not the fear of the enemy outsidethe strongest bond of

unionbrought men together in spite of their mutual suspicions and aversion. On one point they disagreed;

the senate and the consuls placed their hopes solely in arms, the plebeians preferred anything to war. Sp.

Nautius and Sex. Furius were now consuls. Whilst they were reviewing the legions and manning the walls

and stationing troops m various places, an enormous crowd gathered together. At first they alarmed the

consuls by seditious shouts, and at last they compelled them to convene the senate and submit a motion for

sending ambassadors to Cn. Marcius. As the courage of the plebeians was evidently giving way, the senate

accepted the motion, and a deputation was sent to Marcius with proposals for peace. They brought back the

stern reply: If the territory were restored to the Volscians, the question of peace could be discussed; but if

they wished to enjoy the spoils of war at their ease, he had not forgotten the wrongs inflicted by his

countrymen nor the kindness shown by those who were now his hosts, and would strive to make it clear that

his spirit had been roused, not broken, by his exile. The same envoys were sent on a second mission, but were

not admitted into the camp. According to the tradition, the priests also in their robes went as suppliants to the

enemies' camp, but they had no more influence with him than the previous deputation.

Then the matrons went in a body to Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, and Volumnia his wife. Whether this

was in consequence of a decree of the senate, or simply the prompting of womanly fear, I am unable to

ascertain, but at all events they succeeded in inducing the aged Veturia to go with Volumnia and her two little

sons to the enemies' camp. As men were powerless to protect the City by their arms, the women sought to do

so by their tears and prayers. On their arrival at the camp a message was sent to Coriolanus that a large body

of women were present. He had remained unmoved by the majesty of the State in the persons of its

ambassadors, and by the appeal made to his eyes and mind in the persons of its priests; he was still more

obdurate to the tears of the women. Then one of his friends, who had recognised Veturia, standing between

her daughterinlaw and her grandsons, and conspicuous amongst them all in the greatness of her grief, said

to him, "Unless my eyes deceive me, your mother and wife and children are here." Coriolanus, almost like

one demented, sprung from his seat to embrace his mother. She, changing her tone from entreaty to anger,

said, "Before I admit your embrace suffer me to know whether it is to an enemy or a son that I have come,

whether it is as your prisoner or as your mother that I am in your camp. Has a long life and an unhappy old

age brought me to this, that I have to see you an exile and from that an enemy? Had you the heart to ravage

this land, which has borne and nourished you? However hostile and menacing the spirit in which you came,

did not your anger subside as you entered its borders? Did you not say to yourself when your eye rested on

Rome, 'Within those walls are my home, my household gods, my mother, my wife, my children?' Must it then

be that, had I remained childless, no attack would have been made on Rome; had I never had a son, I should

have ended my days a free woman in a free country? But there is nothing which I can suffer now that will not

bring more disgrace to you than wretchedness to me; whatever unhappiness awaits me it will not be for long.

Look to these, whom, if you persist in your present course, an untimely death awaits, or a long life of

bondage." When she ceased, his wife and children embraced him, and all the women wept and bewailed their

own and their country's fate. At last his resolution gave way. He embraced his family and dismissed them,

and moved his camp away from the City. After withdrawing his legions from the Roman territory, he is said

to have fallen a victim to the resentment which his action aroused, but as to the time and circumstances of his

death the traditions vary. I find in Fabius, who is by far the oldest authority, that he lived to be an old man; he

relates a saying of his, which he often uttered in his later years, that it is not till a man is old that he feels the

full misery of exile. The Roman husbands did not grudge their wives the glory they had won, so completely

were their lives free from the spirit of detraction and envy. A temple was built and dedicated to Fortuna

Muliebris, to serve as a memorial of their deed. Subsequently the combined forces of the Volscians and

Aequi reentered the Roman territory. The Aequi, however, refused any longer to accept the generalship of

Attius Tullius, a quarrel arose as to which nation should furnish the commander of the combined army, and

this resulted in a bloody battle. Here the good fortune of Rome destroyed the two armies of her enemies in a

conflict no less ruinous than obstinate. The new consuls were T. Sicinius and C. Aquilius. To Sicinius was

assigned the campaign against the Volscians, to Aquilius that against the Hernici, for they also were in arms.

In that year the Hernici were subjugated, the campaign against the Volscians ended indecisively.

For the next year Sp. Cassius and Proculus Verginius were elected consuls. A treaty was concluded with the

Hernici, twothirds of their territory was taken from them. Of this Cassius intended to give half to the Latins

and half to the Roman plebs. He contemplated adding to this a quantity of land which, he alleged, though

State land, was occupied by private individuals. This alarmed many of the patricians, the actual occupiers, as

endangering, the security of their property. On public grounds, too, they felt anxious, as they considered that

by this largess the consul was building up a power dangerous to liberty. Then for the first time an Agrarian

Law was proposed, and never, from that day to the times within our own memory, has one been mooted

without the most tremendous commotions. The other consul resisted the proposed grant. In this he was

supported by the senate, whilst the plebs was far from unanimous in its favour. They were beginning to look

askance at a boon so cheap as to be shared between citizens and allies, and they often heard the consul

Verginius in his public speeches predicting that his colleague's gift was fraught with mischief, the land in

question would bring slavery on those who took it, the way was being prepared for a throne. Why were the

allies, he asked, and the Latin league included? What necessity was there for a third part of the territory of the

Hernici, so lately our foes, being restored to them, unless it was that these nations might have Cassius as their

leader in place of Coriolanus?' The opponent of the Agrarian Law began to be popular. Then both consuls

tried who could go furthest in humouring the plebs. Verginius said that he would consent to the assignment of

the lands provided they were assigned to none but: Roman citizens. Cassius had courted popularity amongst

the allies by including them in the distribution and had thereby sunk in the estimation of his fellowcitizens.

To recover their favour he gave orders for the money which had been received for the corn from Sicily to be

refunded to the people. This offer the plebeians treated with scorn as nothing else than the price of a throne.

Owing to their innate suspicion that he was aiming at monarchy, his gifts were rejected as completely as if

they had abundance of everything. It is generally asserted that immediately upon his vacating office he was

condemned and put to death. Some assert that his own father was the author of his punishment, that he tried

him privately at home, and after scourging him put him to death and devoted his private property to Ceres.

From the proceeds a statue of her was made with an inscription, "Given from the Cassian family." I find in

some authors a much more probable account, viz., that he was arraigned by the quaestors Caeso Fabius and

L. Valerius before the people and convicted of treason, and his house ordered to be demolished. It stood on

the open space in front of the temple of Tellus. In any case, whether the trial was a public or a private one, his

The popular anger against Cassius did not last long. The attractiveness of the Agrarian Law, though its author

was removed, was in itself sufficient to make the plebeians desire it, and their eagerness for it was intensified

by the unscrupulousness of the senate, who cheated the soldiers out of their share of the spoil which they had

won that year from the Volscians and Aequi. Everything taken from the enemy was sold by the consul Fabius

and the amount realised paid into the treasury. In spite of the hatred which this produced in the plebs against

the whole Fabian house, the patricians succeeded in getting Caeso Fabius elected with L. Aemilius as consuls

for the next year. This still further embittered the plebeians, and domestic disturbances brought on a foreign

war. For the time civic quarrels were suspended, patricians and plebeians were of one mind in resisting the

Aequi and Volscians, and a victorious action was fought under Aemilius. The enemy lost more in the retreat

than in the battle, so hotly did the cavalry pursue their routed foe. In the same year the temple of Castor was

dedicated on the 15th of July. It had been vowed by the Dictator Postumius in the Latin war; his son was

appointed "duumvir" for its dedication. In this year, too, the minds of the plebeians were much exercised by

the attractions which the Agrarian Law held out for them, and the tribunes made their office more popular by

constantly dwelling on this popular measure. The patricians, believing that there was enough and more than

enough madness in the multitude as it was, viewed with horror these bribes and incentives to recklessness.

The consuls led the way in offering a most determined resistance, and the senate won the day. Nor was the

victory only a momentary one, for they elected as consuls for the following year M. Fabius, the brother of

Caeso, and L. Valerius, who was an object of special hatred on the part of the plebs through his prosecution

of Sp. Cassius. The contest with the tribunes went on through the year; the Law remained a dead letter, and

the tribunes, with their fruitless promises, turned out to be idle boasters. The Fabian house gained an

immense reputation through the three successive consulships of its members, all of whom had been uniformly

successful in their resistance to the tribunes. The office remained like a safe investment, for some time in the

family. War now began with Veii, and the Volscians rose again. The people possessed more than sufficient

strength for their foreign wars, but they wasted it in domestic strife. The universal anxiety was aggravated by

supernatural portents, menacing almost daily City and country alike. The soothsayers, who were consulted by

the State and by private persons, declared that the divine wrath was due to nothing else but the profanation of

sacred functions. These alarms resulted in the punishment of Oppia, a Vestal virgin who was convicted of

The next consuls were Q. Fabius and C. Julius. During this year the civic dissensions were as lively as ever,

and the war assumed a more serious form. The Aequi took up arms, and the Veientines made depredations on

Roman territory. Amidst the growing anxiety about these wars Caeso Fabius and Sp. Furius were made

consuls. The Aequi were attacking Ortona, a Latin city; the Veientines, laden with plunder, were now

threatening to attack Rome itself. This alarming condition of affairs ought to have restrained, whereas it

actually increased, the hostility of the plebs, and they resumed the old method of refusing military service.

This was not spontaneous on their part; Sp. Licinius, one of their tribunes, thinking that it was a good time for

forcing the Agrarian Law upon the senate through sheer necessity, had taken upon him the obstruction of the

levy. All the odium, however, aroused by this misuse of the tribunitian power recoiled upon the author, his

own colleagues were as much opposed to him as the consuls; through their assistance the consuls completed

the enrolment. An army was raised for two wars at the same time, one against the Veientines under Fabius,

the other against the Aequi under Furius. In this latter campaign nothing happened worth recording. Fabius,

however, had considerably more trouble with his own men than with the enemy. He, the consul,

singlehanded, sustained the commonwealth, while his army through their hatred of the consul were doing

their best to betray it. For, besides all the other instances of his skill as a commander, which he had so

abundantly furnished in his preparation for the war and his conduct of it, he had so disposed his troops that he

routed the enemy by sending only his cavalry against them. The infantry refused to take up the pursuit; not

only were they deaf to the appeals of their hated general, but even the public disgrace and infamy which they

were bringing upon themselves at the moment, and the danger which would come if the enemy were to rally

were powerless to make them quicken their pace, or, failing that, even to keep their formation. Against orders

they retired, and with gloomy looksyou would suppose that they had been defeatedthey returned to camp,

cursing now their commander, now the work which the cavalry had done. Against this example of

demoralisation the general was unable to devise any remedy; to such an extent may men of commanding

ability be more deficient in the art of managing their own people than in that of conquering the enemy. The

consul returned to Rome, but he had not enhanced his military reputation so much as he had aggravated and

embittered the hatred of his soldiers towards him. The senate, however, succeeded in keeping the consulship

in the family of the Fabii; they made M. Fabius consul, Gnaeus Manlius was elected as his colleague.

This year also found a tribune advocating the Agrarian Law. It was Tiberius Pontificius. He adopted the same

course as Sp. Licinius and for a short time stopped the enrolment. The senate were again perturbed, but

Appius Claudius told them that the power of the tribunes had been overcome in the previous year, it was

actually so at the present moment, and the precedent thus set would govern the future, since it had been

discovered that its very strength was breaking it down. For there would never be wanting a tribune who

would be glad to triumph over his colleague and secure the favour of the better party for the good of the

State. If more were needed, more were ready to come to the assistance of the consuls, even one was

sufficient, against the rest. The consuls and leaders of the senate had only to take the trouble to secure, if not

all, at least some of the tribunes on the side of the commonwealth and the senate. The senators followed this

advice, and whilst, as a body, they treated the tribunes with courtesy and kindness, the men of consular rank,

in each private suit which they instituted, succeeded, partly by personal influence, partly by the authority their

rank gave them. in getting the tribunes to exert their power for the welfare of the State. Four of the tribunes

were opposed to the one who was a hindrance to the public good; by their aid the consuls raised the levy.

Then they set out for the campaign against Veii. Succours had reached this city from all parts of Etruria, not

so much out of regard for the Veientines as because hopes were entertained of the possible dissolution of the

Roman State through intestine discord. In the public assemblies throughout the cities of Etruria the chiefs

were loudly proclaiming that the Roman power would be eternal unless its citizens fell into the madness of

mutual strife. This, they said, had proved to be the one poison, the one bane in powerful states which made

great empires mortal. That mischief had been for a long time checked, partly by the wise policy of the senate,

partly by the forbearance of the plebs, but now things had reached extremities. The one State had been

severed into two, each with its own magistrates and its own laws. At first the enrolments were the cause of

the quarrel, but when actually on service the men obeyed their generals. As long as military discipline was

maintained the evil could be arrested, whatever the state of affairs in the City, but now the fashion of

disobedience to the magistrates was following the Roman soldier even into the camp. During the last war, in

the battle itself, at the crisis of the engagement, the victory was by the common action of the whole army

transferred to the vanquished Aequi, the standards were abandoned, the commander left alone on the field,

the troops returned against orders into camp. In fact, if matters were pressed, Rome could be vanquished

through her own soldiers, nothing else was needful than a declaration of war, a show of military activity, the

Anticipations like these had given the Etruscans fresh energy after their many vicissitudes of defeat and

victory. The Roman consuls, too, dreaded nothing but their own strength and their own arms. The

recollection of the fatal precedent set in the last war deterred them from any action whereby they would have

to fear a simultaneous attack from two armies. They confined themselves to their camp, and in face of the

double danger avoided an engagement, hoping that time and circumstances might perhaps calm the angry

passions and bring about a more healthy state of mind. The Veientines and Etruscans were all the more

energetic in forcing an engagement; they rode up to the camp and challenged the Romans to fight. At last, as

they produced no effect by the taunts and insults levelled at the army and consuls alike, they declared that the

consuls were using the pretext of internal dissensions to veil the cowardice of their men, they distrusted their

courage more than they doubted their loyalty. Silence and inactivity amongst men in arms was a novel kind

of sedition. They also made reflections, true as well as false, on the upstart quality of their nationality and

descent. They shouted all this out close up to the ramparts and gates of the camp. The consuls took it with

composure, but the simple soldiery were filled with indignation and shame, and their thoughts were diverted

from their domestic troubles. They were unwilling that the enemy should go on with impunity, they were

equally unwilling that the patricians and the consuls should win the day, hatred against the enemy and hatred

against their fellowcountrymen struggled in their minds for the mastery. At length the former prevailed, so

contemptuous and insolent did the mockery of the enemy become. They gathered in crowds round the

generals' quarters, they insisted upon fighting, they demanded the signal for action. The consuls put their

heads together as though deliberating, and remained for some time in conference. They were anxious to fight,

but their anxiety had to be repressed and concealed in order that the eagerness of the soldiers, once roused,

might be intensified by opposition and delay. They replied that matters were not ripe, the time for battle had

not come, they must remain within their camp. They then issued an order that there must be no fighting, any

one fighting against orders would be treated as an enemy. The soldiers, dismissed with this reply, became the

more eager for battle the less they thought the consuls wished for it. The enemy became much more

exasperating when it was known that the consuls had determined not to fight, they imagined that they could

now insult with impunity, that the soldiers were not entrusted with arms, matters would reach the stage of

mutiny, and the dominion of Rome had come to an end. In this confidence they ran up to the gates, flung

opprobrious epithets and hardly stopped short of storming the camp. Naturally the Romans could brook these

insults no longer, they ran from all parts of the camp to the consuls, they did not now prefer their demand

quietly through the first centurions as before, they shouted them in all directions. Matters were ripe, still the

consuls hung back. At last Cn. Manlius, fearing lest the increasing disturbance might lead to open mutiny,

gave way, and Fabius, after ordering the trumpets to command silence, addressed his colleague thus: "I know,

Cn. Manlius, that these men can conquer; it is their own fault that I did not know whether they wished to do

so. It has, therefore, been resolved and determined not to give the signal for battle unless they swear that they

will come out of this battle victorious. A Roman consul was once deceived by his soldiers, they cannot

deceive the gods." Amongst the centurions of the first rank who had demanded to be led to battle was M.

Flavoleius. "M. Fabius," he said, "I will come back from the battle victorious." He invoked the wrath of

Father Jupiter and Mars Gradivus and other deities if he broke his oath. The whole army took the oath, man

by man, after him. When they had sworn, the signal was given, they seized their weapons, and went into

action, furious with rage and confident of victory. They told the Etruscans to continue their insults, and

begged the enemy so ready with the tongue to stand up to them now they were armed. All, patricians and

plebeians alike, showed conspicuous courage on that day, the Fabian house especially covered itself with

glory. They determined in that battle to win back the affection of the plebs, which had been alienated through

The battleline was formed; neither the Veientines nor the legions of Etruria declined the contest. They were

almost certain that the Romans would no more fight with them than they fought with the Aequi, and they did

not despair of something still more serious happening, considering the state of irritation they were in and the

double opportunity which now presented itself. Things took a very different course, for in no previous war

had the Romans gone into action with more grim determination, so exasperated were they by the insults of

the enemy and the procrastination of the consuls. The Etruscans had scarcely time to form their ranks when,

after the javelins had in the first confusion been flung at random rather than thrown regularly, the combatants

came to a handtohand encounter with swords, the most desperate kind of fighting. Amongst the foremost

were the Fabii, who set a splendid example for their countrymen to behold. Quintus Fabiusthe one who had

been consul two years previouslycharged, regardless of danger, the massed Veientines, and whilst he was

engaged with vast numbers of the enemy, a Tuscan of vast strength and splendidly armed plunged his sword

into his breast, and as he drew it out Fabius fell forward on the wound. Both armies felt the fall of this one

man, and the Romans were beginning to give ground, when M. Fabius, the consul, sprang over the body as it

lay, and holding up his buckler, shouted, "Is this what you swore, soldiers, that you would go back to camp as

fugitives? Are you more afraid of this cowardly foe than of Jupiter and Mars, by whom you swore? I, who

did not swear, will either go back victorious, or will fall fighting by you, Quintus Fabius." Then Caeso

Fabius, the consul of the previous year, said to the consul, "Is it by words like these, my brother, that you

think you will make them fight? The gods, by whom they swore, will do that; our duty as chiefs, if we are to

be worthy of the Fabian name, is to kindle our soldiers' courage by fighting rather than haranguing." So the

two Fabii dashed forward with levelled spears, and carried the whole line with them.

Whilst the battle was restored in one direction, the consul Cn. Manlius was showing no less energy on the

other wing, where the fortunes of the day took a similar turn. For, like Q. Fabius on the other wing, the consul

Manlius was here driving the enemy before him and his soldiers were following up with great vigour, when

he was seriously wounded and retired from the front. Thinking that he was killed, they fell back, and would

have abandoned their ground had not the other consul ridden up at full gallop with some troops of cavalry,

and, crying out that his colleague was alive and that he had himself routed the other wing of the enemy,

succeeded in checking the retreat. Manlius also showed himself amongst them, to rally his men. The

wellknown voices of the two consuls gave the soldiers fresh courage. At the same time the enemies' line

was now weakened, for, trusting to their superiority in numbers, they had detached their reserves and sent

them to storm the camp. These met with but slight resistance, and whilst they were wasting time by thinking

more about plundering than about fighting, the Roman triarii, who had been unable to withstand the first

assault, despatched messengers to the consul to tell him the position of affairs, and then, retiring in close

order to the headquarters tent, renewed the fighting without waiting for orders. The consul Manlius had

ridden back to the camp and posted troops at all the gates to block the enemies' escape. The desperate

situation roused the Tuscans to madness rather than courage; they rushed in every direction where there

At last a compact body of young soldiers made an attack on the consul himself, conspicuous from his arms.

The first weapons were intercepted by those who stood round him, but the violence of the onset could not

long be withstood. The consul fell mortally wounded and all around him were scattered. The Tuscans were

encouraged, the Romans fled in panic through the length of the camp, and matters would have come to

extremities had not the members of the consul's staff hurriedly taken up his body and opened a way for the

enemy through one gate. They burst through it, and in a confused mass fell in with the other consul who had

won the battle; here they were again cut to pieces and scattered in all directions. A glorious victory was won,

though saddened by the death of two illustrious men. The senate decreed a triumph, but the consul replied

that if the army could celebrate a triumph without its commander, he would gladly allow them to do so in

return for their splendid service in the war. But as his family were in mourning for his brother, Quintus

Fabius, and the State had suffered partial bereavement through the loss of one of its consuls, he could not

accept laurels for himself which were blighted by public and private grief. The triumph he declined was more

brilliant than any actually celebrated, so much does glory laid by for the moment return sometimes with

added splendour. Afterwards he conducted the obsequies of his colleague and his brother, and pronounced the

funeral oration over each. The greatest share of the praise which he conceded to them rested upon himself. He

had not lost sight of the object which he set before him at the beginning of his consulship, the conciliation of

the plebs. To further this, he distributed amongst the patricians the care of the wounded. The Fabii took

charge of a large number, and nowhere was greater care showed them. From this time they began to be

popular; their popularity was won by no methods which were inconsistent with the welfare of the State.

Consequently the election of Caeso Fabius as consul, together with Titus Verginius, was welcomed by the

plebs as much as by the patricians. Now that there was a favourable prospect of concord, he subordinated all

military projects to the task of bringing the patricians and the plebs into union at the earliest possible

moment. At the beginning of his year of office he proposed that before any tribune came forward to advocate

the Agrarian Law, the senate should anticipate him by themselves undertaking what was their own work and

distributing the territory taken in war to the plebeians as fairly as possible. It was only right that those should

have it by whose sweat and blood it had been won. The patricians treated the proposal with scorn, some even

complained that the once energetic mind of Caeso was becoming wanton and enfeebled through the excess of

glory which he had won. There were no party struggles in the City. The Latins were being harassed by the

inroads of the Aequi. Caeso was despatched thither with an army, and crossed over into the territory of the

Aequi to ravage it. The Aequi withdrew into their towns and remained behind their walls. No battle of any

importance took place. But the rashness of the other consul incurred a defeat at the hands of the Veientines,

and it was only the arrival of Caeso Fabius with reinforcements that saved the army from destruction. From

that time there was neither peace nor war with the Veientines, whose methods closely resembled those of

brigands. They retired before the Roman legions into their city; then when they found that they were

withdrawn they made inroads on the fields, evading war by keeping quiet, and then making quiet impossible

by war. So the business could neither be dropped nor completed. Wars were threatening in other quarters

also; some seemed imminent as in the case of the Aequi and Volscians, who were only keeping quiet till the

effect of their recent defeat should pass away, whilst it was evident that the Sabines, perpetual enemies of

Rome, and the whole of Etruria would soon be in motion. But the Veientines, a persistent rather than a

formidable foe, created more irritation than alarm because it was never safe to neglect them or to turn the

attention elsewhere. Under these circumstances the Fabii came to the senate, and the consul, on behalf of his

house, spoke as follows: "As you are aware, senators, the Veientine war does not require a large force so

much as one constantly in the field. Let the other wars be your care, leave the Fabii to deal with the

Veientines. We will guarantee that the majesty of Rome shall be safe in that quarter. We propose to carry on

that war as a private war of our own at our own cost. Let the State be spared money and men there. "A very

hearty vote of thanks was passed; the consul left the House and returned home accompanied by the Fabii,

who had been standing in the vestibule awaiting the senate's decision. After receiving instructions to meet on

the morrow, fully armed, before the consul's house, they separated for their homes.

News of what had happened spread through the whole City, the Fabii were praised up to the skies; people

said, "One family had taken up the burden of the State, the Veientine war had become a private concern, a

private quarrel. If there were two houses of the same strength in the City, and the one claimed the Volscians

for themselves, the other the Aequi, then all the neighbouring states could be subjugated while Rome itself

remained in profound tranquillity." The next day the Fabii took their arms and assembled at the appointed

place. The consul, wearing his "paludamentum," went out into the vestibule and saw the whole of his house

drawn up in order of march. Taking his place in the centre, he gave the word of advance. Never has an army

marched through the City smaller in numbers or with a more brilliant reputation or more universally admired.

Three hundred and six soldiers, all patricians, all members of one house, not a single man of whom the senate

even in its palmiest days would deem unfitted for high command, went forth, threatening ruin to the

Veientines through the strength of a single family. They were followed by a crowd; made up partly of their

own relatives and friends, whose minds were not occupied with ordinary hope and anxiety, but filled with the

loftiest anticipations; partly of those who shared the public anxiety, and could not find words to express their

affection and admiration. "Go on," they cried, "you gallant band, go on, and may you be fortunate; bring back

results equal to this beginning, then look to us for consulships and triumphs and every possible reward." As

they passed the Citadel and the Capitol and other temples, their friends prayed to each deity, whose statue or

whose shrine they saw, that they would send that band with all favourable omens to success, and in a short

time restore them safe to their country and their kindred. In vain were those prayers sent up! They proceeded

on their illstarred way by the right postern of the Carmental gate, and reached the banks of the Cremera.

This seemed to them a suitable position for a fortified post. L. Aemilius and C. Servilius were the next

consuls. As long as it was only a question of forays and raids, the Fabii were quite strong enough not only to

protect their own fortified post, but, by patrolling both sides of the borderline between the Roman and

Tuscan territories, to make the whole district safe for themselves and dangerous for the enemy. There was a

brief interruption to these raids, when the Veientines, after summoning an army from Etruria, assaulted the

fortified post at the Cremera. The Roman legions were brought up by the consul L. Aemilius and fought a

regular engagement with the Etruscan troops. The Veientines, however, had not time to complete their

formation, and during the confusion, whilst the men were getting into line and the reserves were being

stationed, a squadron of Roman cavalry suddenly made a flank attack, and gave them no chance of

commencing a battle or even of standing their ground. They were driven back to their camp at the Saxa

Rubra, and sued for peace. They obtained it, but their natural inconstancy made them regret it before the

The conflicts between the Fabii and the State of Veii were resumed without any more extensive military

preparations than before. There were not only forays into each other's territories and surprise attacks upon the

forayers, but sometimes they fought regular engagements, and this single Roman house often won the victory

over what was at that time the most powerful city in Etruria. This was a bitter mortification to the Veientines,

and they were led by circumstances to adopt the plan of trapping their daring enemy in an ambuscade; they

were even glad that the numerous successes of the Fabii had increased their confidence. Accordingly they

drove herds of cattle, as if by accident, in the way of the foraying parties, the fields were abandoned by the

peasants, and the bodies of troops sent to repel the raiders fled in a panic more often assumed than genuine.

By this time the Fabii had conceived such a contempt for their foe as to be convinced that under no

circumstances of either time or place could their invincible arms be resisted. This presumption carried them

so far that at the sight of some distant cattle on the other side of the wide plain stretching from the camp they

ran down to secure them, although but few of the enemy were visible. Suspecting no danger and keeping no

order they passed the ambuscade which was set on each side of the road, and whilst they were scattered in

trying to catch the cattle, which in their fright were rushing wildly about, the enemy suddenly rose from their

concealment and attacked them on all sides. At first they were startled by the shouts round them, then javelins

fell on them from every direction. As the Etruscans closed round them, they were hemmed by a continuous

ring of men, and the more the enemy pressed upon them, the less the space in which they were forced to form

their evernarrowing square. This brought out strongly the contrast between their scanty numbers and the

host of Etruscans, whose ranks were multiplied through being narrowed. After a time they abandoned their

plan of presenting a front on all sides; facing in one direction they formed themselves into a wedge and by the

utmost exertion of sword and muscle forced a passage through. The road led up to gentle eminence, and here

they halted. When the higher ground gave them room to breathe freely and to recover from the feeling of

despair, they repelled those who mounted to the attack, and through the advantage of position the little band

were beginning to win the day, when some Veientines who had been sent round the hill emerged on the

summit. So the enemy again had the advantage. The Fabii were all cut down to a man, and their fort taken. It

is generally agreed that three hundred and six men perished, and that one only, an immature youth, was left as

a stock for the Fabian house to be Rome's greatest helper in her hour of danger both at home and in the field.

When this disaster occurred, C. Horatius and T. Menenius were consuls. Menenius was at once sent against

the Tuscans, flushed with their recent victory. Another unsuccessful action was fought, and the enemy took

possession of the Janiculum. The City, which was suffering from scarcity as well as from the war, would

have been investedfor the Etruscans had crossed the Tiberhad not the consul Horatius been recalled from

the Volsci. The fighting approached so near the walls that the first battle, an indecisive one, took place near

the temple of Spes, and the second at the Colline gate. In the latter, although the Romans gained only a slight

advantage, the soldiers recovered something of their old courage and were better prepared for future

campaigns. The next consuls were A. Verginius and Sp. Servilius. After their defeat in the last battle, the

Veientines declined an engagement. There were forays. From the Janiculum as from a citadel they made raids

in all directions on the Roman territory; nowhere were the cattle or the countryfolk safe. They were

ultimately caught by the same stratagem by which they had caught the Fabii. Some cattle were purposely

driven in different directions as a decoy; they followed them and fell into an ambuscade; and as their numbers

were greater, the slaughter was greater. Their rage at this defeat was the cause and commencement of a more

serious one. They crossed the Tiber by night and marched up to an attack on Servilius' camp, but were routed

with great loss, and with great difficulty reached the Janiculum. The consul himself forthwith crossed the

Tiber and entrenched himself at the foot of the Janiculum. The confidence inspired by his victory of the

previous day, but still more the scarcity of corn, made him decide upon an immediate but precipitate move.

He led his army at daybreak up the side of the Janiculum to the enemies' camp; but he met with a more

disastrous repulse than the one he had inflicted the day before. It was only by the intervention of his

colleague that he and his army were saved. The Etruscans, caught between the two armies, and retreating

from each alternately, were annihilated. So the Veientine war was brought to a sudden close by an act of

Together with peace, food came more freely into the City. Corn was brought from Campania, and as the fear

of future scarcity had disappeared, each individual brought out what he had hoarded. The result of ease and

plenty was fresh restlessness, and as the old evils no longer existed abroad, men began to look for them at

home. The tribunes began to poison the minds of the plebeians with the Agrarian Law and inflamed them

against the senators who resisted it, not only against the whole body, but individual members. Q. Considius

and T. Genucius, who were advocating the Law, appointed a day for the trial of T. Menenius. Popular feeling

was roused against him by the loss of the fort at the Cremera, since, as consul, he had his standing camp not

far from it. This crushed him, though the senators exerted themselves for him no less than they had done for

Coriolanus, and the popularity of his father Agrippa had not died away. The tribunes contented themselves

with a fine, though they had arraigned him on a capital charge; the amount was fixed at 2000 "ases." This

proved to be a deathsentence, for they say that he was unable to endure the disgrace and grief, and was

carried off by a fatal malady. Sp. Servilius was the next to be impeached. His prosecution, conducted by the

tribunes L. Caedicius and T. Statius, took place immediately after his year had expired, at the commencement

of the consulship of C. Nautius and P. Valerius. When the day of trial came, he did not, like Menenius, meet

the attacks of the tribunes by appeals for mercy, whether his own or those of the senators, he relied absolutely

on his innocence and personal influence. The charge against him was his conduct in the battle with the

Tuscans on the Janiculum; but the same courage which he then displayed, when the State was in danger, he

now displayed when his own life was in danger. Meeting charge by countercharge, he boldly laid upon the

tribunes and the whole of the plebs the guilt of the condemnation and death of T. Menenius; the son, he

reminded them, of the man through whose efforts the plebeians had been restored to their position in the

State, and were enjoying those very magistracies and laws which now allowed them to be cruel and

vindictive. By his boldness he dispelled the danger, and his colleague Verginius, who came forward as a

witness, assisted him by crediting him with some of his own services to the State. The thing that helped him

more, however, was the sentence passed on Menenius, so completely had the popular sentiment changed.

The domestic conflicts came to an end; war began again with the Veientines, with whom the Sabines had

formed an armed league. The Latin and Hernican auxiliaries were summoned, and the consul P. Valerius was

sent with an army to Veii. He at once attacked the Sabine camp, which was situated in front of the walls of

their allies, and created such confusion that while small bodies of the defenders were making sorties in

various directions to repel the attack, the gate against which the assault had been first made was forced, and

once inside the rampart it became a massacre rather than a battle. The noise in the camp penetrated even to

the city, and the Veientines flew to arms, in a state of as great alarm as if Veii itself was taken. Some went to

the help of the Sabines, others attacked the Romans, who were wholly occupied with their assault on the

camp. For a few moments they were checked and thrown into confusion; then, forming front in both

directions, they offered a steady resistance while the cavalry whom the consul had ordered to charge routed

the Tuscans and put them to flight. In the same hour, two armies, the two most powerful of the neighbouring

states, were overcome. Whilst this was going on at Veii, the Volscians and Aequi had encamped in the Latin

territory and were ravaging their borders. The Latins, in conjunction with the Hernici, drove them out of their

camp without either a Roman general or Roman troops. They recovered their own property and obtained

immense booty in addition. Nevertheless, the consul C. Nautius was sent from Rome against the Volscians.

They did not approve, I think, of the custom of allies carrying on war in their own strength and on their own

methods, without any Roman general or army. There was no kind of injury or insult that was not practiced

against the Volscians; they could not, however, be driven to fight a regular battle.

L. Furius and C. Manlius were the next consuls. The Veientines fell to Manlius as his province. There was no

war, however; a forty years' truce was granted on their request; they were ordered to furnish corn and pay for

the troops. Peace abroad was at once followed by discord at home. The tribunes employed the Agrarian Law

to goad the plebs into a state of dangerous excitement. The consuls, nowise intimidated by the condemnation

of Menenius or the danger in which Servilius had stood, resisted them with the utmost violence. On their

vacating office the tribune Genucius impeached them. They were succeeded by L. Aemilius and Opiter

Verginius. I find in some annals Vopiscus Julius instead of Verginius. Whoever the consuls were, it was in

this year that Furius and Manlius, who were to be tried before the people, went about in mourning garb

amongst the younger members of the senate quite as much as amongst the plebs. They urged them to keep

clear of the high offices of State and the administration of affairs, and to regard the consular "fasces," the

"praetexta," and the curule chair as nothing but the pomp of death, for when invested with these insignia they

were like victims adorned for sacrifice. If the consulship possessed such attractions for them, they must

clearly understand that this office had been captured and crushed by the tribunician power; the consul had to

do everything at the beck and call of the tribune just as if he were his apparitor. If he took an active line, if he

showed any regard for the patricians, if he thought that anything besides the plebs formed part of the

commonwealth, he should keep before his eyes the banishment of Cn. Marcius, the condemnation and death

of Menenius. Fired by these appeals the senators held meetings not in the Senatehouse but in private, only a

few being invited. As the one point on which they were agreed was that the two who were impeached were to

be rescued, by lawful or unlawful means, the most desperate plan was the most acceptable, and men were

found who advocated the most daring crime. Accordingly, on the day of the trial, whilst the plebs were

standing in the Forum on the tiptoe of expectation, they were surprised that the tribune did not come down to

them. Further delay made them suspicious; they believed that he had been intimidated by the leaders of the

senate, and they complained that the cause of the people had been abandoned and betrayed. At last some who

had been waiting in the vestibule of the tribune's house sent word that he had been found dead in his house.

As this news spread throughout the assembly, they at once dispersed in all directions, like a routed army that

has lost its general. The tribunes especially were alarmed, for they were warned by their colleague's death

how absolutely ineffective the Sacred Laws were for their protection. The patricians, on the other hand,

showed extravagant delight; so far was any one of them from regretting the crime, that even those who had

taken no part in it were anxious to appear as though they had, and it was openly asserted that the tribunitian

Whilst the impression produced by this frightful instance of triumphant crime was still fresh, orders were

issued for a levy, and as the tribunes were thoroughly intimidated, the consuls carried it out without any

interruption from them. But now the plebeians were more angry at the silence of the tribunes than at the

exercise of authority on the part of the consuls. They said that it was all over with their liberty, they had gone

back to the old state of things, the tribunitian power was dead and buried with Genucius. Some other method

must be thought out and adopted by which they could resist the patricians, and the only possible course was

for the commons to defend themselves, as they had no other help. Fourandtwenty lictors attended on the

consuls, and these very men were drawn from the plebs. Nothing was more contemptible and feeble than they

were, if there were any that would treat them with contempt, but every one imagined them to be great and

awful things. After they had excited one another by these speeches, Volero Publilius, a plebeian, said that he

ought not to be made a common soldier after serving as a centurion. The consuls sent a lictor to him. Volero

appealed to the tribunes. None came to his assistance, so the consuls ordered him to be stripped and the rods

got ready. "I appeal to the people," he said, "since the tribunes would rather see a Roman citizen scourged

before their eyes than be murdered in their beds by you." The more excitedly he called out, the more violently

did the lictor tear off his toga, to strip him. Then Volero, himself a man of unusual strength, and helped by

those to whom he called, drove the lictor off, and amidst the indignant remonstrances of his supporters,

retreated into the thickest part of the crowd, crying out, "I appeal to the plebs for protection. Help,

fellowcitizens! help, fellowsoldiers! You have nothing to expect from the tribunes; they themselves need

your aid." The men, greatly excited, got ready as if for battle, and a most critical struggle was evidently

impending, where no one would show the slightest respect for either public or private rights. The consuls

tried to check the fury of the storm, but they soon found that there is little safety for authority without

strength. The lictors were mobbed, the fasces broken, and the consuls driven from the Forum into the

Senatehouse, uncertain how far Volero would push his victory. As the tumult was subsiding they ordered

the senate to be convened, and when it was assembled they complained of the outrage done to them, the

violence of the plebeians, the audacious insolence of Volero. After many violent speeches had been made, the

opinion of the older senators prevailed; they disapproved of the intemperance of the plebs being met by angry

Volero was now in high favour with the plebs, and they made him a tribune at the next election. Lucius

Pinarius and P. Furius were the consuls for that year. Everybody supposed that Volero would use all the

power of his tribuneship to harass the consuls of the preceding year. On the contrary, he subordinated his

private grievances to the interests of the State, and without uttering a single word which could reflect on the

consuls, he proposed to the people a measure providing that the magistrates of the plebs should be elected by

the Assembly of the Tribes. At first sight this measure appeared to be of a very harmless description, but it

would deprive the patricians of all power of electing through their clients' votes those whom they wanted as

tribunes. It was most welcome to the plebeians, but the patricians resisted it to the utmost. They were unable

to secure the one effectual means of resistance, namely, inducing one of the tribunes, through the influence of

the consuls or the leading patricians, to interpose his veto. The weight and importance of the question led to

protracted controversy throughout the year. The plebs reelected Volero. The patricians, feeling that the

question was rapidly approaching a crisis, appointed Appius Claudius, the son of Appius, who, ever since his

father's contests with them, had been hated by them and cordially hated them in return. From the very

commencement of the year the Law took precedence of all other matters. Volero had been the first to bring it

forward, but his colleague, Laetorius, though a later, was a still more energetic supporter of it. He had won an

immense reputation in war, for no man was a better fighter, and this made him a stronger opponent. Volero in

his speeches confined himself strictly to discussing the Law and abstained from all abuse of the consuls. But

Laetorius began by accusing Appius and his family of tyranny and cruelty towards the plebs; he said it was

not a consul who had been elected, but an executioner, to harass and torture the plebeians. The untrained

tongue of the soldier was unable to express the freedom of his sentiments; as words failed him, he said, "I

cannot speak so easily as I can prove the truth of what I have said; come here tomorrow, I will either perish

Next day the tribunes took their places on the "templum," the consuls and the nobility stood about in the

Assembly to prevent the passage of the Law. Laetorius gave orders for all, except actual voters, to withdraw.

The young patricians kept their places and paid no attention to the tribune's officer, whereupon Laetorius

ordered some of them to be arrested. Appius insisted that the tribunes had no jurisdiction over any but

plebeians, they were not magistrates of the whole people, but only of the plebs; even he himself could not,

according to the usage of their ancestors, remove any man by virtue of his authority, for the formula ran, "If it

seems good to you, Quirites, depart! "By making contemptuous remarks about his jurisdiction, he was easily

able to disconcert Laetorius. The tribune, in a burning rage, sent his officer to the consul, the consul sent a

lictor to the tribune, exclaiming that he was a private citizen without any magisterial authority. The tribune

would have been treated with indignity had not the whole Assembly risen angrily to defend the tribune

against the consul, whilst people rushed from all parts of the City in excited crowds to the Forum. Appius

braved the storm with inflexible determination, and the conflict would have ended in bloodshed had not the

other consul, Quinctius, entrusted the consulars with the duty of removing, by force if necessary, his

colleague from the Forum. He entreated the furious plebeians to be calm, and implored the tribunes to dismiss

the Assembly; they should give their passions time to cool, delay would not deprive them of their power, but

would add prudence to their strength; the senate would submit to the authority of the people, and the consuls

With difficulty Quinctius succeeded in quieting the plebeians; the senators had much greater difficulty in

pacifying Appius. At length the Assembly was dismissed and the consuls held a meeting of the senate. Very

divergent opinions were expressed according as the emotions of fear or anger predominated, but the longer

the interval during which they were called away from impulsive action to calm deliberation, the more averse

did they become to a prolongation of the conflict; so much so, indeed, that they passed a vote of thanks to

Quinctius for having through his exertions allayed the disturbance. Appius was called upon to consent to the

consular authority being so far limited as to be compatible with a harmonious commonwealth. It was urged

that whilst the tribunes and the consuls each tried to bring everything under their respective authority, there

was no basis for common action; the State was torn in two, and the one thing aimed at was, who should be its

rulers, not how could its security be preserved. Appius, on the other hand, called gods and men to witness that

the State was being betrayed and abandoned through fear; it was not the consul who was failing the senate,

the senate was failing the consul; worse conditions were being submitted to than those which had been

accepted on the Sacred Hill. However, he was overborne by the unanimous feeling of the senate and became

quiet. The Law was passed in silence. Then for the first time the tribunes were elected by the Assembly of the

Tribes. According to Piso three were added, as though there had only been two before. He gives their names

During the disturbances in Rome, the war with the Volscians and Aequi broke out afresh. They had laid

waste the fields, in order that if there were a secession of the plebs they might find refuge with them. When

quiet had been restored they moved their camp further away. Appius Claudius was sent against the Volscians,

the Aequi were left for Quinctius to deal with. Appius displayed the same savage temper in the field that he

had shown at home, only it was more unrestrained because he was not now fettered by the tribunes. He hated

the commons with a more intense hatred than his father had felt, for they had got the better of him and had

carried their Law though he had been elected consul as being the one man who could thwart the tribunitian

powera Law, too, which former consuls, from whom the senate expected less than from him, had obstructed

with less trouble. Anger and indignation at all this goaded his imperious nature into harassing his army by

ruthless discipline. No violent measures, however, could subdue them, such was the spirit of opposition with

which they were filled. They did everything in a perfunctory, leisurely, careless, defiant way; no feeling of

shame or fear restrained them. If he wished the column to move more quickly they deliberately marched

more slowly, if he came up to urge them on in their work they all relaxed the energy they had been previously

exerting of their own accord; in his presence they cast their eyes down to the ground, when he passed by they

silently cursed him, so that the courage which had not quailed before the hatred of the plebs was sometimes

shaken. After vainly employing harsh measures of every kind, he abstained from any further intercourse with

his soldiers, said that the army had been corrupted by the centurions, and sometimes called them, in jeering

None of this escaped the notice of the Veientines, and they pressed on more vigorously in the hope that the

Roman army would show the same spirit of disaffection towards Appius which it had shown towards Fabius.

But it was much more violent towards Appius than it had been towards Fabius, for the soldiers not only

refused to conquer, like the army of Fabius, but they wished to be conquered. When led into action they

broke into a disgraceful flight and made for their camp, and offered no resistance till they saw the Volscians

actually attacking their entrenchments and doing frightful execution in their rear. Then they were compelled

to fight, in order that the victorious enemy might be dislodged from their rampart; it was, however, quite

evident that the Roman soldiers only fought to prevent the capture of the camp; otherwise they rejoiced in

their ignominious defeat. Appius' determination was in no way weakened by this, but when he was

meditating more severe measures and ordering an assembly of his troops, the officers of his staff and the

military tribunes gathered round him and warned him on no account to try how far he could stretch his

authority, for its force wholly depended upon the free consent of those who obeyed it. They said that the

soldiers as a body refused to come to the assembly, and demands were heard on all sides for the camp to be

removed from the Volscian territory; only a short time before the victorious enemy had all but forced his way

into the camp. There were not only suspicions of a serious mutiny, the evidence was before their eyes.

Appius yielded at last to their remonstrances. He knew that they would gain nothing but a delay of

punishment, and consented to forego the assembly. Orders were issued for an advance on the morrow, and

the trumpet gave the signal for starting at dawn. When the army had got clear of the camp and was forming in

marching order, the Volscians, aroused, apparently, by the same signal, fell upon the rear. The confusion thus

created extended to the leading ranks, and set up such a panic in the whole army that it was impossible for

either orders to be heard or a fighting line to be formed. No one thought of anything but flight. They made

their way over heaps of bodies and arms in such wild haste that the enemy gave up the pursuit before the

Romans abandoned their flight. At last, after the consul had vainly endeavoured to follow up and rally his

men, the scattered troops were gradually got together again, and he fixed his camp on territory undisturbed by

war. He called up the men for an assembly, and after inveighing, with perfect justice, against an army which

had been false to military discipline and had deserted its standards, he asked them individually where the

standards were, where their arms were. The soldiers who had thrown away their arms, the standardbearers

who had lost their standards, and in addition to these the centurions and duplicarii who had deserted their

ranks, he ordered to be scourged and beheaded. Of the rank and file every tenth man was drawn by lot for

Just the opposite state of things prevailed in the army campaigning amongst the Aequi, where the consul and

his soldiers vied with each other in acts of kindness and comradeship. Quinctius was naturally milder, and the

unfortunate severity of his colleague made him all the more inclined to follow the bent of his gentle

disposition. The Aequi did not venture to meet an army where such harmony prevailed between the general

and his men, and they allowed their enemy to ravage their territory in all directions. In no previous war had

plunder been gathered from a wider area. The whole of it was given to the soldiers, and with it those words of

praise which, no less than material rewards, delight the soldier's heart. The army returned home on better

terms with their general, and through him with the patricians; they said that whilst the senate had given them

a father it had given the other army a tyrant. The year, which had been passed in varying fortunes of war and

furious dissensions both at home and abroad, was chiefly memorable for the Assembly of Tribes, which were

important rather for the victory won in a prolonged contest than for any real advantage gained. For through

the withdrawal of the patricians from their council the Assembly lost more in dignity than either the plebs

L. Valerius and T. Aemilius were consuls for the next year, which was a still stormier one, owing, in the first

place to the struggle between the two orders over the Agrarian Law, and secondly to the prosecution of

Appius Claudius. He was impeached by the tribunes, M. Duellius and Cn. Siccius, on the ground of his

determined opposition to the Law, and also because he defended the cause of the occupiers of the public land,

as if he were a third consul. Never before had any one been brought to trial before the people whom the plebs

so thoroughly detested, both on his own and his father's account. For hardly any one had the patricians

exerted themselves more than for him whom they regarded as the champion of the senate and the vindicator

of its authority, the stout bulwark against disturbances of tribunes or plebs, and now saw exposed to the rage

of the plebeians simply for having gone too far in the struggle. Appius Claudius himself, alone of all the

patricians, looked upon the tribunes, the plebs, and his own trial as of no account. Neither the threats of the

plebeians nor the entreaties of the senate could induce himI will not say to change his attire and accost men

as a suppliant, buteven to soften and subdue to some extent his wonted asperity of language when he had to

make his defence before the people. There was the same expression, the same defiant look, the same proud

tones of speech, so that a large number of the plebeians were no less afraid of Appius on his trial than they

had been when he was consul. He only spoke in his defence once, but in the same aggressive tone that he

always adopted, and his firmness so dumbfounded the tribunes and the plebs, that they adjourned the case of

their own accord, and then allowed it to drag on. There was not a very long interval, however. Before the date

of the adjourned trial arrived he was carried off by illness. The tribunes tried to prevent any funeral oration

being pronounced over him, but the plebeians would not allow the obsequies of so great a man to be robbed

of the customary honours. They listened to the panegyric of the dead as attentively as they had listened to the

In the same year the consul Valerius advanced with an army against the Aequi, but failing to draw the enemy

into an engagement he commenced an attack on their camp. A terrible storm, sent down from heaven, of

thunder and hail prevented him from continuing the attack. The surprise was heightened when, after the

retreat had been sounded, calm and bright weather returned. He felt that it would be an act of impiety to

attack a second time a camp defended by some divine power. His warlike energies were turned to the

devastation of the country. The other consul, Aemilius, conducted a campaign amongst the Sabines. There,

too, as the enemy kept behind their walls, their fields were laid waste. The burning not only of scattered

homesteads but also of villages with numerous populations roused the Sabines to action. They met the

depredators, an indecisive action was fought, after which they moved their camp into a safer locality. The

consul thought this a sufficient reason for leaving the enemy as though defeated, and coming away without

T. Numicius Priscus and A. Verginius were the new consuls. The domestic disturbance continued through

these wars, and the plebeians were evidently not going to tolerate any further delay with regard to the

Agrarian Law, and were preparing for extreme measures, when the smoke of burning farms and the flight of

the country folk announced the approach of the Volscians. This checked the revolution which was now ripe

and on the point of breaking out. The senate was hastily summoned, and the consuls led the men liable for

active service out to the war, thereby making the rest of the plebs more peaceably disposed. The enemy

retired precipitately, having effected nothing beyond filling the Romans with groundless fears. Numicius

advanced against the Volscians to Antium, Verginius against the Aequi. Here he was ambushed and narrowly

escaped a serious defeat; the valour of the soldiers restored the fortunes of the day, which the consul's

negligence had imperilled. More skilful generalship was shown against the Volscians; the enemy were routed

in the first engagement and driven in flight to Antium, which was, for those days, a very wealthy city. The

consul did not venture to attack it, but he took Caeno from the Antiates, not by any means so wealthy a place.

Whilst the Aequi and Volscians were keeping the Roman armies engaged, the Sabines extended their ravages

up to the gates of the City. In a few days the consuls invaded their territory, and, attacked fiercely by both

Towards the close of the year there was a short interval of peace, but, as usual, it was marred by the struggle

between the patricians and the plebeians. The plebs, in their exasperation, refused to take any part in the

election of consuls; T. Quinctius and Q. Servilius were elected consuls by the patricians and their clients.

They had a year similar to the previous one: agitation during the first part, then the calming of this by foreign

war. The Sabines hurriedly traversed the plains of Crustumerium, and carried fire and sword into the district

watered by the Anio, but were repulsed when almost close to the Colline gate and the walls of the City. They

succeeded, however, in carrying off immense spoil both in men and cattle. The consul Servilius followed

them up with an army bent on revenge, and though unable to come up with their main body in the open

country, he carried on his ravages on such an extensive scale that he left no part unmolested by war, and

returned with spoil many times greater than that of the enemy. Amongst the Volscians also the cause of Rome

was splendidly upheld by the exertions of general and soldiers alike. To begin with, they met on level ground

and a pitched battle was fought with immense losses on both sides in killed and wounded. The Romans,

whose paucity of numbers made them more sensible of their loss, would have retreated had not the consul

called out that the enemy on the other wing were in flight, and by this welltimed falsehood roused the army

to fresh effort. They made a charge and converted a supposed victory into a real one. The consul, fearing lest

by pressing the attack too far he might force a renewal of the combat, gave the signal for retiring. For the next

few days both sides kept quiet, as though there were a tacit understanding. During this interval, an immense

body of men from all the Volscian and Aequian cities came into camp, fully expecting that when the Romans

heard of their arrival they would make a nocturnal retreat. Accordingly, about the third watch they moved out

to attack the camp. After allaying the confusion caused by the sudden alarm, Quinctius ordered the soldiers to

remain quietly in their quarters, marched out a cohort of Hernicans to the outposts, mounted the buglers and

trumpeters on horseback, and ordered them to sound their calls and keep the enemy on the alert till dawn. For

the remainder of the night all was so quiet in the camp that the Romans even enjoyed ample sleep. The sight

of the armed infantry whom the Volscians took to be Romans and more numerous than they really were, the

noise and neighing of the horses, restless under their inexperienced riders and excited by the sound of the

At daybreak the Romans, fresh from their undisturbed sleep, were led into action, and at the first charge

broke the Volscians, worn out as they were with standing and want of sleep. It was, however, a retreat rather

than a rout, for in their rear there were hills to which all behind the front ranks safely retired. When they

reached the rising ground, the consul halted his army. The soldiers were with difficulty restrained, they

clamoured to be allowed to follow up the beaten foe. The cavalry were much more insistent, they crowded

round the general and loudly declared that they would go on in advance of the infantry. While the consul,

sure of the courage of his men, but not reassured as to the nature of the ground, was still hesitating, they

shouted that they would go on, and followed up their shouts by making an advance. Fixing their spears in the

ground that they might be more lightly equipped for the ascent, they went up at a run. The Volscians hurled

their javelins at the first onset, and then flung the stones lying at their feet upon the enemy as they came up.

Many were hit, and through the disorder thus created they were forced back from the higher ground. In this

way the Roman left wing was nearly overwhelmed, but through the reproaches which the consul cast upon

his retreating men for their rashness as well as their cowardice, he made their fear give way to the sense of

shame. At first they stood and offered a firm resistance, then when by holding their ground they had

recovered their energies they ventured upon an advance. With a renewed shout the whole line went forward,

and pressing on in a second charge they surmounted the difficulties of the ascent, and were just on the point

of reaching the summit when the enemy turned and fled. With a wild rush, pursuers and fugitives almost in

one mass dashed into the camp, which was taken. Those of the Volscians who succeeded in escaping made

for Antium; thither the Roman army was led. After a few days' investment the place was surrendered, not

owing to any unusual efforts on the part of the besiegers, but simply because after the unsuccessful battle and

For the year following the capture of Antium, Titus Aemilius and Quinctius Fabius were made consuls. This

was the Fabius who was the sole survivor of the extinction of his house at the Cremera. Aemilius had already

in his former consulship advocated the grant of land to the plebeians. As he was now consul for the second

time, the agrarian party entertained hopes that the Law would be carried out; the tribunes took the matter up

in the firm expectation that after so many attempts they would gain their cause now that one consul, at all

events, was supporting them; the consul's views on the question remained unchanged. Those in occupation of

the land the majority of the patricianscomplained that the head of the State was adopting the methods of

the tribunes and making himself popular by giving away other people's property, and in this way they shifted

all the odium from the tribunes on to the consul. There was every prospect of a serious contest, had not

Fabius smoothed matters by a suggestion acceptable to both sides, namely, that as there was a considerable

quantity of land which had been taken from the Volscians the previous year, under the auspicious generalship

of T. Quinctius, a colony might be settled at Antium, which, as a seaport town, and at no great distance from

Rome, was a suitable city for the purpose. This would allow the plebeians to enter on public land without any

injustice to those in occupation, and so harmony would be restored to the State. This suggestion was adopted.

He appointed as the three commissioners for the distribution of the land, T. Quinctius, A. Verginius,. and P.

Furius. Those who wished to receive a grant were ordered to give in their names. As usual, abundance

produced disgust, and so few gave in their names that the number was made up by the addition of Volscians

as colonists. The rest of the people preferred to ask for land at Rome rather than accept it elsewhere. The

Aequi sought for peace from Q. Fabius, who had marched against them, but they broke it by a sudden

In the following year, Q. Serviliusfor he was consul with Sp. Postumius was sent against the Aequi, and

fixed his entrenched camp on Latin territory. His army was attacked by an epidemic and compelled to remain

inactive. The war was protracted into the third year, when Quinctius Fabius and T. Quinctius were the

consuls. As Fabius after his victory had granted peace to the Aequi, they were by special edict assigned to

him as his sphere of operation. He set out in the firm belief that the renown of his name would dispose them

to peace; accordingly he sent envoys to their national council who were instructed to carry a message from Q.

Fabius the consul to the effect that as he had brought peace from the Aequi to Rome, so now he was bringing

war from Rome to the Aequi, with the same right hand, now armed, which he had formerly given to them as a

pledge of peace. The gods were now the witnesses and would soon be the avengers of those through whose

perfidy and perjury this had come about. In any case, however, he would rather that the Aequi should repent

of their own accord than suffer at the hands of an enemy; if they did repent they could safely throw

themselves on the clemency they had already experienced, but if they found pleasure in perjuring themselves,

These words, however, had so little effect that the envoys barely escaped maltreatment, and an army was

despatched to Mount Algidus against the Romans. On this being reported at Rome, feelings of indignation

rather than apprehension of danger hurried the other consul out of the City. So two armies under the

command of both consuls advanced against the enemy in battle formation, to bring about an immediate

engagement. But, as it happened, not much daylight remained, and a soldier called out from the enemies'

outposts: "This, Romans, is making a display of war, not waging it. You form your line when night is at hand;

we need more daylight for the coming battle. When tomorrow's sun is rising, get into line again. There will be

an ample opportunity of fighting, do not fear! "Smarting under these taunts the soldiers were marched back

into camp, to wait for the next day. They thought the coming night a long one, as it delayed the contest; after

returning to camp they refreshed themselves with food and sleep. When the next day dawned the Roman line

was formed some time before that of the enemy. At length the Aequi advanced. The fighting was fierce on

both sides; the Romans fought in an angry and bitter temper; the Aequi, conscious of the danger in which

their misdoing had involved them, and hopeless of ever being trusted in the future, were compelled to make a

desperate and final effort. They did not, however, hold their ground against the Roman army, but were

defeated and forced to retire within their frontiers. The spirit of the rank and file of the army was unbroken

and not a whit more inclined to peace. They censured their generals because they staked all on one pitched

battle, a mode of fighting in which the Romans excelled, whereas the Aequi, they said, were better at

destructive forays and raids; numerous bands acting in all directions would be more successful than if massed

Accordingly, leaving a detachment to guard the camp, they sallied forth, and made such devastating forays in

the Roman territory that the terror they caused extended even to the City. The alarm was all the greater

because such proceedings were quite unexpected. For nothing was less to be feared than that an enemy who

had been defeated and almost surrounded in his camp should think of predatory incursions, whilst the

panicstricken country people, pouring in at the gates and exaggerating everything in their wild alarm,

exclaimed that they were not mere raids or small bodies of plunderers, entire armies of the enemy were near,

preparing to swoop down on the City in force. Those who were nearest carried what they heard to others, and

the vague rumours became still more exaggerated and false. The running and clamour of men shouting "To

arms!" created nearly as great a panic as though the City was actually taken. Fortunately the consul Quinctius

had returned to Rome from Algidus. This relieved their fears, and after allaying the excitement and rebuking

them for being afraid of a defeated enemy, he stationed troops to guard the gates. The senate was then

convened, and on their authority he proclaimed a suspension of all business; after which he set out to protect

the frontier, leaving Q. Servilius as prefect of the City. He did not, however, find the enemy. The other consul

achieved a brilliant success. He ascertained by what routes the parties of the enemy would come, attacked

each while laden with plunder and therefore hampered in their movements, and made their plundering

expeditions fatal to them. Few of the enemy escaped, all the plunder was recovered. The consul's return put

an end to the suspension of business, which lasted four days. Then the census was made and the "lustrum "

closed by Quinctius. The numbers of the census are stated to have been one hundred and four thousand seven

hundred and fourteen, exclusive of widows and orphans. Nothing further of any importance occurred

amongst the Aequi. They withdrew into their towns and looked on passively at the rifling and burning of their

homesteads. After repeatedly marching through the length and breadth of the enemies' territory and carrying

destruction everywhere, the consul returned to Rome with immense glory and immense spoil.

The next consuls were A. Postumius Albus and Sp. Furius Fusus. Some writers call the Furii, Fusii. I mention

this in case any one should suppose that the different names denote different people. It was pretty certain that

one of the consuls would continue the war with the Aequi. They sent, accordingly, to the Volscians of Ecetra

for assistance. Such was the rivalry between them as to which should show the most inveterate enmity to

Rome, that the assistance was readily granted, and preparations for war were carried on with the utmost

energy. The Hernici became aware of what was going on and warned the Romans that Ecetra had revolted to

the Aequi. The colonists of Antium were also suspected, because on the capture of that town a large number

of the inhabitants had taken refuge with the Aequi, and they were the most efficient soldiers throughout the

war. When the Aequi were driven into their walled towns, this body was broken up and returned to Antium.

There they found the colonists already disaffected, and they succeeded in completely alienating them from

Rome. Before matters were ripe, information was laid before the senate that a revolt was in preparation, and

the consuls were instructed to summon the chiefs of the colony to Rome and question them as to what was

going on. They came without any hesitation, but after being introduced by the consuls to the senate, they gave

such unsatisfactory replies that heavier suspicion attached to them on their departure than on their arrival.

War was certain. Sp. Furius, the consul to whom the conduct of the war had been assigned, marched against

the Aequi and found them committing depredations in the territory of the Hernici. Ignorant of their strength,

because they were nowhere all in view at once, he rashly joined battle with inferior forces. At the first onset

he was defeated, and retired into his camp, but he was not out of danger there. For that night and the next day

the camp was surrounded and attacked with such vigour that not even a messenger could be despatched to

Rome. The news of the unsuccessful action and the investment of the consul and his army was brought by the

Hernici, and created such an alarm in the senate that they passed a decree in a form which has never been

used except under extreme emergencies They charged Postumius to "see that the commonwealth suffered no

hurt." It was thought best that the consul himself should remain in Rome to enrol all who could bear arms,

whilst T. Quinctius was sent as his representative to relieve the camp with an army furnished by the allies.

This force was to be made up of the Latins and the Hernici, whilst the colony at Antium was to supply

Numerous maneuvers and skirmishes took place during these days, because the enemy with his superior

numbers was able to attack the Romans from many points and so wear out their strength, as they were not

able to meet them everywhere. Whilst one part of their army attacked the camp, another was sent to devastate

the Roman territory, and, if a favourable opportunity arose, to make an attempt on the City itself. L. Valerius

was left to guard the City, the consul Postumius was sent to repel the raids on the frontier. No precaution was

omitted, no exertion spared; detachments were posted in the City, bodies of troops before the gates, veterans

manned the walls, and as a necessary measure in a time of such disturbance, a cessation of public business

was ordered for some days. In the camp, meanwhile, the consul Furius, after remaining inactive during the

first days of the siege, made a sortie from the "decuman" gate and surprised the enemy, and though he could

have pursued him, he refrained from doing so, fearing lest the camp might be attacked from the other side.

Furius, a staff officer and brother of the consul, was carried too far in the charge, and did not notice, in the

excitement of the pursuit, that his own men were returning and that the enemy were coming upon him from

behind. Finding himself cut off, after many fruitless attempts to cut his way back to camp, he fell fighting

desperately. The consul, hearing that his brother was surrounded, returned to the fight, and whilst he plunged

into the thick of the fray was wounded, and with difficulty rescued by those round him. This incident damped

the courage of his own men and raised that of the enemy, who were so inspirited by the death of a staff

officer and the wound of the consul that the Romans, who had been driven back to their camp and again

besieged, were no longer a match for them either in spirits or fighting strength. Their utmost efforts failed to

keep the enemy in check, and they would have been in extreme danger had not T. Quinctius come to their

assistance with foreign troops, an army composed of Latin and Hernican contingents. As the Aequi were

directing their whole attention to the Roman camp and exultingly displaying the staff officer's head he

attacked them in rear, whilst at a signal given by him a sortie was made simultaneously from the camp and a

Amongst the Aequi who were in the Roman territory there was less loss in killed and wounded, but they were

more effectually scattered in flight. Whilst they were dispersed over the country with their plunder,

Postumius attacked them at various points where he had posted detachments. Their army was thus broken up

into scattered bodies of fugitives, and in their flight they fell in with Quinctius, returning from his victory,

with the wounded consul. The consul's army fought a brilliant action and avenged the wounds of the consuls

and the slaughter of the staff officer and his cohorts. During those days great losses were inflicted and

sustained by both sides. In a matter of such antiquity it is difficult to make any trustworthy statement as to the

exact number of those who fought or those who fell. Valerius of Antium, however, ventures to give definite

totals. He puts the Romans who fell in Hernican territory at 5800, and the Antiates who were killed by A.

Postumius whilst raiding the Roman territory at 2400. The rest who fell in with Quinctius whilst carrying off

their plunder got off with nothing like so small a loss; he gives as the exact number of their killed, 4230. On

the return to Rome, the order for the cessation of all public business was revoked. The sky seemed to be all

on fire, and other portents were either actually seen, or people in their fright imagined that they saw them. To

avert these alarming omens, public intercessions were ordered for three days, during which all the temples

were filled with crowds of men and women imploring the protection of the gods. After this the Latin and

Hernican cohorts received the thanks of the senate for their services and were dismissed to their homes. The

thousand soldiers from Antium who had come after the battle, too late to help, were sent back almost with

Then the elections were held, and L. Aebutius and P. Servilius were chosen as consuls; they entered upon

office on August 1, which was then the commencement of the consular year. The season was a trying one,

and that year happened to be a pestilential one both for the City and the rural districts, for the flocks and

herds quite as much as for human beings. The violence of the epidemic was aggravated by the crowding into

the City of the country people and their cattle through fear of raids. This promiscuous collection of animals of

all kinds became offensive to the citizens, through the unaccustomed smell, and the country people, crowded

as they were into confined dwellings, were distressed by the oppressive heat which made it impossible to

sleep. Their being brought into contact with each other in ordinary intercourse helped to spread the disease.

Whilst they were hardly able to bear up under the pressure of this calamity, envoys from the Hernici

announced that the Aequi and Volscians had united their forces, had entrenched their camp within their

territory, and were ravaging their frontier with an immense army. The allies of Rome not only saw in the

thinlyattended senate an indication of the widespread suffering caused by the epidemic, but they had also to

carry back the melancholy reply that the Hernici must, in conjunction with the Latins, undertake their own

defence. Through a sudden visitation of the angry gods, the City of Rome was being ravaged by pestilence;

but if any respite from the evil should come, then she would send succour to her allies as she had done the

year before and on all previous occasions. The allies departed, carrying home in answer to the gloomy tidings

they had brought a still more gloomy response, for they had in their own strength to sustain a war which they

had hardly been equal to when supported by the power of Rome. The enemy no longer confined himself to

the country of the Hernici, he went on to destroy the fields of Rome, which were already lying waste without

having suffered the ravages of war. He met no one, not even an unarmed peasant, and after over running the

country, abandoned as it was by its defenders and even devoid of all cultivation, he reached the third

milestone from Rome on the Gabian road. Aebutius, the consul, was dead, his colleague Servilius was still

breathing, with little hope of recovery, most of the leading men were down, the majority of the senators,

nearly all the men of military age, so that not only was their strength unequal to an expeditionary force such

as the position of affairs required, but it hardly allowed of their mounting guard for home defence. The duty

of sentinel was discharged in person by those of the senators whose age and health allowed them to do so; the

aediles of the plebs were responsible for their inspection. On these magistrates had devolved the consular

The helpless commonwealth, deprived of its head and all its strength, was saved by its guardian deities and

the fortune of the City, who made the Volscians and Aequi think more of plunder than of their enemy. For

they had no hope of even approaching the walls of Rome, still less of effecting its capture. The distant view

of its houses and its hills, so far from alluring them repelled them. Everywhere throughout their camp angry

remonstrances arose: "Why were they idly wasting their time in a waste and deserted land amid

plaguestricken beasts and men while they could find places free from infection in the territory of Tusculum

with its abundant wealth?" They hastily plucked up their standards, and by crossmarches through the fields

of Labici they reached the hills of Tusculum. All the violence and storm of war was now turned in this

direction. Meantime the Hernici and Latins joined their forces and proceeded to Rome. They were actuated

by a feeling not only of pity but also of the disgrace they would incur if they had offered no opposition to

their common foe while he was advancing to attack Rome, or had brought no succour to those who were their

allies. Not finding the enemy there, they followed up their traces from the information supplied them, and

met them as they were descending from the hills of Tusculum into the valley of Alba. Here a very onesided

action was fought, and their fidelity to their allies met with little success for the time. The mortality in Rome

through the epidemic was not less than that of the allies through the sword. The surviving consul died;

amongst other illustrious victims were M. Valerius and T. Verginius Rutilus, the augurs, and Ser. Sulpicius,

the "Curio Maximus." Amongst the common people the violence of the epidemic made great ravage. The

senate, deprived of all human aid, bade the people betake themselves to prayers; they with their wives and

children were ordered to go as suppliants and entreat the gods to be gracious. Summoned by public authority

to do what each man's misery was constraining him to do, they crowded all the temples. Prostrate matrons,

sweeping with their dishevelled hair the temple floors, were everywhere imploring pardon from offended

Whether it was that the gods graciously answered prayer or that the unhealthy season had passed, people

gradually threw off the influence of the epidemic and the public health became more satisfactory. Attention

was once more turned to affairs of State, and after one or two interregna had expired, P. Valerius Publicola,

who had been interrex for two days, conducted the election of L. Lucretius Tricipitinus and T. Veturius

Geminusor Vetusiusas consuls. They entered office on August 11, and the State was now strong enough

not only to defend its frontiers, but to take the offensive. Consequently, when the Hernici announced that the

enemy had crossed their frontiers, help was promptly sent. Two consular armies were enrolled. Veturius was

sent to act against the Volsci, Tricipitinus had to protect the country of the allies from predatory incursions,

and did not advance beyond the Hernican frontier. In the first battle Veturius defeated and routed the enemy.

Whilst Lucretius lay encamped amongst the Hernici, a body of plunderers evaded him by marching over the

mountains of Praeneste, and descending into the plains devastated the fields of the Praenestines and Gabians,

and then turned off to the hills above Tusculum. Great alarm was felt in Rome, more from the surprising

rapidity of the movement than from insufficiency of strength to repel any attack. Quintus Fabius was prefect

of the City. By arming the younger men and manning the defences, he restored quiet and security

everywhere. The enemy did not venture to attack the City, but returned by a circuitous route with the plunder

they had secured from the neighbourhood. The greater their distance from the City the more carelessly they

marched, and in this state they fell in with the consul Lucretius, who had reconnoitred the route they were

taking and was in battle formation, eager to engage. As they were on the alert and ready for the enemy, the

Romans, though considerably fewer in numbers, routed and scattered the vast host, whom the unexpected

attack had thrown into confusion, drove them into the deep valleys and prevented their escape. The Volscian

nation was almost wiped out there. I find in some of the annals that 13,470 men fell in the battle and the

pursuit, and 1750 were taken prisoners, whilst twentyseven military standards were captured. Although

there may be some exaggeration, there certainly was a great slaughter. The consul, after securing enormous

booty, returned victorious to his camp. The two consuls then united their camps; the Volscians and Aequi

also concentrated their shattered forces. A third battle took place that year; again fortune gave the victory to

Matters at home drifted back to their old state; the successes in the war forthwith evoked disorders in the

City. Gaius Terentilius Harsa was a tribune of the plebs that year. Thinking that the absence of the consuls

afforded a good opportunity for tribunitian agitation, he spent several days in haranguing the plebeians on the

overbearing arrogance of the patricians. In particular he inveighed against the authority of the consuls as

excessive and intolerable in a free commonwealth, for whilst in name it was less invidious, in reality it was

almost more harsh and oppressive than that of the kings had been, for now, he said, they had two masters

instead of one, with uncontrolled, unlimited powers, who, with nothing to curb their licence, directed all the

threats and penalties of the laws against the plebeians. To prevent this unfettered tyranny from lasting for

ever, he said he would propose an enactment that a commission of five should be appointed to draw up in

writing the laws which regulated the power of the consuls. Whatever jurisdiction over themselves the people

gave the consul, that and that only was he to exercise; he was not to regard his own licence and caprice as

law. When this measure was promulgated, the patricians were apprehensive lest in the absence of the consuls

they might have to accept the yoke. A meeting of the senate was convened by Q. Fabius, the prefect of the

City. He made such a violent attack upon the proposed law and its author, that the threats and intimidation

could not have been greater even if the two consuls had been standing by the tribune, threatening his life. He

accused him of plotting treason, of seizing a favourable moment for compassing the ruin of the

commonwealth. "Had the gods," he continued, "given us a tribune like him last year, during the pestilence

and the war, nothing could have stopped him. After the death of the two consuls, whilst the State was lying

prostrate, he would have passed laws, amid the universal confusion, to deprive the commonwealth of the

power of the consuls, he would have led the Volscians and Aequi in an attack on the City. Why, surely it is

open to him to impeach the consuls for whatever tyranny or cruelty they may have been guilty of towards any

citizen, to bring them to trial before those very judges, one of whom had been their victim. His action was

makingnot the authority of the consuls, butthe power of the tribunes odious and intolerable, and after being

exercised peaceably and in harmony with the patricians, that power was now reverting to its old evil

practices." As to Terentilius, he would not dissuade him from continuing as he began. "As to you," said

Fabius, "the other tribunes, we beg you to reflect that in the first instance your power was conferred upon you

for the assistance of individual citizens, not for the ruin of all; you have been elected as the tribunes of the

plebs, not as the enemies of the patricians. To us it is distressing, to you it is a source of odium that the

commonwealth should be thus attacked while it is without its head. You will not impair your rights, but you

will lessen the odium felt against you if you arrange with your colleague to have the whole matter adjourned

till the arrival of the consuls. Even the Aequi and Volscians, after the consuls had been carried off by the

epidemic last year, did not harass us with a cruel and ruthless war." The tribunes came to an understanding

with Terentilius and the proceedings were ostensibly adjourned, but, as a matter of fact, abandoned. The

Lucretius returned with an immense amount of booty, and with a still more brilliant reputation. This prestige

he enhanced on his arrival by laying out all the booty in the Campus Martius for three days, that each person

might recognise and take away his own property. The rest, for which no owners appeared, was sold. By

universal consent a triumph was due to the consul, but the matter was delayed through the action of the

tribune, who was pressing his measure. The consul regarded this as the more important question. For some

days the subject was discussed both in the senate and the popular assembly. At last the tribune yielded to the

supreme authority of the consul and dropped his measure. Then the consul and his army received the honour

they deserved; at the head of his victorious legions he celebrated his triumph over the Volscians and Aequi.

The other consul was allowed to enter the City without his troops and enjoy an ovation. The following year

the new consuls, P. Volumnius and Ser. Sulpicius, were confronted by the proposed law of Terentilius, which

was now brought forward by the whole college of tribunes. During the year, the sky seemed to be on fire;

there was a great earthquake; an ox was believed to have spokenthe year before this rumour found no

credence. Amongst other portents it rained flesh, and an enormous number of birds are said to have seized it

while they were flying about; what fell to the ground lay about for several days without giving out any bad

smell. The Sibylline Books were consulted by the "duumviri," and a prediction was found of dangers which

would result from a gathering of aliens, attempts on the highest points of the City and consequent bloodshed.

Amongst other notices, there was a solemn warning to abstain from all seditious agitations. The tribunes

alleged that this was done to obstruct the passing of the Law, and a desperate conflict seemed imminent.

As though to show how events revolve in the same cycle year by year, the Hernici reported that the Volscians

and Aequi, in spite of their exhaustion, were equipping fresh armies. Antium was the centre of the movement;

the colonists of Antium were holding public meetings in Ecetra, the capital, and the main strength of the war.

On this information being laid before the senate, orders were given for a levy. The consuls were instructed to

divide the operations between them; the Volscians were to be the province of the one, the Aequi of the other.

The tribunes, even in face of the consuls, filled the Forum with their shouts declaring that the story of a

Volscian war was a prearranged comedy, the Hernici had been prepared beforehand for the part they were to

play; the liberties of the Roman were not being repressed by straightforward opposition, but were being

cunningly fooled away. It was impossible to persuade them that the Volscians and Aequi, after being almost

exterminated, could themselves commence hostilities; a new enemy, therefore, was being sought for; a

colony which had been a loyal neighbour was being covered with infamy. It was against the unoffending

people of Antium that war was declared; it was against the Roman plebs that war was really being waged.

After loading them with arms they would drive them in hot haste out of the City, and wreak their vengeance

on the tribunes by sentencing their fellowcitizens to banishment. By this meansthey might be quite

certainthe Law would be defeated; unless, while the question was still undecided, and they were still at

home, still unenrolled, they took steps to prevent their being ousted from their occupation of the City, and

forced under the yoke of servitude. If they showed courage, help would not be wanting, the tribunes were

unanimous. There was no cause for alarm, no danger from abroad. The gods had taken care, the previous

Thus far the tribunes. The consuls at the other end of the Forum, however, placed their chairs in full view of

the tribunes and proceeded with the levy. The tribunes ran to the spot, carrying the Assembly with them. A

few were cited, apparently as an experiment, and a tumult arose at once. As soon as any one was seized by

the consuls' orders, a tribune ordered him to be released. None of them confined himself to his legal rights;

trusting to their strength they were bent upon getting what they set their minds upon by main force. The

methods of the tribunes in preventing the enrolment were followed by the patricians in obstructing the Law,

which was brought forward every day that the Assembly met. The trouble began when the tribunes had

ordered the people to proceed to votethe patricians refused to withdraw. The older members of the order

were generally absent from proceedings which were certain not to be controlled by reason, but given over to

recklessness and licence; the consuls, too, for the most part kept away, lest in the general disorder the dignity

of their office might be exposed to insult. Caeso was a member of the Quinctian house, and his noble descent

and great bodily strength and stature made him a daring and intrepid young man. To these gifts of the gods he

added brilliant military qualities and eloquence as a public speaker, so that no one in the State was held to

surpass him either in speech or action. When he took his stand in the middle of a group of patricians,

conspicuous amongst them all, carrying as it were in his voice and personal strength all dictatorships and

consulships combined, he was the one to withstand the attacks of the tribunes and the storms of popular

indignation. Under his leadership the tribunes were often driven from the Forum, the plebeians routed and

chased away, anybody who stood in his way went off stripped and beaten. It became quite clear that if this

sort of thing were allowed to go on, the Law would be defeated. When the other tribunes were now almost in

despair, Aulus Verginius, one of the college, impeached Caeso on a capital charge. This procedure inflamed

more than it intimidated his violent temper; he opposed the Law and harassed the plebeians more fiercely

than ever, and declared regular war against the tribunes. His accuser allowed him to rush to his ruin and fan

the flame of popular hatred, and so supply fresh material for the charges to be brought against him. Meantime

he continued to press the Law, not so much in the hope of carrying it as in order to provoke Caeso to greater

recklessness. Many wild speeches and exploits of the younger patricians were fastened on Caeso to

strengthen the suspicions against him. Still the opposition to the Law was kept up. A. Verginius frequently

said to the plebeians, "Are you now aware, Quirites, that you cannot have the Law which you desire, and

Caeso as a citizen, together? Yet, why do I talk of the Law? He is a foe to liberty, he surpasses all the

Tarquins in tyranny. Wait till you see the man who now, in private station, acts the king in audacity and

violence wait till you see him made consul, or dictator." His words were endorsed by many who complained

of having been beaten, and the tribune was urged to bring the matter to a decision.

The day of trial was now at hand, and it was evident that men generally believed that their liberty depended

upon the condemnation of Caeso. At last, to his great indignation, he was constrained to approach individual

members of the plebs; he was followed by his friends, who were amongst the foremost men of the State. Titus

Quinctius Capitolinus, who had three times been consul, after recounting his own numerous distinctions and

those of his family, asserted that neither in the Quinctian house nor in the Roman State did there exist another

such example of personal merit and youthful courage. He had been the foremost soldier in his army; he had

often fought under his own eyes. Sp. Furius said that Caeso had been sent by Quinctius Capitolinus to his

assistance when in difficulties, and that no single person had done more to retrieve the fortunes of the day. L.

Lucretius, the consul of the previous year, in the splendour of his newlywon glory, associated Caeso with

his own claim to distinction, enumerated the actions in which he had taken part, recounted his brilliant

exploits on the march and in the field, and did his utmost to persuade them to retain as their own

fellowcitizen a young man furnished with every advantage that nature and fortune could give, who would be

an immense power in any state of which he became a member, rather than drive him to an alien people. As to

what had given such offence his hot temper and audacitythese faults were being continually lessened; what

was wanting in him prudencewas increasing day by day. As his faults were decaying and his virtues

maturing, they ought to allow such a man to live out his years in the commonwealth. Among those who

spoke for him was his father, L. Quinctius Cincinnatus. He did not go over all his merits again, for fear of

aggravating the feeling against him, but he pleaded for indulgence to the errors of youth; he himself had

never injured any one either by word or deed, and for his own sake he implored them to pardon his son. Some

refused to listen to his prayers, lest they should incur the displeasure of their friends; others complained of the

maltreatment they had received, and by their angry replies showed beforehand what their verdict would be.

Over and above the general exasperation, one charge in particular weighed heavily against him. M. Volscius

Fictor, who had some years previously been tribune of the plebs, had come forward to give evidence that not

long after the epidemic had visited the City, he had met some young men strolling in the Suburra. A quarrel

broke out and his elder brother, still weak from illness, was knocked down by a blow from Caeso's fist, and

carried home in a critical condition, and afterwards died, he believed, in consequence of the blow. He had not

been allowed by the consuls, during the years that had elapsed, to obtain legal redress for the outrage. Whilst

Volscius was telling this story in a loud tone of voice, so much excitement was created that Caeso was very

near losing his life at the hands of the people. Verginius ordered him to be arrested and taken to prison. The

patricians met violence by violence. T. Quinctius called out that when the day of trial has been fixed for any

one indicted on a capital charge and is near at hand, his personal liberty ought not to be interfered with before

the case is heard and sentence given. The tribune replied that he was not going to inflict punishment upon a

man not yet found guilty; but he should keep him in prison till the day of the trial, that the Roman people

might be in a position to punish one who has taken a man's life. The other tribunes were appealed to, and they

saved their prerogative by a compromise; they forbade him to be cast into prison, and announced as their

decision that the accused should appear in court, and if he failed to do so, he should forfeit a sum of money to

the people. The question was, what sum would it be fair to fix? The matter was referred to the senate, the

accused was detained in the Assembly whilst the senators were deliberating. They decided that he should give

sureties, and each surety was bound in 3000 "ases" It was left to the tribunes to decide how many should be

given; they fixed the number at ten. The prosecutor released the accused on that bail. Caeso was the first who

gave securities on a state trial. After leaving the Forum, he went the following night into exile amongst the

Tuscans. When the day for the trial came, it was pleaded in defence of his nonappearance that he had

changed his domicile by going into exile. Verginius, nevertheless, went on with the proceedings, but his

colleagues, to whom an appeal was made, dismissed the Assembly. The money was unmercifully extorted

from the father, who had to sell all his property and live for some time like a banished man in an

This trial and the discussions on the Law kept the State employed; there was a respite from foreign troubles.

The patricians were cowed by the banishment of Caeso, and the tribunes, having, as they thought, gained the

victory, regarded the Law as practically carried. As far as the senior senators were concerned, they abandoned

the control of public affairs, but the younger members of the order, mostly those who had been Caeso's

intimates, were more bitter than ever against the plebeians, and quite as aggressive. They made much more

progress by conducting the attack in a methodical manner. The first time that the Law was brought forward

after Caeso's flight they were organised in readiness, and on the tribunes furnishing them with a pretext, by

ordering them to withdraw, they attacked them with a huge army of clients in such a way that no single

individual could carry home any special share of either glory or odium. The plebeians complained that for

one Caeso thousands had sprung up. During the intervals when the tribunes were not agitating the Law,

nothing could be more quiet or peaceable than these same men; they accosted the plebeians affably, entered

into conversation with them, invited them to their houses, and when present in the Forum even allowed the

tribunes to bring all other questions forward without interrupting them. They were never disagreeable to any

one either in public or private, except when a discussion commenced on the Law; on all other occasions they

were friendly with the people. Not only did the tribunes get through all their other business quietly, but they

were even reelected for the following year, without any offensive remark being made, still less any violence

being offered. By gentle handling they gradually made the plebs tractable, and through these methods the

The new consuls, C. Claudius, the son of Appius, and P. Valerius Publicola, took over the State in a quieter

condition than usual. The new year brought nothing new. Political interest centered in the fate of the Law.

The more the younger senators ingratiated themselves with the plebeians, the fiercer became the opposition

of the tribunes. They tried to arouse suspicion against them by alleging that a conspiracy had been formed;

Caeso was in Rome, and plans were laid for the assassination of the tribunes and the wholesale massacre of

the plebeians, and further that the senior senators had assigned to the younger members of the order the task

of abolishing the tribunitian authority so that the political conditions might be the same as they were before

the occupation of the Sacred Hill. War with the Volscians and Aequi had become now a regular thing of

almost annual recurrence, and was looked forward to with apprehension. A fresh misfortune happened nearer

home. The political refugees and a number of slaves, some 2500 in all, under the leadership of Appius

Herdonius the Sabine, seized the Capitol and Citadel by night. Those who refused to join the conspirators

were instantly massacred, others in the confusion rushed in wild terror down to the Forum; various shouts

were heard: "To arms!" "The enemy is in the City." The consuls were afraid either to arm the plebeians or to

leave them without arms. Uncertain as to the nature of the trouble which had overtaken the City, whether it

was caused by citizens or by foreigners, whether due to the embittered feelings of the plebs or to the

treachery of slaves, they tried to allay the tumult, but their efforts only increased it; in their terrified and

distracted state the population could not be controlled. Arms were, however, distributed, not indiscriminately,

but only, as it was an unknown foe, to secure protection sufficient for all emergencies. The rest of the night

they spent in posting men in all the convenient situations in the City, while their uncertainty as to the nature

and numbers of the enemy kept them in anxious suspense. Daylight at length disclosed the enemy and their

leader. Appius Herdonius was calling from the Capitol to the slaves to win their liberty, saying that he had

espoused the cause of all the wretched in order to restore the exiles who had been wrongfully banished and

remove the heavy yoke from the necks of the slaves. He would rather that this be done at the bidding of the

Roman people, but if that were hopeless, he would run all risks and rouse the Volscians and Aequi.

The state of affairs became clearer to the senators and consuls. They were, however, apprehensive lest behind

these openly declared aims there should be some design of the Veientines or Sabines, and whilst there was

this large hostile force within the City the Etruscan and Sabine legions should appear, and then the Volscians

and Aequi, their standing foes, should come, not into their territory to ravage, but into the City itself, already

partly captured. Many and various were their fears. What they most dreaded was a rising of the slaves, when

every man would have an enemy in his own house, whom it would be alike unsafe to trust and not to trust,

since by withdrawing confidence he might be made a more determined enemy. Such threatening and

overwhelming dangers could only be surmounted by unity and concord, and no fears were felt as to the

tribunes or the plebs. That evil was mitigated, for as it only broke out when there was a respite from other

evils, it was believed to have subsided now in the dread of foreign aggression. Yet it, more than almost

anything else, helped to further depress the fortunes of the sinking State. For such madness seized the

tribunes that they maintained that it was not war but an empty phantom of war which had settled in the

Capitol, in order to divert the thoughts of the people from the Law. Those friends, they said, and clients of the

patricians would depart more silently than they had come if they found their noisy demonstration frustrated

by the passing of the Law. They then summoned the people to lay aside their arms and form an Assembly for

the purpose of carrying the Law. Meantime the consuls, more alarmed at the action of the tribunes than at the

When it was reported that arms were being laid aside and men were deserting their posts, P. Valerius left his

colleague to keep the senate together and hurried to the tribunes at the templum. "What," he asked, "is the

meaning of this, tribunes? Are you going to overthrow the State under the leadership of Appius Herdonius?

Has the man whose appeals failed to rouse a single slave been so successful as to corrupt you? Is it when the

enemy is over our heads that you decide that men shall lay down their arms and discuss laws?" Then turning

to the Assembly he said, "If, Quirites, you feel no concern for the City, no anxiety for yourselves, still show

reverence for your gods who have been taken captive by an enemy! Jupiter Optimus Maximus, Queen Juno

and Minerva, with other gods and goddesses, are being besieged; a camp of slaves holds the tutelary deities

of your country in its power. Is this the appearance which you think a State in its senses ought to presenta

large hostile force not only within the walls, but in the Citadel, above the Forum, above the Senatehouse,

whilst meantime the Assembly is being held in the Forum, the senate are in the Senatehouse, and as though

peace and quiet prevailed, a senator is addressing the House, whilst the Quirites in the Assembly are

proceeding to vote? Would it not be more becoming for every man, patrician and plebeian alike, for the

consuls and tribunes, for gods and men, to come, one and all, to the rescue with their arms, to run to the

Capitol and restore liberty and calm to that most venerable abode of Jupiter Optimus Maximus? O, Father

Romulus, grant to shine offspring that spirit in which thou didst once win back from these same Sabines the

Citadel which had been captured with gold! Bid them take the road on which thou didst lead shine army.

Behold, I, the consul, will be the first to follow thee and thy footsteps as far as mortal man can follow a god."

He ended his speech by saying that he was taking up arms, and he summoned all the Quirites to arms. If any

one tried to obstruct, he should now ignore the limits set to his consular authority, the power of the tribunes,

and the laws which made them inviolable, and whoever or wherever he might be, whether in the Capitol or

the Forum, he should treat him as a public enemy. The tribunes had better order arms to be taken up against

P. Valerius the consul, as they forbade them to be used against Appius Herdonius. He would dare to do in the

case of the tribunes what the head of his family had dared to do in the case of the kings. There was every

prospect of an appeal to force, and of the enemy enjoying the spectacle of a riot in Rome. However, the Law

could not be voted upon, nor could the consul go to the Capitol, for night put an end to the threatened

conflict. As night came on the tribunes retired, afraid of the consul's arms. When the authors of the

disturbance were out of the way, the senators went about amongst the plebeians, and mingling with different

groups pointed out the seriousness of the crisis, and warned them to reflect into what a dangerous position

they were bringing the State. It was not a contest between patricians and plebeians; patricians and plebeians

alike, the stronghold of the City, the temples of the gods, the guardian deities of the State and of every home,

were being surrendered to the enemy. While these steps were being taken to lay the spirit of discord in the

Forum, the consuls had gone away to inspect the gates and walls, in case of any movement on the part of the

The same night messengers reached Tusculum with tidings of the capture of the Citadel, the seizure of the

Capitol, and the generally disturbed state of the City. L. Mamilius was at that time Dictator of Tusculum.

After hurriedly convening the senate and introducing the messengers, he strongly urged the senators not to

wait until envoys arrived from Rome begging for help; the fact of the danger and the seriousness of the crisis,

the gods who watched over alliances, and loyalty to treaties, all demanded instant action. Never again would

the gods vouchsafe so favourable an opportunity for conferring an obligation on so powerful a State or one so

close to their own doors. They decided that help should be sent, the men of military age were enrolled, arms

were distributed. As they approached Rome in the early dawn, they presented in the distance the appearance

of enemies; it seemed as though Aequi or Volscians were coming. When this groundless alarm was removed

they were admitted into the City and marched in order into the Forum, where P. Valerius, who had left his

colleague to direct the troops on guard at the gates, was forming his army for battle. It was his authority that

had achieved this result; he declared that if, when the Capitol was recovered and the City pacified they would

allow the covert dishonesty of the Law which the tribunes supported to be explained to them, he would not

oppose the holding of a plebeian Assembly, for he was not unmindful of his ancestors or of the name he bore,

which made the protection of the plebs, so to speak, a hereditary care. Following his leadership, amid the

futile protests of the tribunes, they marched in order of battle up the Capitoline hill, the legion from Tusculum

marching with them. The Romans and their allies were striving which should have the glory of recapturing

the Citadel. Each of the commanders were encouraging his men. Then the enemy lost heart, their only

confidence was in the strength of their position; whilst thus demoralised the Romans and allies advanced to

the charge. They had already forced their way into the vestibule of the temple, when P. Valerius, who was in

the front, cheering on his men, was killed. P. Volumnius, a man of consular rank, saw him fall. Directing his

men to protect the body, he ran to the front and took the consul's place. In the heat of their charge the soldiers

were not aware of the loss they had sustained; they gained the victory before they knew that they were

fighting without a general. Many of the exiles defiled the temple with their blood, many were taken prisoners,

Herdonius was killed. So the Capitol was recovered. Punishment was inflicted on the prisoners according to

their condition whether slave or freeman; a vote of thanks was accorded to the Tusculans; the Capitol was

cleansed and solemnly purified It is stated that the plebeians threw quadrantes into the consul's house that he

No sooner were order and quiet restored than the tribunes began to press upon the senators the necessity of

redeeming the promise made by Publius Valerius; they urged Claudius to free his colleague's manes from the

guilt of deception by allowing the Law to be proceeded with. The consul refused to allow it until he had

secured the election of a colleague. The contest went on till the election was held. In the month of December,

after the utmost exertions on the part of the patricians, L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, the father of Caeso, was

elected consul, and at once took up his office. The plebeians were dismayed at the prospect of having as

consul a man incensed against them, and powerful in the warm support of the senate, in his own personal

merits, and in his three children, not one of whom was Caeso's inferior in loftiness of mind, while they were

his superiors in exhibiting prudence and moderation where necessary. When he entered on his magistracy he

continually delivered harangues from the tribunal, in which he censured the senate as energetically as he put

down the plebs. It was, he said, through the apathy of that order that the tribunes of the plebs, now

perpetually in office, acted as kings in their speeches and accusations, as though they were living, not in the

commonwealth of Rome, but in some wretched illregulated family. Courage, resolution, all that makes

youth distinguished at home and in the battlefield, had been expelled and banished from Rome with his son

Caeso. Loquacious agitators, sowers of discord, made tribunes for the second and third time in succession,

were living by means of infamous practices in regal licentiousness. "Did that fellow," he asked, "Aulus

Verginius, because he did not happen to be in the Capitol, deserve less punishment than Appius Herdonius?

Considerably more, by Jove, if any choose to form a true estimate of the matter. Herdonius, if he did nothing

else, avowed himself an enemy and in a measure summoned you to take up arms; this man, by denying the

existence of a war, deprived you of your arms, and exposed you defenceless to the mercy of your slaves and

exiles. And did youwithout disrespect to C. Claudius and the dead P. Valerius, I would askdid you advance

against the Capitol before you cleared these enemies out of the Forum? It is an outrage on gods and men, that

when there were enemies in the Citadel, in the Capitol, and the leader of the slaves and exiles, after profaning

everything, had taken up his quarters in the very shrine of Jupiter Optimus Maximus, it should be at

Tusculum, not at Rome, that arms were first taken up. It was doubtful whether the Citadel of Rome would be

delivered by the Tusculan general, L. Mamilius, or by the consuls, P. Valerius and C. Claudius. We, who had

not allowed the Latins to arm, even to defend themselves against invasion, would have been taken and

destroyed, had not these very Latins taken up arms unbidden. This, tribunes, is what you call protecting the

plebs, exposing it to be helplessly butchered by the enemy! If the meanest member of your order, which you

have as it were severed from the rest of the people and made into a province, a State of your ownif such an

one, I say, were to report to you that his house was beset by armed slaves, you would, I presume, think that

you ought to render him assistance; was not Jupiter Optimus Maximus, when shut in by armed slaves and

exiles, worthy to receive any human aid? Do these fellows demand that their persons shall be sacred and

inviolable, when the very gods themselves are neither sacred nor inviolable in their eyes? But, steeped as you

are in crimes against gods and men, you give out that you will carry your Law this year. Then, most

assuredly, if you do carry it; the day when I was made consul will be a far worse day for the State than that on

which P. Valerius perished. Now I give you notice, Quirites, the very first thing that my colleague and myself

intend to do is to march the legions against the Volscians and Aequi. By some strange fatality, we find the

gods more propitious when we are at war than when we are at peace. It is better to infer from what has

occurred in the past than to learn by actual experience how great the danger from those States would have

The consul's speech produced an impression on the plebs; the patricians were encouraged and regarded the

State as reestablished. The other consul, who showed more courage in supporting than in proposing, was

quite content for his colleague to take the first step in a matter of such importance but in carrying it out he

claimed his full responsibility as consul. The tribunes laughed at what they considered idle words; and

constantly asked, "By what method were the consuls going to take out an army, when no one would allow

one to be levied?" "We do not," said Quinctius, "require to make a levy. At the time when P. Valerius

supplied the people with arms for the recovery of the Capitol, they all took the oath to muster at the consul's

orders, and not to disband without his orders. We, therefore, issue an order that all of you who took that oath

appear under arms, tomorrow, at Lake Regillus." Thereupon the tribunes wanted to release the people from

their oath by raising a quibble. They argued that Quinctius was not consul when the oath was taken. But the

neglect of the gods, which prevails in this age, had not yet appeared, nor did every man interpret oaths and

laws in just the sense which suited him best; he preferred to shape his own conduct by their requirements.

The tribunes, finding any attempt at obstruction hopeless, set themselves to delay the departure of the army.

They were the more anxious to do this as a report had got abroad that the augurs had received instructions to

repair to Lake Regillus and set apart with the usual augural formalities a spot where business could be

transacted by a properly constituted Assembly. This would enable every measure which had been carried by

the violent exercise of the tribunitian authority to be repealed by the regular Assembly of the Tribes. All

would vote as the consuls wished, for the right of appeal did not extend beyond a mile from the City, and the

tribunes themselves, if they went with the army, would be subject to the authority of the consuls. These

rumours were alarming; but what filled them with the greatest alarm were the repeated assertions of

Quinctius that he should not hold an election of consuls; the diseases of the State were such that none of the

usual remedies could check them; the commonwealth needed a Dictator, in order that any one who took steps

to disturb the existing constitution might learn that from a Dictator there lay no appeal.

The senate was in the Capitol. Thither the tribunes proceeded, accompanied by the plebeians in a great state

of consternation. They loudly appealed for help, first to the consuls, then to the senators, but they did not

shake the determination of the consul, until the tribunes had promised that they would bow to the authority of

the senate. The consuls laid before the senate the demands of the plebs and their tribunes, and decrees were

passed that the tribunes should not bring forward their Law during the year, nor should the consuls take the

army out of the City. The senate also judged it to be against the interests of the State that a magistrate's tenure

of office should be prolonged, or that the tribunes should be reelected. The consuls yielded to the authority

of the senate, but the tribunes, against the protests of the consuls, were reelected. On this, the senate also, to

avoid giving any advantage to the plebs, reappointed Lucius Quinctius as consul. Nothing during the whole

year roused the indignation of the consul more than this proceeding of theirs. "Can I," he exclaimed, "be

surprised, Conscript Fathers, if your authority has little weight with the plebs? You yourselves are weakening

it. Because, forsooth, they have disregarded the senatorial decree forbidding a magistrate's continuance in

office, you yourselves wish it to be disregarded, that you may not be behind the populace in headstrong

thoughtlessness, as though to possess more power in the State was to show more levity and lawlessness. It is

undoubtedly a more idle and foolish thing to do away with one's own resolutions and decrees than with those

of others. Imitate, Conscript Fathers, the inconsiderate multitude; sin after the example of others, you who

ought to be an example to others, rather than that others should act rightly after your example, as long as I do

not imitate the tribunes or allow myself to be returned as consul in defiance of the resolution of the senate. To

you, C. Claudius, I earnestly appeal, that you, too, will restrain the Roman people from this lawlessness. As

to myself, rest assured that I will accept your action in the firm belief that you have not stood in the way of

my advancement to honour, but that I have gathered greater glory by rejecting it, and have removed the

odium which my continuance in office would have provoked." Thereupon the two consuls issued a joint edict

that no one should make L. Quinctius consul; if any one attempted it, they would not allow the vote.

The consuls elected were Q. Fabius Vibulanus, for the third time, and L. Cornelius Maluginensis. In that year

the census was taken, and owing to the seizure of the Capitol and the death of the consul, the "lustrum " was

closed on religious grounds. During their consulship matters became disturbed at the very beginning of the

year. The tribunes began to instigate the plebs. The Latins and Hernici reported that war on an immense scale

was commenced by the Volscians and Aequi, the Volscian legions were already at Antium, and there were

grave fears of the colony itself revolting. With great difficulty the tribunes were induced to allow the war to

take precedence of their Law. Then their respective spheres of operation were allotted to the consuls: Fabius

was commissioned to take the legions to Antium; Cornelius was to protect Rome and prevent detachments of

the enemy from coming on marauding expeditions, as was the custom with the Aequi. The Hernici and Latins

were ordered to furnish troops, in accordance with the treaty; twothirds of the army consisted of allies, the

rest of Roman citizens. The allies came in on the appointed day, and the consul encamped outside the Capene

gate. When the lustration of the army was completed, he marched to Antium and halted at a short distance

from the city and from the enemies' standing camp. As the army of the Aequi had not arrived, the Volscians

did not venture on an engagement, and prepared to act on the defensive and protect their camp. The next day

Fabius formed his troops round the enemies' lines, not in one mixed army of allies and citizens, but each

nation in a separate division, he himself being in the centre with the Roman legions. He gave orders to

carefully observe his signals, that all might commence the action and retireshould the signal for retirement

be soundedat the same moment. The cavalry were stationed behind their respective divisions. In this triple

formation he assaulted three sides of the camp, and the Volscians, unable to meet the simultaneous attack,

were dislodged from the breastworks. Getting inside their lines he drove the panicstruck crowd, who were

all pressing in one direction, out of their camp. The cavalry, unable to surmount the breastworks, had so far

been merely spectators of the fight, now they overtook the enemy and cut them down as they fled in disorder

over the plain, and so enjoyed a share of the victory. There was a great slaughter both in the camp and in the

pursuit, but a still greater amount of spoil, as the enemy had hardly been able to carry away even their arms.

Their army would have been annihilated had not the fugitives found shelter in the forest.

Whilst these events were occurring at Antium, the Aequi sent forward some of their best troops and by a

sudden night attack captured the citadel of Tusculum; the rest of the army they halted not far from the walls,

in order to distract the enemy. Intelligence of this quickly reached Rome, and from Rome was carried to the

camp before Antium, where it produced as much excitement as if the Capitol had been taken. The service

which Tusculum had so recently rendered and the similar character of the danger then and now, demanded a

similar return of assistance. Fabius made it his first object to carry the spoil from the camp into Antium;

leaving a small force there he hastened by forced marches to Tusculum. The soldiers were not allowed to

carry anything but their arms and whatever baked bread was at hand, the consul Cornelius brought up

supplies from Rome. The fighting went on for some months at Tusculum. With a portion of his army the

consul attacked the camp of the Aequi, the rest he lent to the Tusculans for the recapture of their citadel. This

could not be approached by direct assault. Ultimately, famine compelled the enemy to evacuate it, and after

being reduced to the last extremities, they were all stripped of their arms and clothes and sent under the yoke.

Whilst they were making their way home in this ignominious plight, the Roman consul on Algidus followed

them up and slew them to a man. After this victory he led his army back to a place called Columen, where he

fixed his camp. As the walls of Rome were no longer exposed to danger after the defeat of the enemy, the

other consul also marched out of the City. The two consuls entered the enemies' territories by separate routes,

and each tried to outdo the other in devastating the Volscian lands on the one side and those of the Aequi on

the other. I find it stated in the majority of authorities that Antium revolted this year, but that the consul L.

Cornelius conducted a campaign and recaptured the town, I would not venture to assert, as there is no

When this war had been brought to a close, the fears of the patricians were aroused by a war which the

tribunes commenced at home. They exclaimed that the army was being detained abroad from dishonest

motives; it was intended to frustrate the passing of the Law; all the same they would carry through the task

they had begun. L. Lucretius, the prefect of the City, succeeded, however, in inducing the tribunes to defer

action till the arrival of the consuls. A fresh cause of trouble arose. A. Cornelius and Q. Servilius, the

quaestors, indicted M. Volscius on the ground that he had given what was undoubtedly false evidence against

Caeso. It had become known from many sources that after the brother of Volscius first became ill, he had not

only never been seen in public, but had not even left his bed, and his death was due to an illness of many

months' standing. On the date at which the witness fixed the crime, Caeso was not seen in Rome, whilst those

who had served with him declared that he had constantly been in his place in the ranks with them and had not

had leave of absence. Many people urged Volscius to institute a private suit before a judge. As he did not

venture to take this course, and all the abovementioned evidence pointed to one conclusion, his

condemnation was no more doubtful than that of Caeso had been on the evidence which he had given. The

tribunes managed to delay matters; they said they would not allow the quaestors to bring the accused before

the Assembly unless it had first been convened to carry the Law. Both questions were adjourned till the

arrival of the consuls. When they made their triumphal entry at the head of their victorious army, nothing was

said about the Law; most people therefore supposed that the tribunes were intimidated. But it was now the

end of the year and they were aiming at a fourth year of office, so they turned their activity from the Law to

canvassing the electors. Though the consuls had opposed the tribunes' continuance in office as strenuously as

if the Law had been mooted solely to impair their authority, the victory remained with the tribunes. In the

same year the Aequi sued for and obtained peace. The census, commenced the previous year, was completed,

and the "lustrum," which was then closed, is stated to have been the tenth since the beginning of the City. The

numbers of the census amounted to 117,319. The consuls in that year won a great reputation both at home

and in war, for they secured peace abroad, and though there was not harmony at home, the commonwealth

The new consuls, L. Minucius and C. Nautius, took over the two subjects which remained from the previous

year. As before, they obstructed the Law, the tribunes obstructed the trial of Volscius; but the new quaestors

possessed greater energy and greater weight. T. Quinctius Capitolinus, who had been thrice consul, was

quaestor with M. Valerius, the son of Valerius and grandson of Volesus. As Caeso could not be restored to

the house of the Quinctii, nor could the greatest of her soldiers be restored to the State, Quinctius was bound

in justice and by loyalty to his family to prosecute the false witness who had deprived an innocent man of the

power to plead in his own defence. As Verginius, most of all the tribunes, was agitating for the Law, an

interval of two months was granted the consuls for an examination of it, in order that when they had made the

people understand what insidious dishonesty it contained, they might allow them to vote upon it. During this

interval matters were quiet in the City. The Aequi, however, did not allow much respite. In violation of the

treaty made with Rome the year before, they made predatory incursions into the territory of Labici and then

into that of Tusculum. They had placed Gracchus Cloelius in command, their foremost man at that time.

After loading themselves with plunder they fixed their camp on Mount Algidus. Q. Fabius, P. Volumnius,

and A. Postumius were sent from Rome to demand satisfaction, under the terms of the treaty. The general's

quarters were located under an enormous oak, and he told the Roman envoys to deliver the instructions they

had received from the senate to the oak under whose shadow he was sitting, as he was otherwise engaged. As

they withdrew, one of the envoys exclaimed, "May this consecrated oak, may each offended deity hear that

you have broken the treaty! May they look upon our complaint now, and may they presently aid our arms

when we seek to redress the outraged rights of gods as well as men!" On the return of the envoys, the senate

ordered one of the consuls to march against Gracchus on Algidus; the other was instructed to ravage the

territory of the Aequi. As usual, the tribunes attempted to obstruct the levy and probably would in the end

An immense body of Sabines came in their ravages almost up to the walls of the City. The fields were ruined,

the City thoroughly alarmed. Now the plebeians cheerfully took up arms, the tribunes remonstrated in vain,

and two large armies were levied. Nautius led one of them against the Sabines, formed an entrenched camp,

sent out, generally at night, small bodies who created such destruction in the Sabine territory that the Roman

borders appeared in comparison almost untouched by war. Minucius was not so fortunate, nor did he conduct

the campaign with the same energy; after taking up an entrenched position not far from the enemy, he

remained timidly within his camp, though he had not suffered any important defeat. As usual, the enemy

were emboldened by the lack of courage on the other side. They made a night attack on his camp, but as they

gained little by a direct assault they proceeded the following day to invest it. Before all the exits were closed

by the circumvallation, five mounted men got through the enemies' outposts and brought to Rome the news

that the consul and his army were blockaded. Nothing could have happened so unlooked for, so undreamed

of; the panic and confusion were as great as if it had been the City and not the camp that was invested. The

consul Nautius was summoned home, but as he did nothing equal to the emergency, they decided to appoint a

Dictator to retrieve the threatening position of affairs. By universal consent L. Quinctius Cincinnatus was

It is worth while for those who despise all human interests in comparison with riches, and think that there is

no scope for high honours or for virtue except where lavish wealth abounds, to listen to this story. The one

hope of Rome, L. Quinctius, used to cultivate a fouracre field on the other side of the Tiber, just opposite

the place where the dockyard and arsenal are now situated; it bears the name of the " Quinctian Meadows."

There he was found by the deputation from the senate either digging out a ditch or ploughing, at all events, as

is generally agreed, intent on his husbandry. After mutual salutations he was requested to put on his toga that

he might hear the mandate of the senate, and they expressed the hope that it might turn out well for him and

for the State. He asked them, in surprise, if all was well, and bade his wife, Racilia, bring him his toga

quickly from the cottage. Wiping off the dust and perspiration, he put it on and came forward, on which the

deputation saluted him as Dictator and congratulated him, invited him to the City and explained the state of

apprehension in which the army were. A vessel had been provided for him by the government, and after he

had crossed over, he was welcomed by his three sons, who had come out to meet him. They were followed by

other relatives and friends, and by the majority of the senate. Escorted by this numerous gathering and

preceded by the lictors, he was conducted to his house. There was also an enormous gathering of the plebs,

but they were by no means so pleased to see Quinctius; they regarded the power with which he was invested

as excessive, and the man himself more dangerous than his power. Nothing was done that night beyond

The following morning the Dictator went, before daylight, into the Forum and named as his Master of the

Horse, L. Tarquitius, a member of a patrician house, but owing to his poverty he had served in the infantry,

where he was considered by far the finest of the Roman soldiers. In company with the Master of the Horse

the Dictator proceeded to the Assembly, proclaimed a suspension of all public business, ordered the shops to

be closed throughout the City, and forbade the transaction of any private business whatever. Then he ordered

all who were of military age to appear fully armed in the Campus Martius before sunset, each with five days'

provisions and twelve palisades. Those who were beyond that age were required to cook the rations for their

neighbours, whilst they were getting their arms ready and looking for palisades. So the soldiers dispersed to

hunt for palisades; they took them from the nearest places, no one was interfered with, all were eager to carry

out the Dictator's edict. The formation of the army was equally adapted for marching or, if circumstances

required, for fighting; the Dictator led the legions in person, the Master of the Horse was at the head of his

cavalry. To both bodies words of encouragement were addressed suitable to the emergency, exhorting them

to march at extra speed, for there was need of haste if they were to reach the enemy at night; a Roman army

with its consul had been now invested for three days, it was uncertain what a day or a night might bring forth,

tremendous issues often turned on a moment of time. The men shouted to one another, "Hurry on,

standardbearer!" "Follow up, soldiers!" to the great gratification of their leaders. They reached Algidus at

The Dictator, after riding round and reconnoitring as well as he could in the night the position and shape of

the camp, commanded the military tribunes to give orders for the baggage to be collected together and the

soldiers with their arms and palisades to resume their places in the ranks. His orders were carried out. Then,

keeping the formation in which they had marched, the whole army, in one long column, surrounded the

enemies' lines. At a given signal all were ordered to raise a shout; after raising the shout each man was to dig

a trench in front of him and fix his palisade. As soon as the order reached the men, the signal followed. The

men obeyed the order, and the shout rolled round the enemies' line and over them into the consul's camp. In

the one it created panic, in the other rejoicing. The Romans recognised their fellowcitizens' shout, and

congratulated one another on help being at hand. They even made sorties from their outposts against the

enemy and so increased their alarm. The consul said there must be no delay, that shout meant that their

friends had not only arrived but were engaged, he should be surprised if the outside of the enemies' lines was

not already attacked. He ordered his men to seize their arms and follow him. A nocturnal battle began. They

notified the Dictator's legions by their shouts that on their side too the action had commenced. The Aequi

were already making preparations to prevent themselves from being surrounded when the enclosed enemy

began the battle; to prevent their lines from being broken through, they turned from those who were investing

them to fight the enemy within, and so left the night free for the Dictator to complete his work. The fighting

with the consul went on till dawn. By this time they were completely invested by the Dictator, and were

hardly able to keep up the fight against one army. Then their lines were attacked by Quinctius' army, who had

completed the circumvallation and resumed their arms. They had now to maintain a fresh conflict, the

previous one was in no way slackened. Under the stress of the double attack they turned from fighting to

supplication, and implored the Dictator on the one side and the consul on the other not to make their

extermination the price of victory, but to allow them to surrender their arms and depart. The consul referred

them to the Dictator, and he, in his anger, determined to humiliate his defeated enemy. He ordered Gracchus

Cloelius and others of their principal men to be brought to him in chains, and the town of Corbio to be

evacuated. He told the Aequi he did not require their blood, they were at liberty to depart; but, as an open

admission of the defeat and subjugation of their nation, they would have to pass under the yoke. This was

made of three spears, two fixed upright in the ground, and the third tied to them across the top. Under this

Their camp was found to be full of everythingfor they had been sent away with only their shirts onand the

Dictator gave the whole of the spoil to his own soldiers alone. Addressing the consul and his army in a tone

of severe rebuke, "You, soldiers," he said, "will go without your share of the spoil, for you all but fell a spoil

yourselves to the enemy from whom it was taken; and you, L. Minucius, will command these legions as a

staff officer, until you begin to show the spirit of a consul." Minucius laid down his consulship and remained

with the army under the Dictator's orders. But such unquestioning obedience did men in those days pay to

authority when ably and wisely exercised, that the soldiers, mindful of the service he had done them rather

than of the disgrace inflicted on them, voted to the Dictator a gold crown a pound in weight, and when he left

they saluted him as their "patron." Quintus Fabius, the prefect of the City, convened a meeting of the senate,

and they decreed that Quinctius, with the army he was bringing home, should enter the City in triumphal

procession. The commanding officers of the enemy were led in front, then the military standards were borne

before the general's chariot, the army followed loaded with spoil. It is said that tables spread with provisions

stood before all the houses, and the feasters followed the chariot with songs of triumph and the customary

jests and lampoons. On that day the freedom of the City was bestowed on L. Mamilius the Tusculan, amidst

universal approval. The Dictator would at once have laid down his office had not the meeting of the

Assembly for the trial of M. Volscius detained him: fear of the Dictator prevented the tribunes from

obstructing it. Volscius was condemned and went into exile at Lanuvium. Quinctius resigned on the sixteenth

day the dictatorship which had been conferred upon him for six months. During that period the consul

Nautius fought a brilliant action with the Sabines at Eretum, who suffered a severe defeat, in addition to the

ravaging of their fields. Fabius Quintus was sent to succeed Minucius in command at Algidus. Towards the

end of the year, the tribunes began to agitate the Law, but as two armies were absent, the senate succeeded in

preventing any measure from being brought before the plebs. The latter gained their point, however, in

securing the reelection of the tribunes for the fifth time. It is said that wolves pursued by dogs were seen in

the Capitol; this prodigy necessitated its purification. These were the events of the year.

The next consuls were Quintus Minucius and C. Horatius Pulvillus. As there was peace abroad at the

beginning of the year, the domestic troubles began again; the same tribunes agitating for the same Law.

Matters would have gone furtherso inflamed were the passions on both sideshad not news arrived, as

though it had been purposely arranged, of the loss of the garrison at Corbio in a night attack of the Aequi. The

consuls summoned a meeting of the senate; they were ordered to form a force of all who could bear arms and

march to Algidus. The contest about the Law was suspended, and a fresh struggle began about the enlistment.

The consular authority was on the point of being overborne by the interference of the tribunes when a fresh

alarm was created. A Sabine army had descended on the Roman fields for plunder, and were approaching the

City. Thoroughly alarmed, the tribunes allowed the enrolment to proceed; not, however, without insisting on

an agreement that since they had been foiled for five years and but slight protection to the plebeians had so

far been afforded, there should henceforth be ten tribunes of the plebs elected. Necessity extorted this from

the senate, with only one condition, that for the future they should not see the same tribunes in two successive

years. That this agreement might not, like all the others, prove illusory, when once the war was over, the

elections for tribunes were held at once. The office of tribune had existed for thirtysix years when for the

first time ten were created, two from each class. It was definitely laid down that this should be the rule in all

future elections. When the enrolment was completed Minucius advanced against the Sabines, but did not find

the enemy. After massacring the garrison at Corbio, the Aequi had captured Ortona; Horatius fought them on

Algidus, inflicting great slaughter, and drove them not only from Algidus but also out of Corbio and Ortona;

M. Valerius and Sp. Vergilius were the new consuls. There was quiet at home and abroad. Owing to

excessive rain there was a scarcity of provisions. A law was carried making the Aventine a part of the State

domain. The tribunes of the plebs were reelected. These men in the following year, when T. Romilius and

C. Veturius were the consuls, were continually making the Law the staple of all their harangues, and said that

they should be ashamed of their number being increased to no purpose, if that matter made as little progress

during their two years of office as it had made during the five preceding years. Whilst the agitation was at its

height, a hurried message came from Tusculum to the effect that the Aequi were in the Tusculan territory.

The good services which that nation had so lately rendered made the people ashamed to delay sending

assistance. Both consuls were sent against the enemy, and found him in his usual position on Algidus. An

action was fought there; above 7000 of the enemy were killed, the rest were put to flight; immense booty was

taken. This, owing to the low state of the public treasury, the consuls sold. Their action, however, created

illfeeling in the army, and afforded the tribunes material on which to base an accusation against them.

When, therefore, they went out of office, in which they were succeeded by Spurius Tarpeius and A.

Aeternius, they were both impeachedRomilius by C. Calvius Cicero, plebeian tribune, and Veturius by L.

Alienus, plebeian aedile. To the intense indignation of the senatorial party, both were condemned and fined;

Romilius had to pay 10,000 "ases," and Veturius 15,000. The fate of their predecessors did not shake the

resolution of the new consuls; they said that while it was quite possible that they might also be condemned, it

was not possible for the plebs and its tribunes to carry the Law. Through long discussion it had become stale,

the tribunes now threw it over and approached the patricians in a less aggressive spirit. They urged that an

end should be put to their disputes, and if they objected to the measures adopted by the plebeians, they should

consent to the appointment of a body of legislators, chosen in equal numbers from plebeians and patricians, to

enact what would be useful to both orders and secure equal liberty for each. The patricians thought the

proposal worth consideration; they said, however, that no one should legislate unless he were a patrician,

since they were agreed as to the laws and only differed as to who should enact them. Commissioners were

sent to Athens with instructions to make a copy of the famous laws of Solon, and to investigate the

institutions, customs, and laws of other Greek States. Their names were Spurius Postumius Albus, A.

As regards foreign war, the year was a quiet one. The following one, in which P. Curiatius and Sextus

Quinctilius were consuls, was still quieter owing to the continued silence of the tribunes. This was due to two

causes: first, they were waiting for the return of the commissioners who had gone to Athens, and the foreign

laws which they were to bring; and secondly, two fearful disasters came together, famine and a pestilence

which was fatal to men and fatal to cattle. The fields lay waste, the City was depleted by an unbroken series

of deaths, many illustrious houses were in mourning. The Flamen Quirinalis, Servius Cornelius, died, also the

augur C. Horatius Pulvillus, in whose place the augurs chose C. Veturius, all the more eagerly because he had

been condemned by the plebs. The consul Quinctilius and four tribunes of the plebs died. The year was a

gloomy one owing to the numerous losses. There was a respite from external enemies. The succeeding

consuls were C. Menenius and P. Sestius Capitolinus. This year also was free from war abroad, but

commotions began at home. The commissioners had now returned with the laws of Athens; the tribunes, in

consequence, were more insistent that a commencement should at last be made in the compilation of the laws.

It was decided that a body of Ten (hence called the "Decemvirs") should be created, from whom there should

be no appeal, and that all other magistrates should be suspended for the year. There was a long controversy as

to whether plebeians should be admitted; at last they gave way to the patricians on condition that the Icilian

For the second timein the 301st year from the foundation of Romewas the form of government changed;

the supreme authority was transferred from consuls to decemvirs, just as it had previously passed from kings

to consuls. The change was the less noteworthy owing to its short duration, for the happy beginnings of that

government developed into too luxuriant a growth; hence its early failure and the return to the old practice of

entrusting to two men the name and authority of consul. The decemvirs were Appius Claudius, T. Genucius,

P. Sestius, L. Veturius, C. Julius, A. Manlius, P. Sulpicius, P. Curiatius, T. Romilius, and Sp. Postumius. As

Claudius and Genucius were the consuls designate, they received the honour in place of the honour of which

they were deprived. Sestius, one of the consuls the year before, was honoured because he had, against his

colleague, brought that subject before the senate. Next to them were placed the three commissioners who had

gone to Athens, as a reward for their undertaking so distant an embassage, and also because it was thought

that those who were familiar with the laws of foreign States would be useful in the compilation of new ones.

It is said that in the final voting for the four required to complete the number, the electors chose aged men, to

prevent any violent opposition to the decisions of the others. The presidency of the whole body was, in

accordance with the wishes of the plebs, entrusted to Appius. He had assumed such a new character that from

being a stern and bitter enemy of the people he suddenly appeared as their advocate, and trimmed his sails to

catch every breath of popular favour. They administered justice each in turn, the one who was presiding judge

for the day was attended by the twelve lictors, the others had only a single usher each. Notwithstanding the

singular harmony which prevailed amongst thema harmony which under other circumstances might be

dangerous to individuals the most perfect equity was shown to others. It will be sufficient to adduce a single

instance as proof of the moderation with which they acted. A dead body had been discovered and dug up in

the house of Sestius, a member of a patrician family. It was brought into the Assembly. As it was clear that an

atrocious crime had been committed, Caius Julius, a decemvir, indicted Sestius, and appeared before the

people to prosecute in person, though he had the right to act as sole judge in the case. He waived his right in

order that the liberties of the people might gain what he surrendered of his power.

Whilst highest and lowest alike were enjoying their prompt and impartial administration of justice, as though

delivered by an oracle, they were at the same time devoting their attention to the framing of the laws. These

eagerly looked for laws were at length inscribed on ten tables which were exhibited in an Assembly specially

convened for the purpose. After a prayer that their work might bring welfare and happiness to the State, to

them and to their children, the decemvirs bade them go and read the laws which were exhibited. "As far as

the wisdom and foresight of ten men admitted, they had established equal laws for all, for highest and lowest

alike; there was, however, more weight in the intelligence and advice of many men. They should turn over

each separate item in their minds, discuss them in conversations with each other, and bring forward for public

debate what appeared to them superfluous or defective in each enactment. The future laws for Rome should

be such as would appear to have been no less unanimously proposed by the people themselves than ratified

by them on the proposal of others." When it appeared that they had been sufficiently amended in accordance

with the expression of public opinion on each head, the Laws of the Ten Tables were passed by the Assembly

of Centuries. Even in the mass of legislation today, where laws are piled one upon another in a confused

heap, they still form the source of all public and private jurisprudence. After their ratification, the remark was

generally made that two tables were still wanting; if they were added, the body, as it might be called, of

Roman law would be complete. As the day for the elections approached, this impression created a desire to

appoint decemvirs for a second year. The plebeians had learnt to detest the name of "consul" as much as that

of "king," and now as the decemvirs allowed an appeal from one of their body to another, they no longer

But after notice had been given that the election of decemvirs would be held on the third market day, such

eagerness to be amongst those elected displayed itself, that even the foremost men of the State began an

individual canvass as humble suitors for an office which they had previously with all their might opposed,

seeking it at the hands of that very plebs with which they had hitherto been in conflict. I think they feared that

if they did not fill posts of such great authority, they would be open to men who were not worthy of them.

Appius Claudius was keenly alive to the chance that he might not be reelected, in spite of his age and the

honours he had enjoyed. You could hardly tell whether to consider him as a decemvir or a candidate.

Sometimes he was more like one who sought office than one who actually held it; he abused the nobility, and

extolled all the candidates who had neither birth nor personal weight to recommend them; he used to bustle

about the Forum surrounded by extribunes of the Duellius and Scilius stamp and through them made

overtures to the plebeians, until even his colleagues, who till then had been wholly devoted to him, began to

watch him, wondering what he meant. They were convinced that there was no sincerity about it, it was certain

that so haughty a man would not exhibit such affability for nothing. They regarded this demeaning of himself

and hobnobbing with private individuals as the action of a man who was not so keen to resign office as to

discover some way of prolonging it. Not venturing to thwart his aims openly, they tried to moderate his

violence by humouring him. As he was the youngest member of their body, they unanimously conferred on

him the office of presiding over the elections. By this artifice they hoped to prevent him from getting himself

elected; a thing which no one except the tribunes of the plebs had ever done, setting thereby the worst of

precedents. However, he gave out that, if all went well, he should hold the elections, and he seized upon what

should have been an impediment as a good opportunity for effecting his purpose. By forming a coalition he

secured the rejection of the two QuinctiiCapitolinus and Cincinnatushis own uncle, C. Claudius, one of the

firmest supporters of the nobility, and other citizens of the same rank. He procured the election of men who

were very far from being their equals either socially or politically, himself amongst the first, a step which

respectable men disapproved of, all the more because no one had supposed that he would have the audacity to

take it. With him were elected M. Cornelius Maluginensis, M. Sergius, L. Minucius, Q. Fabius Vibulanus, Q.

Poetilius, T. Antonius Merenda, K. Duillius, Sp. Oppius Cornicen, and Manlius Rabuleius.

This was the end of Appius' assumption of a part foreign to his nature. From that time his conduct was in

accordance with his natural disposition, and he began to mould his new colleagues, even before they entered

on office, into the lines of his own character. They held private meetings daily; then, armed with plans

hatched in absolute secrecy for exercising unbridled power, they no longer troubled to dissemble their

tyranny, but made themselves difficult of access, harsh and stern to those to whom they granted interviews.

So matters went on till the middle of May. At that period, May 15, was the proper time for magistrates to take

up their office. At the outset, the first day of their government was marked by a demonstration which aroused

great fears. For, whereas the previous decemvirs had observed the rule of only one having the "fasces" at a

time and making this emblem of royalty go to each in turn, now all the Ten suddenly appeared, each with his

twelve lictors. The Forum was filled with one hundred and twenty lictors, and they bore the axes tied up in

the "fasces." The decemvirs explained it by saying that as they were invested with absolute power of life and

death, there was no reason for the axes being removed. They presented the appearance of ten kings, and

manifold fears were entertained not only by the lowest classes but even by the foremost of the senators. They

felt that a pretext for commencing bloodshed was being sought for, so that if any one uttered, either in the

senate or amongst the people, a single word which reminded them of liberty, the rods and axes would

instantly be made ready for him, to intimidate the rest. For not only was there no protection in the people now

that the right of appeal to them was withdrawn, but the decemvirs had mutually agreed not to interfere with

each other's sentences, whereas the previous decemvirs had allowed their judicial decisions to be revised on

appeal to a colleague, and certain matters which they considered to be within the jurisdiction of the people

they had referred to them. For some time they inspired equal terror in all, gradually it rested wholly on the

plebs. The patricians were unmolested; it was the men in humble life for whom they reserved their wanton

and cruel treatment. They were solely swayed by personal motives, not by the justice of a cause, since

influence had with them the force of equity. They drew up their judgments at home and pronounced them in

the Forum; if any one appealed to a colleague, he left the presence of the one to whom he had appealed

bitterly regretting that he had not abided by the first sentence. A belief, not traceable to any authoritative

source, had got abroad that their conspiracy against law and justice was not for the present only, a secret and

sworn agreement existed amongst them not to hold any elections, but to keep their power, now they had once

The plebeians now began to study the faces of the patricians, to catch haply some gleam of liberty from the

men from whom they had dreaded slavery and through that dread had brought the commonwealth into its

present condition. The leaders of the senate hated the decemvirs, and hated the plebs; they did not approve of

what was going on, but they thought that the plebeians deserved all that they got, and refused to help men

who by rushing too eagerly after liberty had fallen into slavery. They even increased the wrongs they

suffered, that through their disgust and impatience at the present conditions they might begin to long for the

former state of things and the two consuls as of old. The greater part of the year had now elapsed; two tables

had been added to the ten of the previous year; if these additional laws were passed by the "Comitia

Centuriata" there was no reason why the decemvirate should be any longer considered necessary. Men were

wondering how soon notice would be given of the election of consuls; the sole anxiety of the plebeians was

as to the method by which they could reestablish that bulwark of their liberties, the power of the tribunes,

which was now suspended. Meantime nothing was said about any elections. At first the decemvirs had bid for

popularity by appearing before the plebs, surrounded by extribunes, but now they were accompanied by an

escort of young patricians, who crowded round the tribunals, maltreated the plebeians and plundered their

property, and being the stronger, succeeded in getting whatever they had taken a fancy to. They did not stop

short of personal violence, some were scourged, others beheaded, and that this brutality might not be

gratuitous, the punishment of the owner was followed by a grant of his effects. Corrupted by such bribes, the

young nobility not only declined to oppose the lawlessness of the decemvirs, but they openly showed that

The fifteenth of May arrived, the decemvirs' term of office expired, but no new magistrates were appointed.

Though now only private citizens, the decemvirs came forward as determined as ever to enforce their

authority and retain all the emblems of power. It was now in truth undisguised monarchy. Liberty was looked

upon as for ever lost, none stood forth to vindicate it, nor did it seem likely that any one would do so. Not

only had the people sunk into despondency themselves but they were beginning to be despised by their

neighbours, who scorned the idea of sovereign power existing where there was no liberty. The Sabines made

an incursion into Roman territory in great force, and carrying their ravages far and wide, drove away an

immense quantity of men and cattle to Eretum, where they collected their scattered forces and encamped in

the hope that the distracted state of Rome would prevent an army from being raised. Not only the messengers

who brought the information but the country people who were flying into the City created a panic. The

decemvirs, hated alike by the senate and the plebs, were left without any support, and whilst they were

consulting as to the necessary measures, Fortune added a fresh cause of alarm. The Aequi, advancing in a

different direction, had entrenched themselves on Algidus, and from there were making predatory incursions

into the territory of Tusculum. The news was brought by envoys from Tusculum who implored assistance.

The panic created unnerved the decemvirs, and seeing the City encompassed by two separate wars they were

driven to consult the senate. They gave orders for the senators to be summoned, quite realising what a storm

of indignant resentment was awaiting them, and that they would be held solely responsible for the wasted

territory and the threatening dangers. This, they expected, would lead to an attempt to deprive them of office,

unless they offered a unanimous resistance, and by a sharp exercise of authority on a few of the most daring

When the voice of the crier was heard in the Forum calling the patricians to the Senatehouse to meet the

decemvirs, the novelty of it, after so long a suspension of the meetings of the senate, filled the plebeians with

astonishment. "What," they asked, "has happened to revive a practice so long disused? We ought to be

grateful to the enemy who are menacing us with war, for causing anything to happen which belongs to the

usage of a free State." They looked in every part of the Forum for a senator, but seldom was one recognised;

then they contemplated the Senatehouse and the solitude round the decemvirs. The latter put it down to the

universal hatred felt for their authority, the plebeians explained it by saying that the senators did not meet

because private citizens had not the right to summon them. If the plebs made common cause with the senate,

those who were bent on recovering their liberty would have men to lead them, and as the senators when

summoned would not assemble, so the plebs must refuse to be enrolled for service. Thus the plebeians

expressed their opinions. As to the senators, there was hardly a single member of the order in the Forum, and

very few in the City. Disgusted with the state of matters they had retired to their country homes and were

attending to their own affairs, having lost all interest in those of the State. They felt that the more they kept

away from any meeting and intercourse with their tyrannical masters the safer would it be for them. As, on

being summoned, they did not come, the ushers were despatched to their houses to exact the penalties for

nonattendance and to ascertain whether they absented themselves of set purpose. They took back word that

the senate was in the country. This was less unpleasant for the decemvirs than if they had been in the City and

had refused to recognise their authority. Orders were issued for all to be summoned for the following day.

They assembled in greater numbers than they themselves expected. This led the plebeians to think that their

liberty had been betrayed by the senate, since they had obeyed men whose term of office had expired and

who, apart from the force at their disposal, were only private citizens; thus recognising their right to convene

This obedience, however, was shown more by their coming to the Senatehouse than by any servility in the

sentiments which we understand that they expressed. It is recorded that after the question of the war had been

introduced by Appius Claudius, and before the formal discussion began, L. Valerius Potitus created a scene

by demanding that he should be allowed to speak on the political question, and on the decemvirs forbidding

him in threatening tones to do so, he declared that he would present himself before the people. Marcus

Horatius Barbatus showed himself an equally determined opponent, called the decemvirs "ten Tarquins," and

reminded them that it was under the leadership of the Valerii and the Horatii that monarchy had been

expelled from Rome. It was not the name of "king" that men had now grown weary of, for it was the proper

title of Jupiter, Romulus the founder of the City and his successors were called "kings," and the name was

still retained for religious purposes. It was the tyranny and violence of kings that men detested. If these were

insupportable in a king or a king's son, who would endure them in ten private citizens? They should see to it

that they did not, by forbidding freedom of speech in the House, compel them to speak outside its walls. He

could not see how it was less permissible for him as a private citizen to convene an Assembly of the people

than for them to summon the senate. They might find out whenever they chose how much more powerful a

sense of wrong is to vindicate liberty than greedy ambition is to support tyranny. They were bringing up the

question of the Sabine war as if the Roman people had any more serious war to wage than one against men

who, appointed to draw up laws, left no vestige of law or justice in the State; who had abolished the elections,

the annual magistrates, the regular succession of rulers, which formed the sole guarantee of equal liberty for

all; who, though simple citizens, still retained the fasces and the power of despotic monarchs. After the

expulsion of the kings, the magistrates were patricians; after the secession of the plebs, plebeian magistrates

were appointed. "What party did these men belong to?" he asked. "The popular party? Why, what have they

ever done in conjunction with the people? The nobility? What! these men, who have not held a meeting of the

senate for nearly a year, and now that they are holding one, forbid any speaking on the political situation? Do

not place too much reliance on the fears of others. The ills that men are actually suffering from seem to them

Whilst Horatius was delivering this impassioned speech, and the decemvirs were in doubt how far they ought

to go, whether in the direction of angry resistance or in that of concession, and unable to see what the issue

would be, C. Claudius, the uncle of the decemvir Appius, made a speech more in the nature of entreaty than

of censure. He implored him by the shade of his father to think rather of the social order under which he had

been born than of the nefarious compact made with his colleagues. It was much more, he said, for the sake of

Appius than of the State that he made this appeal, for the State would assert its rights in spite of them, if it

could not do so with their consent. But great controversies generally kindle great and bitter passions, and it

was what these might lead to that he dreaded. Though the decemvirs forbade the discussion of any subject

save the one they had introduced, their respect for Claudius prevented them from interrupting him, so he

concluded with a resolution that no decree should be passed by the senate. This was universally taken to

mean that Claudius adjudged them to be private citizens, and many of the consulars expressed their

concurrence. Another proposal, apparently more drastic, but in reality less effective, was that the senate

should order the patricians to hold a special meeting to appoint an "interrex." For by voting for this, they

decided that those who were presiding over the senate were lawful magistrates, whoever they were, whereas

The cause of the decemvirs was on the point of collapsing, when L. Cornelius Maluginensis, the brother of

M. Cornelius the decemvir, who had been purposely selected from among the consulars to wind up the

debate, undertook to defend his brother and his brother's colleagues by professing great anxiety about the

war. He was wondering, he said, by what fatality it had come about that the decemvirs should be attacked by

those who had sought the office or by their allies or in particular by these men, or why, during all the months

that the commonwealth was undisturbed, no one questioned whether those at the head of affairs were lawful

magistrates or not, whereas now, when the enemy were almost at their gates, they were fomenting civic

discordunless indeed they supposed that the nature of their proceeding would be less apparent in the general

confusion. No one was justified in importing prejudice into a matter of such moment whilst they were

preoccupied with much more serious anxieties. He gave it as his opinion that the point raised by Valerius and

Horatius, namely, that the decemvirs had ceased to hold office by May 15, should be submitted to the senate

for decision after the impending wars had been brought to a close and the tranquillity of the State restored.

And further, that Ap. Claudius must at once understand that he must be prepared to make a proper return of

the election which he held for the appointment of decemvirs, stating whether they were elected only for a

year, or until such time as the laws which were still required should be passed. In his opinion every matter but

the war should for the present be laid aside. If they thought that the reports of it which had got abroad were

false, and that not only the messengers which had come in but even the Tuscan envoys had invented the story,

then they ought to send out reconnoitring parties to bring back accurate information. If, however, they

believed the messengers and the envoys, a levy ought to be made at the earliest possible moment, the

decemvirs should lead the armies in whatever direction each thought best, and nothing else should take

Whilst a division was being taken and the younger senators were carrying this proposition, Valerius and

Horatius rose again in great excitement and loudly demanded leave to discuss the political situation. If, they

said, the faction in the senate prevented them, they would bring it before the people, for private citizens had

no power to silence them either in the Senatehouse or in the Assembly, and they were not going to give way

before the fasces of a mock authority. Appius felt that unless he met their violence with equal audacity, his

authority was practically at an end. "It will be better," he said, "not to speak on any subject but the one we are

now considering," and as Valerius insisted that he should not keep silent for a private citizen, Appius ordered

a lictor to go to him. Valerius ran to the doors of the Senatehouse and invoked "the protection of the

Quirites." L. Cornelius put an end to the scene by throwing his arms round Appius as though to protect

Valerius, but really to protect Appius from further mischief. He obtained permission for Valerius to say what

he wanted, and as this liberty did not go beyond words, the decemvirs achieved their purpose. The consulars

and senior senators felt that the tribunitian authority, which they still regarded with detestation, was much

more eagerly desired by the plebs than the restoration of the consular authority, and they would almost rather

have had the decemvirs voluntarily resigning office at a subsequent period than that the plebs should recover

power through their unpopularity. If matters could be quietly arranged and the consuls restored without any

popular disturbance, they thought that either the preoccupation of war or the moderate exercise of power on

the part of the consuls would make the plebs forget all about their tribunes. The levy was proclaimed without

any protest from the senate. The men of age for active service answered to their names, as there was no

appeal from the authority of the decemvirs. When the legions were enrolled, the decemvirs arranged among

themselves their respective commands. The prominent men amongst them were Q. Fabius and Appius

Claudius. The war at home threatened to be more serious than the one abroad, and the violent disposition of

Appius was deemed more fitted to repress commotions in the City, whilst Fabius was looked upon as more

inclined to evil practices than to be any permanent good to them. This man, at one time so distinguished both

at home and in the field, had been so changed by office and the influence of his colleagues that he preferred

to take Appius as his model rather than be true to himself. He was entrusted with the Sabine war, and Manlius

Rabuleius and Q. Poetilius were associated with him in its conduct. M. Cornelius was sent to Algidus,

together with L. Minucius, T. Antonius, Kaeso Duillius, and M. Sergius. It was decreed that Sp. Oppius

should assist Ap. Claudius in the defence of the City, with an authority coordinate with that of the other

The military operations were not any more satisfactory than the domestic administration. The commanders

were certainly at fault in having made themselves objects of detestation to the citizens, but otherwise the

whole of the blame rested on the soldiers, who, to prevent anything from succeeding under the auspices and

leadership of the decemvirs, disgraced both themselves and their generals by allowing themselves to be

defeated. Both armies had been routed, the one by the Sabines at Eretum, the other by the Aequi on Algidus.

Fleeing from Eretum in the silence of the night, they had entrenched themselves on some high ground near

the City between Fidenae and Crustumeria. They refused to meet the pursuing enemy anywhere on equal

terms, and trusted for safety to their entrenchments and the nature of the ground, not to arms or courage. On

Algidus they behaved more disgracefully, suffered a heavier defeat, and even lost their camp. Deprived of all

their stores, the soldiers made their way to Tusculum, looking for subsistence to the good faith and

compassion of their hosts, and their confidence was not misplaced. Such alarming reports were brought to

Rome that the senate, laying aside their feeling against the decemvirs, resolved that guards should be

mounted in the City, ordered that all who were of age to bear arms should man the walls and undertake

outpost duty before the gates, and decreed a supply of arms to be sent to Tusculum to replace those which had

been lost, whilst the decemvirs were to evacuate Tusculum and keep their soldiers encamped. The other camp

was to be transferred from Fidenae on to the Sabine territory, and by assuming the offensive deter the enemy

To these defeats at the hands of the enemy have to be added two infamous crimes on the part of the

decemvirs. L. Siccius was serving in the campaign against the Sabines. Seeing the bitter feeling against the

decemvirs, he used to hold secret conversations with the soldiery and threw out hints about the creation of

tribunes and resorting to a secession. He was sent to select and survey a site for a camp, and the soldiers who

had been told off to accompany him were instructed to choose a favourable opportunity for attacking and

despatching him. They did not effect their purpose with impunity, several of the assassins fell around him

whilst he was defending himself with a courage equal to his strength, and that was exceptional. The rest

brought a report back to camp that Siccius had fallen into an ambush and had died fighting bravely, whilst

some soldiers had been lost with him. At first the informants were believed; but subsequently a cohort which

had gone out by permission of the decemvirs to bury those who had fallen, found, when they reached the

spot, no corpse despoiled, but the body of Siccius lying in the centre fully armed with those around all turned

towards him, whilst there was not a single body belonging to the enemy nor any trace of their having retired.

They brought the body back and declared that, as a matter of fact, he had been killed by his own men. The

camp was filled with deep resentment, and it was decided that Siccius should be forthwith carried to Rome.

The decemvirs anticipated this resolve by hastily burying him with military honours at the cost of the State.

The soldiers manifested profound grief at his funeral, and the worst possible suspicions were everywhere

This was followed by a second atrocity, the result of brutal lust, which occurred in the City and led to

consequences no less tragic than the outrage and death of Lucretia, which had brought about the expulsion of

the royal family. Not only was the end of the decemvirs the same as that of the kings, but the cause of their

losing their power was the same in each case. Ap. Claudius had conceived a guilty passion for a girl of

plebeian birth. The girl's father, L. Verginius, held a high rank in the army on Algidus; he was a man of

exemplary character both at home and in the field. His wife had been brought up on equally high principles,

and their children were being brought up in the same way. He had betrothed his daughter to L. Icilius, who

had been tribune, an active and energetic man whose courage had been proved in his battles for the plebs.

This girl, now in the bloom of her youth and beauty, excited Appius' passions, and he tried to prevail on her

by presents and promises. When he found that her virtue was proof against all temptation, he had recourse to

unscrupulous and brutal violence. He commissioned a client, M. Claudius, to claim the girl as his slave, and

to bar any claim on the part of her friends to retain possession of her till the case was tried, as he thought that

the father's absence afforded a good opportunity for this illegal action. As the girl was going to her school in

the Forumthe grammar schools were held in booths therethe decemvir's pander laid his hand upon her,

declaring that she was the daughter of a slave of his, and a slave herself. He then ordered her to follow him,

and threatened, if she hesitated, to carry her off by force. While the girl was stupefied with terror, her maid's

shrieks, invoking "the protection of the Quirites," drew a crowd together. The names of her father Verginius

and her betrothed lover, Icilius, were held in universal respect. Regard for them brought their friends, feelings

of indignation brought the crowd to the maiden's support. She was now safe from violence; the man who

claimed her said that he was proceeding according to law, not by violence, there was no need for any excited

gathering. He cited the girl into court. Her supporters advised her to follow him; they came before the

tribunal of Appius. The claimant rehearsed a story already perfectly familiar to the judge as he was the author

of the plot, how the girl had been born in his house, stolen from there, transferred to the house of Verginius

and fathered on him; these allegations would be supported by definite evidence, and he would prove them to

the satisfaction of Verginius himself, who was really most concerned, as an injury had been done to him.

Meanwhile, he urged, it was only right that a slave girl should follow her master. The girl's advocates

contended that Verginius was absent on the service of the State, he would be present in two days' time if

information were sent to him, and it was contrary to equity that in his absence he should incur risk with

regard to his children. They demanded that he should adjourn the whole of the proceedings till the father's

arrival, and in accordance with the law which he himself had enacted, grant the custody of the girl to those

who asserted her freedom, and not suffer a maiden of ripe age to incur danger to her reputation before her

Before giving judgment, Appius showed how liberty was upheld by that very law to which the friends of

Verginia had appealed in support of their demand. But, he went on to say, it guaranteed liberty only so far as

its provisions were strictly adhered to as regarded both persons and cases. For where personal freedom is the

matter of claim, that provision holds good, because any one can lawfully plead, but in the case of one who is

still in her father's power, there is none but her father to whom her master need renounce possession. His

decision, therefore, was that the father should be summoned, and in the meanwhile the man who claimed her

should not forego his right to take the girl and give security to produce her on the arrival of her reputed

father. The injustice of this sentence called forth many murmurs, but no one ventured on open protest, until P.

Numitorius, the girl's grandfather, and Icilius, her betrothed, appeared on the scene. The intervention of

Icilius seemed to offer the best chance of thwarting Appius, and the crowd made way for him. The lictor said

that judgment had been given, and as Icilius continued loudly protesting he attempted to remove him. Such

rank injustice would have fired even a gentle temper. He exclaimed, "I am, at your orders, Appius, to be

removed at the point of the sword, that you may stifle all comment on what you want to keep concealed. I am

going to marry this maiden, and I am determined to have a chaste wife. Summon all the lictors of all your

colleagues, give orders for the axes and rods to be in readinessthe betrothed of Icilius shall not remain

outside her father's house. Even if you have deprived us of the two bulwarks of our libertythe aid of our

tribunes and the right of appeal to the Roman plebsthat has given you no right to our wives and children, the

victims of your lust. Vent your cruelty upon our backs and necks; let female honour at least be safe. If

violence is offered to this girl, I shall invoke the aid of the Quirites here for my betrothed, Verginius that of

the soldiers for his only daughter; we shall all invoke the aid of gods and men, and you shall not carry out

that judgment except at the cost of our lives. Reflect, Appius, I demand of you, whither you are going! When

Verginius has come, he must decide what action to take about his daughter; if he submits to this man's claim,

he must look out another husband for her. Meantime I will vindicate her liberty at the price of my life, sooner

The people were excited and a conflict appeared imminent. The lictors had closed round Icilius, but matters

had not got beyond threats on both sides when Appius declared that it was not the defence of Verginia that

was Icilius' main object; a restless intriguer, even yet breathing the spirit of the tribuneship, was looking out

for a chance of creating sedition. He would not, however, afford him material for it that day, but that he might

know that it was not to his insolence that he was making a concession, but to the absent Verginius, to the

name of father, and to liberty, he would not adjudicate on that day, or issue any decree. He would ask M.

Claudius to forego his right, and allow the girl to be in the custody of her friends till the morrow. If the father

did not then appear, he warned Icilius and men of his stamp that neither as legislator would he be disloyal to

his own law, nor as decemvir would he lack firmness to execute it. He certainly would not call upon the

lictors of his colleagues to repress the ringleaders of sedition, he should be content with his own. The time for

perpetrating this illegality was thus postponed, and after the girl's supporters had withdrawn, it was decided

as the very first thing to be done that the brother of Icilius and one of Numitor's sons, both active youths,

should make their way straight to the gate and summon Verginius from the camp with all possible speed.

They knew that the girl's safety turned upon her protector against lawlessness being present in time. They

started on their mission, and riding at full speed brought the news to the father. While the claimant of the girl

was pressing Icilius to enter his plea and name his sureties, and Icilius kept asserting that this very thing was

being arranged, purposely spinning out the time to allow of his messengers getting first to the camp, the

crowd everywhere held up their hands to show that every one of them was ready to be security for him. With

tears in his eyes, he said, "It is most kind of you. Tomorrow I may need your help, now I have sufficient

securities." So Verginia was bailed on the security of her relatives. Appius remained for some time on the

bench, to avoid the appearance of having taken his seat for that one case only. When he found that owing to

the universal interest in this one case no other suitors appeared, he withdrew to his home and wrote to his

colleagues in camp not to grant leave of absence to Verginius, and actually to keep him under arrest. This

wicked advice came too late, as it deserved to do; Verginius had already obtained leave, and started in the

first watch. The letter ordering his detention was delivered the next morning, and was therefore useless.

In the City, the citizens were standing in the Forum in the early dawn, on the tiptoe of expectation. Verginius,

in mourning garb, brought his daughter, similarly attired, and accompanied by a number of matrons, into the

Forum. An immense body of sympathisers stood round him. He went amongst the people, took them by the

hand and appealed to them to help him, not out of compassion only but because they owed it to him; he was

at the front day by day, in defence of their children and their wives; of no man could they recount more

numerous deeds of endurance and of daring than of him. What good was it all, he asked, if while the City was

safe, their children were exposed to what would be their worst fate if it were actually captured? Men gathered

round him, whilst he spoke as though he were addressing the Assembly. Icilius followed in the same strain.

The women who accompanied him made a profounder impression by their silent weeping than any words

could have made. Unmoved by all thisit was really madness rather than love that had clouded his

judgmentAppius mounted the tribunal. The claimant began by a brief protest against the proceedings of the

previous day; judgment, he said, had not been given owing to the partiality of the judge. But before he could

proceed with his claim or any opportunity was given to Verginius of replying, Appius intervened. It is

possible that the ancient writers may have correctly stated some ground which he alleged for his decision, but

I do not find one anywhere that would justify such an iniquitous decision. The one thing which can be

propounded as being generally admitted is the judgment itself. His decision was that the girl was a slave. At

first all were stupefied with amazement at this atrocity, and for a few moments there was a dead silence.

Then, as M. Claudius approached the matrons standing round the girl, to seize her amidst their outcries and

tears, Verginius, pointing with outstretched arm to Appius, cried, "It is to Icilius and not to you, Appius, that I

have betrothed my daughter; I have brought her up for wedlock, not for outrage. Are you determined to

satisfy your brutal lusts like cattle and wild beasts? Whether these people will put up with this, I know not,

but I hope that those who possess arms will refuse to do so." Whilst the man who claimed the maiden was

being pushed back by the group of women and her supporters who stood round, the crier called for silence.

The decemvir, utterly abandoned to his passion, addressed the crowd and told them that he had ascertained

not only through the insolent abuse of Icilius on the previous day and the violent behaviour of Verginius,

which the Roman people could testify to, but mainly from certain definite information received, that all

through the night meetings had been held in the City to organise a seditious movement. Forewarned of the

likelihood of disturbance, he had come down into the Forum with an armed escort, not to injure peaceable

citizens, but to uphold the authority of the government by putting down the disturbers of public tranquillity.

"It will therefore," he proceeded, "be better for you to keep quiet. Go, lictor, remove the crowd and clear a

way for the master to take possession of his slave." When, in a transport of rage, he had thundered out these

words, the people fell back and left the deserted girl a prey to injustice. Verginius, seeing no prospect of help

anywhere, turned to the tribunal. "Pardon me, Appius, I pray you, if I have spoken disrespectfully to you,

pardon a father's grief. Allow me to question the nurse here, in the maiden's presence, as to what are the real

facts of the case, that if I have been falsely called her father, I may leave her with the greater resignation."

Permission being granted, he took the girl and her nurse aside to the booths near the temple of Venus

Cloacina, now known as the "New Booths," and there, snatching up a butcher's knife, he plunged it into her

breast, saying, "In this the only way in which I can, I vindicate, my child, thy freedom." Then, looking

towards the tribunal, "By this blood, Appius, I devote thy head to the infernal gods." Alarmed at the outcry

which arose at this terrible deed, the decemvir ordered Verginius to be arrested. Brandishing the knife, he

cleared the way before him, until, protected by a crowd of sympathisers, he reached the city gate. Icilius and

Numitorius took up the lifeless body and showed it to the people; they deplored the villainy of Appius, the

illstarred beauty of the girl, the terrible compulsion under which the father had acted. The matrons, who

followed with angry cries, asked, "Was this the condition on which they were to rear children, was this the

reward of modesty and purity?" with other manifestations of that womanly grief, which, owing to their keener

sensibility, is more demonstrative, and so expresses itself in more moving and pitiful fashion. The men, and

especially Icilius, talked of nothing but the abolition of the tribunitian power and the right of appeal and

.The people were excited partly by the atrocity of the deed, partly by the opportunity now offered of

recovering their liberties. Appius first ordered Icilius to be summoned before him, then, on his refusal to

come, to be arrested. As the lictors were not able to get near him, Appius himself with a body of young

patricians forced his way through the crowd and ordered him to be taken to prison. By this time Icilius was

not only surrounded by the people, but the people's leaders were thereL. Valerius and M. Horatius. They

drove back the lictors and said, if they were going to proceed by law, they would undertake the defence of

Icilius against one who was only a private citizen, but if they were going to attempt force, they would be no

unequal match for him. A furious scuffle began, the decemvir's lictors attacked Valerius and Horatius; their

"fasces" were broken up by the people; Appius mounted the platform, Horatius and Valerius followed him;

the Assembly listened to them, Appius was shouted down. Valerius, assuming the tone of authority, ordered

the lictors to cease attendance on one who held no official position, on which Appius, thoroughly cowed, and

fearing for his life, muffled his head with his toga and retreated into a house near the Forum, without his

adversaries perceiving his flight. Sp. Oppius burst into the Forum from the other side to support his

colleague, and saw that their authority was overcome by main force. Uncertain what to do and distracted by

the conflicting advice given him on all sides, he gave orders for the senate to be summoned. As a great

number of the senators were thought to disapprove of the conduct of the decemvirs, the people hoped that

their power would be put an end to through the action of the senate, and consequently became quiet. The

senate decided that nothing should be done to irritate the plebs, and, what was of much more importance, that

every precaution should be taken to prevent the arrival of Verginius from creating a commotion in the army.

Accordingly, some of the younger senators were sent to the camp, which was then on Mount Vecilius. They

informed the three decemvirs who were in command that by every possible means they were to prevent the

soldiers from mutinying. Verginius caused a greater commotion in the camp than the one he had left behind

in the City. The sight of his arrival with a body of nearly 400 men from the City, who, fired with indignation,

had enlisted themselves as his comrades, still more the weapon still clenched in his hand and his

bloodbesprinkled clothes, attracted the attention of the whole camp. The civilian garb seen in all directions

in the camp made the number of the citizens who had accompanied him seem greater than it was. Questioned

as to what had happened, Verginius for a long time could not speak for weeping; at length when those who

had run up stood quietly round him and there was silence, he explained everything in order just as it

happened. Then lifting up his hands to heaven he appealed to them as his fellowsoldiers and implored them

not to attribute to him what was really the crime of Appius, nor to look upon him with abhorrence as the

murderer of his children. His daughter's life was dearer to him than his own, had she been allowed to live in

liberty and purity; when he saw her dragged off as a slavegirl to be outraged, he thought it better to lose his

child by death than by dishonour. It was through compassion for her that he had fallen into what looked like

cruelty, nor would he have survived her had he not entertained the hope of avenging her death by the aid of

his fellowsoldiers. For they, too, had daughters and sisters and wives; the lust of Appius was not quenched

with his daughter's life, nay rather, the more impunity it met with the more unbridled would it be. Through

the sufferings of another they had received a warning how to guard themselves against a like wrong. As for

him, his wife had been snatched from him by Fate, his daughter, because she could no longer live in chastity,

had met a piteous but an honourable death. There was no longer in his house any opportunity for Appius to

gratify his lust, from any other violence on that man's part he would defend himself with the same resolution

with which he had defended his child; others must look out for themselves and for their children.

To this impassioned appeal of Verginius the crowd replied with a shout that they would not fail him in his

grief or in the defence of his liberty. The civilians mingling in the throng of soldiers told the same tragic

story, and how much more shocking the incident was to behold than to hear about; at the same time they

announced that affairs were in fatal confusion at Rome, and that some had followed them into camp with the

tidings that Appius after being almost killed had gone into exile. The result was a general call to arms, they

plucked up the standards and started for Rome. The decemvirs, thoroughly alarmed at what they saw and at

what they heard of the state of things in Rome, went to different parts of the camp to try and allay the

excitement. Where they tried persuasion no answer was returned, but where they attempted to exercise

authority, the reply was, "We are men and have arms." They marched in military order to the City and

occupied the Aventine. Every one whom they met was urged to recover the liberties of the plebs and appoint

tribunes; apart from this, no appeals to violence were heard. The meeting of the senate was presided over by

Sp. Oppius. They decided not to adopt any harsh measures, as it was through their own lack of energy that the

sedition had arisen. Three envoys of consular rank were sent to the army to demand in the name of the senate

by whose orders they had abandoned their camp, and what they meant by occupying the Aventine in arms,

and diverting the war from foreign foes to their own country, which they had taken forcible possession of.

They were at no loss for an answer, but they were at a loss for some one to give it, since they had as yet no

regular leader, and individual officers did not venture to expose themselves to the dangers of such a position.

The only reply was a loud and general demand that L. Valerius and M. Horatius should be sent to them, to

After the envoys were dismissed, Verginius pointed out to the soldiers that they had a few moments ago felt

themselves embarrassed in a matter of no great importance, because they were a multitude without a head,

and the answer they had given, though it served their turn, was the outcome rather of the general feeling at

the time than of any settled purpose. He was of opinion that ten men should be chosen to hold supreme

command, and by virtue of their military rank should be called tribunes of the soldiers. He himself was the

first to whom this distinction was offered, but he replied, "Reserve the opinion you have formed of me till

both you and I are in more favourable circumstances; so long as my daughter is unavenged no honour can

give me pleasure, nor in the present disturbed state of the commonwealth is it any advantage for those men to

be at your head who are most obnoxious to party malice. If I am to be of any use, I shall be none the less so in

a private capacity." Ten military tribunes, accordingly, were appointed. The army acting against the Sabines

did not remain passive. There, too, at the instigation of Icilius and Numitorius, a revolt against the decemvirs

took place. The feelings of the soldiery were roused by the recollection of the murdered Siccius no less than

by the fresh story of the maiden whom it had been sought to make a victim of foul lust. When Icilius heard

that tribunes of the soldiers had been elected on the Aventine, he anticipated from what he knew of the plebs

that when they came. to elect their tribunes they would follow the lead of the army and choose those who

were already elected as military tribunes. As he was looking to a tribuneship himself, he took care to get the

same number appointed and invested with similar powers by his own men, before they entered the City. They

made their entry through the Colline gate in military order, with standards displayed, and proceeded through

the heart of the City to the Aventine. There the two armies united, and the twenty military tribunes were

requested to appoint two of their number to take the supreme direction of affairs. They appointed M. Oppius

and Sex. Manlius. Alarmed at the direction affairs were talking, the senate held daily meetings, but the time

was spent in mutual reproaches rather than in deliberation. The decemvirs were openly charged with the

murder of Siccius, the profligacy of Appius, and the disgrace incurred in the field. It was proposed that

Valerius and Horatius should go to the Aventine, but they refused to go unless the decemvirs gave up the

insignia of an office which had expired the previous year. The decemvirs protested against this attempt to

coerce them, and said that they would not lay down their authority until the laws which they were appointed

M. Duillius, a former tribune, informed the plebs that, owing to incessant wranglings, no business was being

transacted in the senate. He did not believe that the senators would trouble about them till they saw the City

deserted; the Sacred Hill would remind them of the firm determination once shown by the plebs, and they

would learn that unless the tribunitian power was restored there could be no concord in the State. The armies

left the Aventine and, going out by the Nomentanor, as it was then called, the Ficulan road, they encamped

on the Sacred Hill, imitating the moderation of their fathers by abstaining from all injury. The plebeian

civilians followed the army, no one whose age allowed him to go hung back. Their wives and children

followed them, asking in piteous tones, to whom would they leave them in a City where neither modesty nor

liberty were respected? The unwonted solitude gave a dreary and deserted look to every part of Rome; in the

Forum there were only a few of the older patricians, and when the senate was in session it was wholly

deserted. Many besides Horatius and Valerius were now angrily asking, "What are you waiting for, senators?

If the decemvirs do not lay aside their obstinacy, will you allow everything to go to wrack and ruin? And

what, pray; is that authority, decemvirs, to which you cling so closely? Are you going to administer justice to

walls and roofs? Are you not ashamed to see a greater number of lictors in the Forum than of all other

citizens put together? What will you do if the enemy approach the City? What if the plebs, seeing that their

secession has no effect, come shortly against us in arms? Do you want to end your power by the fall of the

City? Either you will have to do without the plebeians or you will have to accept their tribunes; sooner than

they will go without their magistrates, we shall have to go without ours. That power which they wrested from

our fathers, when it was an untried novelty, they will not submit to be deprived of, now that they have tasted

the sweets of it, especially as we are not making that moderate use of our power which would prevent their

needing its protection." Remonstrances like these came from all parts of the House; at last the decemvirs,

overborne by the unanimous opposition, asserted that since it was the general wish, they would submit to the

authority of the senate. All they asked for was that they might be protected against the popular rage; they

warned the senate against the plebs becoming by their death habituated to inflicting punishment on the

Valerius and Horatius were then sent to the plebs with terms which it was thought would lead to their return

and the adjustment of all differences; they were also instructed to procure guarantees for the protection of the

decemvirs against popular violence. They were welcomed in the camp with every expression of delight, for

they were unquestionably regarded as liberators from the commencement of the disturbance to its close.

Thanks therefore were offered to them on their arrival. Icilius was the spokesman. A policy had been agreed

upon before the arrival of the envoys, so when the discussion of the terms commenced, and the envoys asked

what the demands of the plebs were, Icilius put forward proposals of such a nature as to show clearly that

their hopes lay in the justice of their cause rather than in an appeal to arms. They demanded the

reestablishment of the tribunitian power and the right of appeal, which before the institution of decemvirs

had been their main security. They also demanded an amnesty for those who had incited the soldiers or the

plebs to recover their liberties by a secession. The only vindictive demand made was with reference to the

punishment of the decemvirs. They insisted, as an act of justice, that they should be surrendered, and they

threatened to burn them alive. The envoys replied to these demands as follows: "The demands you have put

forward as the result of your deliberations are so equitable that they would have been voluntarily conceded,

for you ask for them as the safeguards of your liberties, not as giving you licence to attack others. Your

feelings of resentment are to be excused rather than indulged; for it is through hatred of cruelty that you are

actually hurrying into cruelty, and almost before you are free yourselves you want to act the tyrant over your

adversaries. Is our State never to enjoy any respite from punishments inflicted either by the patricians on the

Roman plebs, or by the plebs on the patricians? You need the shield rather than the sword. He is humble

enough who lives in the State under equal laws, neither inflicting nor suffering injury. Even if the time should

come when you will make yourselves formidable, when, after recovering your magistrates and your laws, you

will have judicial power over our lives and propertyeven then you will decide each case on its merits, it is

Permission having been unanimously granted them to do as they thought best, the envoys announced that

they would return shortly after matters were arranged. When they laid the demands of the plebs before the

senate, the other decemvirs, on finding that no mention was made of inflicting punishment on them, raised no

objection whatever. The stern Appius, who was detested most of all, measuring the hatred of others towards

him by his hatred towards them, said, "I am quite aware of the fate that is hanging over me. I see that the

struggle against us is only postponed till our weapons are handed over to our opponents. Their rage must be

appeased with blood. Still, even I do not hesitate to lay down my decemvirate." A decree was passed for the

decemvirs to resign office as soon as possible, Q. Furius, the Pontifex Maximus, to appoint tribunes of the

plebs, and an amnesty to be granted for the secession of the soldiers and the plebs. After these decrees were

passed, the senate broke up, and the decemvirs proceeded to the Assembly and formally laid down their

office, to the immense delight of all. This was reported to the plebs on the Sacred Hill. The envoys who

carried the intelligence were followed by everybody who was left in the City; this mass of people was met by

another rejoicing multitude who issued from the camp. They exchanged mutual congratulations on the

restoration of liberty and concord. The envoys, addressing the multitude as an Assembly, said, "Prosperity,

fortune, and happiness to you and to the State! Return to your fatherland, your homes, your wives, and your

children! But carry into the City the same selfcontrol which you have exhibited here, where no man's land

has been damaged, notwithstanding the need of so many things necessary for so large a multitude. Go to the

Aventine, whence you came; there, on the auspicious spot where you laid the beginnings of your liberty, you

will appoint your tribunes; the Pontifex Maximus will be present to hold the election." Great was the delight

and eagerness with which they applauded everything. They plucked up the standards and started for Rome,

outdoing those they met in their expressions of joy. Marching under arms through the City in silence, they

reached the Aventine. There the Pontifex Maximus at once proceeded to hold the election for tribunes. The

first to be elected was L. Verginius; next, the organisers of the secession, L. Icilius and P. Numitorius, the

uncle of Verginius; then, C. Sicinius, the son of the man who is recorded as the first to be elected of the

tribunes on the Sacred Hill, and M. Duillius, who had filled that office with distinction before the

appointment of the decemvirs, and through all the struggles with them had never failed to support the plebs.

After these came M. Titinius, M. Pomponius, C. Apronius, Appius Villius, and Caius Oppius, all of whom

were elected rather in hope of their future usefulness than for any services actually rendered. When he had

entered on his tribuneship L. Icilius at once proposed a resolution which the plebs accepted, that no one

should suffer for the secession. Marcus Duillius immediately carried a measure for the election of consuls and

the right of appeal from them to the people. All these measures were passed in a council of the plebs which

The election of consuls took place under the presidency of an "interrex." Those elected were L. Valerius and

M. Horatius, and they at once assumed office. Their consulship was a popular one, and inflicted no injustice

upon the patricians, though they regarded it with suspicion, for whatever was done to safeguard the liberties

of the plebs they looked upon as an infringement of their own powers. First of all, as it was a doubtful legal

point whether the patricians were bound by the ordinances of the plebs, they carried a law in the Assembly of

Centuries that what the plebs had passed in their Tribes should be binding on the whole people. By this law a

very effective weapon was placed in the hands of the tribunes. Then another consular law, confirming the

right of appeal, as the one defence of liberty, which had been annulled by the decemvirs, was not only

restored but strengthened for the future by a fresh enactment. This forbade the appointment of any magistrate

from whom there was no right of appeal, and provided that any one who did so appoint might be rightly and

lawfully put to death, nor should the man who put him to death be held guilty of murder. When they had

sufficiently strengthened the plebs by the right of appeal on the one hand and the protection afforded by the

tribunes on the other, they proceeded to secure the personal inviolability of the tribunes themselves. The

memory of this had almost perished, so they renewed it with certain sacred rites revived from a distant past,

and in addition to securing their inviolability by the sanctions of religion, they enacted a law that whoever

offered violence to the magistrates of the plebs, whether tribunes, aediles, or decemviral judges, his person

should be devoted to Jupiter, his possessions sold and the proceeds assigned to the temples of Ceres, Liber,

and Liberal Jurists say that by this law no one was actually "sacrosanct," but that when injury was offered to

any of those mentioned above the offender was "sacer." If an aedile, therefore, were arrested and sent to

prison by superior magistrates, though this could not be done by lawfor by this law it would not be lawful

for him to be injuredyet it is a proof that an aedile is not held to be "sacrosanct," whereas the tribunes of the

plebs were "sacrosanct" by the ancient oath taken by the plebeians when that office was first created. There

were some who interpreted the law as including even the consuls in its provisions, and the praetors, because

they were elected under the same auspices as the consuls, for a consul was called a "judge." This

interpretation is refuted by the fact that in those times it was the custom for a judge to be called not "consul"

but "praetor." These were the laws enacted by the consuls. They also ordered that the decrees of the senate,

which used formerly to be suppressed and tampered with at the pleasure of the consuls, should henceforth be

taken to the aediles at the temple of Ceres. Marcus Duillius, the tribune, then proposed a resolution which the

plebs adopted, that any one who should leave the plebs without tribunes, or who should create a magistrate

from whom there was no appeal, should be scourged and beheaded. All these transactions were distasteful to

the patricians, but they did not actively oppose them, as none of them had yet been marked out for vindictive

The power of the tribunes and the liberties of the plebs were now on a secure basis. The next step was taken

by the tribunes, who thought the time had come when they might safely proceed against individuals. They

selected Verginius to take up the first prosecution, which was that of Appius. When the day had been fixed,

and Appius had come down to the Forum with a bodyguard of young patricians, the sight of him and his

satellites reminded all present of the power he had used so vilely. Verginius began: "Oratory was invented for

doubtful cases. I will not, therefore, waste time by a long indictment before you of the man from whose

cruelty you have vindicated yourselves by force of arms, nor will I allow him to add to his other crimes an

impudent defence. So I will pass over, Appius Claudius, all the wicked and impious things that you had the

audacity to do, one after another, for the last two years. One charge only will I bring against you, that

contrary to law you have adjudged a free person to be a slave, and unless you name an umpire before whom

you can prove your innocence, I shall order you to be taken to prison." Appius had nothing to hope for in the

protection of the tribunes or the verdict of the people. Nevertheless he called upon the tribunes, and when

none intervened to stay proceedings and he was seized by the apparitor, he said, "I appeal." This single word,

the protection of liberty, uttered by those lips which had so lately judicially deprived a person of her freedom,

produced a general silence. Then the people remarked to one another that there were gods after all who did

not neglect the affairs of men; arrogance and cruelty were visited by punishments which, though lingering,

were not light; that man was appealing who had taken away the power of appeal; that man was imploring the

protection of the people who had trampled underfoot all their rights; he was losing his own liberty and being

carried off to prison who had sentenced a free person to slavery. Amidst the murmur of the Assembly the

voice of Appius himself was heard imploring "the protection of the Roman people."

He began by enumerating the services of his ancestors to the State, both at home and in the field; his own

unfortunate devotion to the plebs, which had led him to resign his consulship in order to enact equal laws for

all, giving thereby the greatest offence to the patricians; his laws which were still in force, though their author

was being carried to prison. As to his own personal conduct and his good and evil deeds, however, he would

bring them to the test when he had the opportunity of pleading his cause. For the present he claimed the

common right of a Roman citizen to be allowed to plead on the appointed day and submit himself to the

judgment of the Roman people. He was not so apprehensive of the general feeling against him as to abandon

all hope in the impartiality and sympathy of his fellowcitizens. If he was to be taken to prison before his

case was heard, he would once more appeal to the tribunes, and warn them not to copy the example of those

whom they hated. If they admitted that they were bound by the same agreement to abolish the right of appeal

which they accused the decemvirs of having formed, then he would appeal to the people and invoke the laws

which both consuls and tribunes had enacted that very year to protect that right. For if before the case is heard

and judgment given there is no power of appeal, who would appeal ? What plebeian, even the humblest,

would find protection in the laws, if Appius Claudius could not? His case would show whether it was tyranny

or freedom that was conferred by the new laws, and whether the right of challenge and appeal against the

injustice of magistrates was only displayed in empty words or was actually granted.

Verginius replied. Appius Claudius, he said, alone was outside the laws, outside all the bonds that held States

or even human society together. Let men cast their eyes on that tribunal, the fortress of all villainies, where

that perpetual decemvir, surrounded by hangmen not lictors, in contempt of gods and men alike, wreaked his

vengeance on the goods, the backs, and the lives of the citizens, threatening all indiscriminately with the rods

and axes, and then when his mind was diverted from rapine and murder to lust, tore a freeborn maiden from

her father's arms, before the eyes of Rome, and gave her to a client, the minister of his intriguesthat tribunal

where by a cruel decree and infamous judgment he armed the father's hand against the daughter, where he

ordered those who took up the maiden's lifeless bodyher betrothed lover and her grandfatherto be thrown

into prison, moved less by her death than by the check to his criminal gratification. For him as much as for

others was that prison built which he used to call "the domicile of the Roman plebs." Let him appeal again

and again, he (the speaker) would always refer him to an umpire on the charge of having sentenced a free

person to slavery. If he would not go before an umpire he should order him to be imprisoned as though found

guilty. He was accordingly thrown into prison, and though no one actually opposed this step, there was a

general feeling of anxiety, since even the plebeians themselves thought it an excessive use of their liberty to

inflict punishment on so great a man. The tribune adjourned the day of trial. During these proceedings

ambassadors came from the Latins and Hernicans to offer their congratulations on the restoration of harmony

between the patriciate and the plebs. As a memorial of it, they brought an offering to Jupiter Optimus

Maximus, in the shape of a golden crown. It was not a large one, as they were not wealthy States; their

religious observances were characterised by devotion rather than magnificence. They also brought

information that the Aequi and Volscians were devoting all their energies to preparing for war. The consuls

were thereupon ordered to arrange their respective commands. The Sabines fell to Horatius, the Aequi to

Valerius. They proclaimed a levy for these wars, and so favourable was the attitude of the plebs that not only

did the men liable for service promptly give in their names, but a large part of the levy consisted of men who

had served their time and came forward as volunteers. In this way the army was strengthened not only in

numbers but in the quality of the soldiers, as veterans took their places in the ranks. Before they left the City,

the laws of the decemvirs, known as the "Twelve Tables," were engraved in brass and publicly exhibited;

some writers assert that the aediles discharged this task under orders from the tribunes.

Caius Claudius, through detestation of the crimes committed by the decemvirs, and the anger which he, more

than any one, felt at the tyrannical conduct of his nephew, had retired to Regillum, his ancestral home.

Though advanced in years, he now returned to the City, to deprecate the dangers threatening the man whose

vicious practices had driven him into retirement. Going down to the Forum in mourning garb, accompanied

by the members of his house and by his clients, he appealed to the citizens individually, and implored them

not to stain the house of the Claudii with such an indelible disgrace as to deem them worthy of bonds and

imprisonment. To think that a man whose image would be held in highest honour by posterity, the framer of

their laws and the founder of Roman jurisprudence, should be lying manacled amongst nocturnal thieves and

robbers! Let them turn their thoughts for a moment from feelings of exasperation to calm examination and

reflection, and forgive one man at the intercession of so many of the Claudii, rather than through their hatred

of one man despise the prayers of many. So far he himself would go for the honour of his family and his

name, but he was not reconciled to the man whose distressed condition he was anxious to relieve. By courage

their liberties had been recovered, by clemency the harmony of the orders in the State could be strengthened.

Some were moved, but it was more by the affection he showed for his nephew than by any regard for the man

for whom he was pleading. But Verginius begged them with tears to keep their compassion for him and his

daughter, and not to listen to the prayers of the Claudii, who had assumed sovereign power over the plebs, but

to the three tribunes, kinsmen of Verginia, who, after being elected to protect the plebeians, were now

seeking their protection. This appeal was felt to have more justice in it. All hope being now cut off, Appius

Soon after Sp. Oppius was arraigned by P. Numitorius. He was only less detested than Appius, because he

had been in the City when his colleague pronounced the iniquitous judgment. More indignation, however,

was aroused by an atrocity which Oppius had committed than by his not having prevented one. A witness was

produced, who after reckoning up twentyseven years of service, and eight occasions on which he had been

decorated for conspicuous bravery, appeared before the people wearing all his decorations. Tearing open his

dress he exhibited his back lacerated with stripes. He asked for nothing but a proof on Oppius' part of any

single charge against him; if such proof were forthcoming, Oppius, though now only a private citizen, might

repeat all his cruelty towards him. Oppius was taken to prison and there, before the day of trial, he put an end

to his life. His property and that of Claudius were confiscated by the tribunes. Their colleagues changed their

domicile by going into exile; their property also was confiscated. M. Claudius, who had been the claimant of

Verginia, was tried and condemned; Verginius himself, however, refused to press for the extreme penalty, so

he was allowed to go into exile to Tibur. Verginia was more fortunate after her death than in her lifetime; her

shade, after wandering through so many houses in quest of expiatory penalties, at length found rest, not one

Great alarm seized the patricians; the looks of the tribunes were now as menacing as those of the decemvirs

had been. M. Duillius the tribune imposed a salutary check upon their excessive exercise of authority. "We

have gone," he said, "far enough in the assertion of our liberty and the punishment of our opponents, so for

this year I will allow no man to be brought to trial or cast into prison. I disapprove of old crimes, long

forgotten, being raked up, now that the recent ones have been atoned for by the punishment of the decemvirs.

The unceasing care which both the consuls are taking to protect your liberties is a guarantee that nothing will

be done which will call for the power of the tribunes." This spirit of moderation shown by the tribune relieved

the fears of the patricians, but it also intensified their resentment against the consuls, for they seemed to be so

wholly devoted to the plebs, that the safety and liberty of the patricians were a matter of more immediate

concern to the plebeian than they were to the patrician magistrates. It seemed as though their adversaries

would grow weary of inflicting punishment on them sooner than the consuls would curb their insolence. It

was pretty generally asserted that they had shown weakness, since their laws had been sanctioned by the

senate, and no doubt was entertained that they had yielded to the pressure of circumstances.

After matters had been settled in the City and the position of the plebs firmly assured, the consuls left for

their respective provinces. Valerius wisely suspended operations against the combined forces of the Aequi

and Volscians. If he had at once hazarded an engagement, I question whether, considering the temper of both

the Romans and the enemy after the inauspicious leadership of the decemvirs, he would not have incurred a

serious defeat. Taking up a position about a mile from the enemy, he kept his men in camp. The enemy

formed up for battle, and filled the space between the camps, but their challenge met with no response from

the Romans. Tired at last of standing and vainly waiting for battle, and regarding victory as practically

conceded to them, the two nations marched away to ravage the territories of the Hernici and Latins. The force

left behind was sufficient to guard the camp, but not to sustain an action. On seeing this the consul made

them in their turn feel the terror which they had inspired, drew up his men in order of battle and challenged

them to fight. As, conscious of their reduced strength, they declined an engagement, the courage of the

Romans at once rose, and they looked upon the men who kept timidly within their lines as already defeated.

After standing the whole day eager to engage, they retired at nightfall; the enemy in a very different state of

mind sent men hurriedly in all directions to recall the plundering parties; those in the neighbourhood hastened

back to camp, the more distant ones were not traced. As soon as it grew light, the Romans marched out,

prepared to storm their camp if they did not give them the chance of a battle. When the day was far advanced

without any movement on the part of the enemy, the consul gave the order to advance. As the line moved

forward, the Aequi and Volscians, indignant at the prospect of their victorious armies being protected by

earthworks rather than by courage and arms, clamoured for the signal for battle. It was given, and part of their

force had already emerged from the gate of the camp, whilst others were coming down in order and taking up

their allotted positions, but before the enemy could mass his whole strength in the field the Roman consul

delivered his attack. They had not all marched out of the camp, those who had done so were not able to

deploy into line, and crowded together as they were, they began to waver and sway. Whilst they looked round

helplessly at each other, undecided what to do, the Romans raised their warcry, and at first the enemy gave

ground, then, when they had recovered their presence of mind and their generals were appealing to them not

On the other side the consul bade the Romans remember that on that day for the first time they were fighting

as free men on behalf of a free Rome. It was for themselves that they would conquer, the fruits of their

victory would not go to decemvirs. The battle was not being fought under an Appius, but under their consul

Valerius, a descendant of the liberators of the Roman people, and a liberator himself. They must show that it

was owing to the generals, not to the soldiers, that they had failed to conquer in former battles; it would be a

disgrace if they showed more courage against their own citizens than against a foreign foe, or dreaded slavery

at home more than abroad. It was only Verginia whose chastity was imperilled, only Appius whose

licentiousness was dangerous, in a time of peace, but if the fortune of war should turn against them, every

one's children would be in danger from all those thousands of enemies. He would not forebode disasters

which neither Jupiter nor Mars their Father would permit to a City founded under those happy auspices. He

reminded them of the Aventine and the Sacred Hill, and besought them to carry back unimpaired dominion to

that spot where a few months before they had won their liberties. They must make it clear that Roman

soldiers possessed the same qualities now that the decemvirs were expelled which they had before they were

created, and that Roman courage was not weakened by the fact that the laws were equal for all.

After this address to the infantry, he galloped up to the cavalry. "Come, young men," he shouted, "prove

yourselves superior to the infantry in courage, as you are superior to them in honour and rank. They

dislodged the enemy at the first onset, do you ride in amongst them and drive them from the field. They will

not stand your charge, even now they are hesitating rather than resisting." With slackened rein, they spurred

their horses against the enemy already shaken by the infantry encounter, and sweeping through their broken

ranks were carried to the rear. Some, wheeling round in the open ground, rode across and headed off the

fugitives who were everywhere making for the camp. The line of infantry with the consul in person and the

whole of the battle rolled in the same direction; they got possession of the camp with an immense loss to the

enemy, but the booty was still greater than the carnage. The news of this battle was carried not only to the

City, but to the other army amongst the Sabines. In the City it was celebrated with public rejoicings, but in

the other camp it fired the soldiers to emulation. By employing them in incursions and testing their courage in

skirmishes, Horatius had trained them to put confidence in themselves instead of brooding over the disgrace

incurred under the leadership of the decemvirs, and this had gone far to make them hope for ultimate success.

The Sabines, emboldened by their success of the previous year, were incessantly provoking them and urging

them to fight, and wanting to know why they were wasting their time in petty incursions and retreats like

banditti, and fettering away the effort of one decisive action in a number of insignificant engagements. Why,

they tauntingly asked, did they not meet them in a pitched battle and trust once for all to the fortune of war?

The Romans had not only recovered their courage, but they were burning with indignation. The other army,

they said, was about to return to the City in triumph, whilst they were exposed to the taunts of an insolent foe.

When would they ever be a match for the enemy if they were not now? The consul became aware of these

murmurings of discontent and after summoning the soldiers to an assembly, addressed them as follows: "How

the battle was fought on Algidus, soldiers, I suppose you have heard. The army behaved as the army of a free

people ought to behave. The victory was won by the generalship of my colleague and the bravery of his

soldiers. As far as I am concerned, I am ready to adopt that plan of operations which you, my soldiers, have

the courage to execute. The war may either be prolonged with advantage or brought to an early close. If it is

to be protracted I shall continue the method of training which I have begun, so that your spirits and courage

may rise day by day. If you want it brought to a decisive issue, come now, raise such a shout as you will raise

in battle as a proof of your willingness and courage." After they had raised the shout with great alacrity, he

assured them that, with the blessing of heaven, he would comply with their wishes and lead them out to battle

on the morrow. The rest of the day was spent in getting their armour and weapons ready. No sooner did the

Sabines see the Romans forming in order of battle the next morning than they also advanced to an

engagement which they had long been eager for. The battle was such as would be expected between armies

both of which were full of selfconfidencethe one proud of its old and unbroken renown, the other flushed

with its recent victory. The Sabines called strategy to their aid, for, after giving their line an extent equal to

that of the enemy, they kept 2000 men in reserve to make an impression on the Roman left when the battle

was at its height. By this flank attack they had almost surrounded and were beginning to overpower that

wing, when the cavalry of the two legionsabout 600 strongsprang from their horses and rushed to the front

to support their comrades who were now giving way. They checked the enemy's advance and at the same

time roused the courage of the infantry by sharing their danger, and appealing to their sense of shame, by

showing that whilst the cavalry could fight either mounted or on foot, the infantry, trained to fight on foot,

So they resumed the struggle which they were giving up and recovered the ground they had lost, and in a

moment not only was the battle restored but the Sabines on that wing were even forced back. The cavalry

returned to their horses, protected by the infantry through whose ranks they passed, and galloped off to the

other wing to announce their success to their comrades. At the same time they made a charge on the enemy,

who were now demoralised through the defeat of their strongest wing. None showed more brilliant courage in

that battle. The consul's eyes were everywhere, he commended the brave, had words of rebuke wherever the

battle seemed to slacken. Those whom he censured displayed at once the energy of brave men, they were

stimulated by a sense of shame, as much as the others by his commendation. The battlecry was again raised,

and by one united effort on the part of the whole army they repulsed the enemy; the Roman attack could no

longer be withstood. The Sabines were scattered in all directions through the fields, and left their camp as a

spoil to the enemy. What the Romans found there was not the property of their allies, as had been the case on

Algidus, but their own, which had been lost in the ravaging of their homesteads. For this double victory, won

in two separate battles, the senate decreed thanksgivings on behalf of the consuls, but their jealousy restricted

them to one day. The people, however, without receiving orders, went on the second day also in vast crowds

to the temples, and this unauthorised and spontaneous thanksgiving was celebrated with almost greater

The consuls had mutually agreed to approach the City during these two days and convene a meeting of the

senate in the Campus Martius. Whilst they were making their report there on the conduct of the campaigns,

the leaders of the senate entered a protest against their session being held in the midst of the troops, in order

to intimidate them. To avoid any ground for this charge the consuls immediately adjourned the senate to the

Flaminian Meadows, where the temple of Apollothen called the Apollinarenow stands. The senate by a

large majority refused the consuls the honour of a triumph, whereupon L. Icilius, as tribune of the plebs,

brought the question before the people. Many came forward to oppose it, particularly C. Claudius, who

exclaimed in excited tones that it was over the senate, not over the enemy, that the consuls wished to

celebrate their triumph. It was demanded as an act of gratitude for a private service rendered to a tribune, not

as an honour for merit. Never before had a triumph been ordered by the people, it had always lain with the

senate to decide whether one was deserved or not; not even kings had infringed the prerogative of the highest

order in the State. The tribunes must not make their power pervade everything, so as to render the existence

of a council of State impossible. The State will only be free, the laws equal, on condition that each order

preserves its own rights, its own power and dignity. Much to the same effect was said by the senior members

of the senate, but the tribes unanimously adopted the proposal. That was the first instance of a triumph being

This victory of the tribunes and the plebs very nearly led to a dangerous abuse of power. A secret

understanding was come to amongst the tribunes that they should all be reappointed, and to prevent their

factious purpose from being too noticeable, they were to secure a continuance of the consuls in office also.

They alleged as a reason the agreement of the senate to undermine the rights of the plebs by the slight they

had cast on the consuls. "What," they argued, "would happen if, before the laws were yet securely

established, the patricians should attack fresh tribunes through consuls belonging to their own party? For the

consuls would not always be men of the stamp of Valerius and Horatius, who subordinated their own

interests to the liberty of the plebs." By a happy chance it fell to the lot of M. Duillius to preside over the

elections. He was a man of sagacity, and foresaw the obloquy that would be incurred by the continuance in

office of the present magistrates. On his declaring that he would accept no votes for the former tribunes, his

colleagues insisted that he should either leave the tribes free to vote for whom they chose, or else resign the

control of the elections to his colleagues, who would conduct them according to law rather than at the will of

the patricians. As a contention had arisen, Duillius sent for the consuls and asked them what they intended to

do about the consular elections. They replied that they should elect fresh consuls. Having thus gained popular

supporters for a measure by no means popular, he proceeded in company with them into the Assembly. Here

the consuls were brought forward to the people and the question was put to them, "If the Roman people,

remembering how you have recovered their liberty for them at home, remembering, too, your services and

achievements in war, should make you consuls a second time, what do you intend to do?" They declared their

resolution unchanged, and Duillius, applauding the consuls for maintaining to the last an attitude totally

unlike that of the decemvirs, proceeded to hold the election. Only five tribunes were elected, for owing to the

efforts of the nine tribunes in openly pushing their canvass, the other candidates could not get the requisite

majority of votes. He dismissed the Assembly and did not hold a second election, on the ground that he had

satisfied the requirements of the law, which nowhere fixed the number of tribunes, but merely enacted that

the office of tribune should not be left vacant. He ordered those who had been elected to coopt colleagues,

and recited the formula which governed the case as follows: "If I require you to elect ten tribunes of the

plebs; if on this day you have elected less than ten, then those whom they coopt shall be lawful tribunes of

the plebs by the same law, in like manner as those whom you have this day made tribunes of the plebs."

Duillius persisted in asserting to the last that the commonwealth could not possibly have fifteen tribunes, and

he resigned office, after having won the goodwill of patricians and plebeians alike by his frustration of the

The new tribunes of the plebs studied the wishes of the senate in coopting colleagues; they even admitted

two patricians of consular rank, Sp. Tarpeius and A. Aeternius. The new consuls were Spurius Herminius and

T. Verginius Caelimontanus, who were not violent partisans of either the patricians or the plebeians. They

maintained peace both at home and abroad. L. Trebonius, a tribune of the plebs, was angry with the senate

because, as he said, he had been hoodwinked by them in the cooptation of tribunes, and left in the lurch by

his colleagues. He brought in a measure providing that when tribunes of the plebs were to be elected, the

presiding magistrate should continue to hold the election until ten tribunes were elected. He spent his year of

office in worrying the patricians, which led to his receiving the nickname of "Asper " (i.e. "the

Cantankerous"). The next consuls were M. Geganius Macerinus and C. Julius. They appeased the quarrels

which had broken out between the tribunes and the younger members of the nobility without interfering with

the powers of the former or compromising the dignity of the patricians. A levy had been decreed by the

senate for service against the Volscians and Aequi, but they kept the plebs quiet by holding it over, and

publicly asserting that when the City was at peace everything abroad was quiet, whereas civil discord

encouraged the enemy. Their care for peace led to harmony at home. But the one order was always restless

when the other showed moderation. Whilst the plebs was quiet it began to be subjected to acts of violence

from the younger patricians. The tribunes tried to protect the weaker side, but they did little good at first, and

soon even they themselves were not exempt from illtreatment, especially in the later months of their year of

office. Secret combinations amongst the stronger party resulted in lawlessness, and the exercise of the

tribunitian authority usually slackened towards the close of the year. Any hopes the plebeians might place in

their tribunes depended upon their having men like Icilius; for the last two years they had had mere names.

On the other hand, the older patricians realised that their younger members were too aggressive, but if there

were to be excesses they preferred that their own side should commit them rather than their opponents. So

difficult is it to observe moderation in the defence of liberty, while each man under the presence of equality

raises himself only by keeping others down, and by their very precautions against fear men make themselves

feared, and in repelling injury from ourselves we inflict it on others as though there were no alternative

T. Quinctius Capitolinus and Agrippa Furius were the next consuls elected the former for the fourth time.

They found on entering office no disturbances at home nor any war abroad, though both were threatening.

The dissensions of the citizens could now no longer be checked, as both the tribunes and the plebs were

exasperated against the patricians, owing to the Assembly being constantly disturbed by fresh quarrels

whenever one of the nobility was prosecuted. At the first bruit of these outbreaks, the Aequi and Volscians, as

though at a given signal, took up arms. Moreover their leaders, eager for plunder, had persuaded them that it

had been impossible to raise the levy ordered two years previously, because the plebs refused to obey, and it

was owing to this that no armies had been sent against them; military discipline was broken up by

insubordination; Rome was no longer looked upon as the common fatherland; all their rage against foreign

foes was turned against one another. Now was the opportunity for destroying these wolves blinded by the

madness of mutual hatred. With their united forces they first completely desolated the Latin territory; then,

meeting with none to check their depredations, they actually approached the walls of Rome, to the great

delight of those who had fomented the war. Extending their ravages in the direction of the Esquiline gate,

they plundered and harried, through sheer insolence, in the sight of the City. After they had marched back

unmolested with their plunder to Corbio, the consul Quinctius convoked the people to an Assembly.

I find that he spoke there as follows: "Though, Quirites, my own conscience is clear, it is, nevertheless, with

feelings of the deepest shame that I have come before you. That you should knowthat it will be handed

down to posteritythat the Aequi and Volscians, who were lately hardly a match for the Hernici, have in the

fourth consulship of T. Quinctius come in arms up to the walls of Rome with impunity! Although we have

long been living in such a state, although public affairs are in such a condition, that my mind augurs nothing

good, still, had I known that this disgrace was coming in this year, of all others, I would have avoided by

exile or by death, had there been no other means of escape, the honour of a consulship. So then, if those arms

which were at our gates had been in the hands of men worthy of the name, Rome could have been taken

whilst I was consul! I had enough of honours, enough and more than enough of life, I ought to have died in

my third consulship. Who was it that those most dastardly foes felt contempt for, us consuls, or you Quirites?

If the fault is in us, strip us of an office which we are unworthy to hold, and if that is not enough, visit us with

punishment. If the fault is in you, may there be no one, either god or man, who will punish your sins; may

you repent of them! It was not your cowardice that provoked their contempt, nor their velour that gave them

confidence; they have been too often defeated, put to flight, driven out of their entrenchments, deprived of

their territory, not to know themselves and you. It is the dissensions between the two orders, the quarrels

between patricians and plebeians that is poisoning the life of this City. As long as our power respects no

limits, and your liberty acknowledges no restraints, as long as you are impatient of patrician, we of plebeian

magistrates, so long has the courage of our enemies been rising. What in heaven's name do you want? You

set your hearts on having tribunes of the plebs, we yielded, for the sake of peace. You yearned for decemvirs,

we consented to their appointment; you grew utterly weary of them, we compelled them to resign. Your

hatred pursued them into private life; to satisfy you, we allowed the noblest and most distinguished of our

order to suffer death or go into exile. You wanted tribunes of the plebs to be appointed again; you have

appointed them. Although we saw how unjust it was to the patricians that men devoted to your interests

should be elected consuls, we have seen even that patrician office conferred by favour of the plebs. The

tribunes' protective authority, the right of appeal to the people, the resolutions of the plebs made binding on

the patricians, the suppression of our rights and privileges under the pretext of making the laws equal for

allthese things we have submitted to, and do submit to. What term is there to be to our dissensions? When

shall we ever be allowed to have a united City, when will this ever be our common fatherland? We who have

lost, show more calmness and evenness of temper than you who have won. Is it not enough that you have

made us fear you? It was against us that the Aventine was seized, against us the Sacred Hill occupied. When

the Esquiline is all but captured and the Volscian is trying to scale the rampart, no one dislodges him. Against

"Well, then, now that you have beleaguered the Senatehouse, and treated the Forum as enemies' ground, and

filled the prison with our foremost men, display the same daring courage in making a sortie from the

Esquiline gate, or if you have not the courage even for this, mount the walls and watch your fields

disgracefully laid waste with fire and sword, plunder carried off and smoke rising everywhere from your

burning dwellings. But I may be told it is the common interests of all that are being injured by this; the land is

burned, the City besieged, all the honours of war rest with the enemy. Good heavens! In what condition are

your own private interests? Every one of you will have losses reported to him from the fields. What, pray, is

there at home from which to make them good? Will the tribunes restore and repay you for what you have

lost? They will contribute any amount you like of talk and words and accusations against the leading men,

and law after law, and meetings of the Assembly. But from those meetings not a single one of you will ever

go home the richer. Who has ever brought back to his wife and children anything but resentment and hatred,

party strife and personal quarrels, from which you are to be protected not by your own courage and honesty

of purpose, but by the help of others? But, let me tell you, when you were campaigning under us your

consuls, not under tribunes, in the camp not in the Forum, and your battlecry appalled the enemy in the

field, not the patricians of Rome in the Assembly, then you obtained booty, took territory from the enemy,

and returned to your homes and household gods in triumph, laden with wealth and covered with glory both

for the State and for yourselves. Now you allow the enemy to depart laden with your property. Go on, stick to

your Assembly meetings, pass your lives in the Forum, still the necessity, which you shirk, of taking the field

follows you. It was too much for you to go out against the Aequi and Volscians; now the war is at your gates.

If it is not beaten back, it will be within the walls, it will scale the Citadel and the Capitol and follow you into

your homes. It is two years since the senate ordered a levy to be raised and an army led out to Algidus; we are

still sitting idly at home, wrangling with one another like a troop of women, delighted with the momentary

peace, and shutting our eyes to the fact that we shall very soon have to pay for our inaction many times over

"I know that there are other things pleasanter to speak about than these, but necessity compels me, even if a

sense of duty did not, to say what is true instead of what is agreeable. I should only be too glad, Quirites, to

give you pleasure, but I would very much rather have you safe, however you may feel towards me for the

future. Nature has so ordered matters that the man who addresses the multitude for his own private ends is

much more popular than the man who thinks of nothing but the public good. Possibly, you imagine that it is

in your interest that those demagogues who flatter the plebs and do not suffer you either to take up arms or

live in peace, excite you and make you restless. They only do so to win notoriety or to make something out of

it, and because they see that when the two orders are in harmony they are nowhere, they are willing to be

leaders in a bad cause rather than in none, and get up disturbances and seditions. "If there is any possibility of

your becoming at last weary of this sort of thing, if you are willing to resume the character which marked

your fathers and yourselves in old days, instead of these newfangled ideas, then there is no punishment I

will not submit to, if I do not in a few days drive these destroyers of our fields in confusion and flight out of

their camp, and remove from our gates and walls to their cities this dread aspect of war which now so appals

Seldom if ever was speech of popular tribune more favourably received by the plebeians than that of this

stern consul. The men of military age who in similar emergencies had made refusal to be enrolled their most

effective weapon against the senate, began now to turn their thoughts to arms and war. The fugitives from the

country districts, those who had been plundered and wounded in the fields, reported a more terrible state of

things than what was visible from the walls, and filled the whole City with a thirst for vengeance. When the

senate met, all eyes fumed to Quinctius as the one man who could uphold the majesty of Rome. The leaders

of the House declared his speech to be worthy of the position he held as consul, worthy of the many

consulships he had previously held, worthy of his whole life, rich as it was in honours, many actually

enjoyed, many more deserved. Other consuls, they said, had either flattered the plebs by betraying the

authority and privileges of the patricians, or, by insisting too harshly upon the rights of their order, had

intensified the opposition of the masses, Titus Quinctius, in his speech, had kept in view the authority of the

senate, the concord of the two orders, and, above all, the circumstances of the hour. They begged him and his

colleague to take over the conduct of public affairs, and appealed to the tribunes to be of one mind with the

consuls in wishing to see the war rolled back from the walls of the City, and inducing the plebs, at such a

crisis, to yield to the authority of the senate. Their common fatherland was, they declared, calling on the

tribunes and imploring their aid now that their fields were ravaged and the City all but attacked.

By universal consent a levy was decreed and held. The consuls gave public notice that there was no time for

investigating claims for exemption, and all the men liable for service were to present themselves the next day

in the Campus Martius. When the war was over they would give time for inquiry into the cases of those who

had not given in their names, and those who could not prove justification would be held to be deserters. All

who were liable to serve appeared on the following day. Each of the cohorts selected their own centurions,

and two senators were placed in command of each cohort. We understand that these arrangements were so

promptly carried out that the standards, which had been taken from the treasury and carried down to the

Campus Martius by the quaestors in the morning, left the Campus at 10 o'clock that same day, and the army,

a newlyraised one with only a few cohorts of veterans following as volunteers, halted at the tenth milestone.

The next day brought them within sight of the enemy, and they entrenched their camp close to the enemy's

camp at Corbio. The Romans were fired by anger and resentment; the enemy, conscious of their guilt after so

many revolts, despaired of pardon. There was consequently no delay in bringing matters to an issue.

In the Roman army the two consuls possessed equal authority. Agrippa, however, voluntarily resigned the

supreme command to his colleaguea very beneficial arrangement where matters of great importance are

concernedand the latter, thus preferred by the ungrudging selfsuppression of his colleague, courteously

responded by imparting to him his plans, and treating him in every way as his equal. When drawn up in battle

order, Quinctius commanded the right wing, Agrippa the left. The centre was assigned to Sp. Postumius

Albus, lieutenantgeneral; the other lieutenantgeneral, P. Sulpicius, was given charge of the cavalry. The

infantry on the right wing fought splendidly, but met with stout resistance on the side of the Volscians. P.

Sulpicius with his cavalry broke the enemy's centre. He could have got back to the main body before the

enemy reformed their broken ranks, but he decided to attack from the rear, and would have scattered the

enemy in a moment, attacked as they were in front and rear, had not the cavalry of the Volscians and Aequi,

adopting his own tactics, intercepted him and kept him for some time engaged. He shouted to his men that

there was no time to lose, they would be surrounded and cut off from their main body if they did not do their

utmost to make a finish of the cavalry fight; it was not enough simply to put them to flight, they must dispose

of both horses and men, that none might return to the field or renew the fighting. They could not resist those

His words did not fall on deaf ears. In one shock they routed the whole of the cavalry, hurled a vast number

from their seats, and drove their lances into the horses. That was the end of the cavalry fight. Next they made

a rear attack on the infantry, and when their line began to waver they sent a report to the consuls of what they

had done. The news gave fresh courage to the Romans, who were now winning, and dismayed the retreating

Aequi. Their defeat began in the centre, where the cavalry charge had thrown them into disorder. Then the

repulse of the left wing by the consul Quinctius commenced. The right wing gave more trouble. Here

Agrippa, whose age and strength made him fearless, seeing that things were going better in all parts of the

field than with him, seized standards from the standardbearers and advanced with them himself, some he

even began to throw amongst the masses of the enemy. Roused at the fear and disgrace of losing them, his

men made a fresh charge on the enemy, and in all directions the Romans were equally successful. At this

point a message came from Quinctius that he was victorious, and was now threatening the enemy's camp, but

would not attack it till he knew that the action on the left wing was decided. If Agrippa had defeated the

enemy he was to join him, so that the whole army might together take possession of the spoil. The victorious

Agrippa, amidst mutual congratulations, proceeded to his colleague and the enemy's camp. The few

defenders were routed in a moment and the entrenchment forced without any resistance. The army was

marched back to camp after securing immense spoil and recovering their own property which had been lost in

the ravaging of their lands. I cannot find that a triumph was either demanded by the consuls or granted by the

senate; nor is any reason recorded for this honour having been either not expected or not thought worth

asking for. As far as I can conjecture after such an interval of time, the reason would appear to be that as a

triumph was refused by the senate to the consuls Valerius and Horatius, who, apart from the Volscians and

Aequi, had won the distinction of bringing the Sabine war to a close, the present consuls were ashamed to ask

for a triumph for doing only half as much, lest, if they did obtain it, it might appear to be out of consideration

This honourable victory won from an enemy was sullied by a disgraceful decision of the people respecting

the territory of their allies. The inhabitants of Aricia and Ardea had frequently gone to war over some

disputed land; tired at last of their many reciprocal defeats, they referred the matter to the arbitrament of

Rome. The magistrates convened an Assembly on their behalf, and when they had come to plead their cause,

the debate was conducted with much warmth. When the evidence was concluded and the time came for the

tribes to be called upon to vote, P. Scaptius, an aged plebeian, rose and said, "If, consuls, I am allowed to

speak on matters of high policy, I will not suffer the people to go wrong in this matter." The consuls refused

him a hearing, as being a man of no credit, and when he loudly exclaimed that the commonwealth was being

betrayed they ordered him to be removed. He appealed to the tribunes. The tribunes, who are almost always

ruled by the multitude more than they rule them, finding that the plebs were anxious to hear him, gave

Scaptius permission to say what he wanted. So he began by saying that he was now in his eightythird year

and had seen service in that country which was now in dispute, not as a young man but as a veteran of twenty

years' standing, when the war was going on against Corioli. He therefore alleged as a fact, forgotten through

lapse of time, but deeply imprinted in his own memory, that the disputed land formed part of the territory of

Corioli, and when that city was taken, became by the right of war part of the State domain of Rome. The

Ardeates and Aricians had never claimed it while Corioli was unconquered, and he was wondering how they

could hope to filch it from the people of Rome, whom they had made arbiters instead of rightful owners. He

had not long to live, but he could not, old as he was, bring himself to refrain from using the only means in his

power, namely, his voice, in order to assert the right to that territory which as a soldier he had done his best to

win. He earnestly advised the people not to pronounce, from a false feeling of delicacy, against a cause which

When the consuls saw that Scaptius was listened to not only in silence but even with approval, they called

gods and men to witness that a monstrous injustice was being perpetrated, and sent for the leaders of the

senate. Accompanied by them they went amongst the tribes and implored them not to commit the worst of

crimes and establish a still worse precedent by perverting justice to their own advantage. Even supposing it

were permissible for a judge to look after his own interest, they would certainly never gain by appropriating

the disputed territory as much as they would lose by estranging the feelings of their allies through their

injustice. The damage done to their good name and credit would be incalculable. Were the envoys to carry

back this to their home, was it to go out to the world, was it to reach the ears of their allies and of their

enemies? With what pain the former would receive it, with what joy the latter! Did they suppose that the

surrounding nations would fix the responsibility for it on Scaptius, a moborator in his dotage? To him it

might be a patent of nobility, but on the Roman people it would stamp a character for trickery and fraud. For

what judge has ever dealt with a private suit so as to adjudge to himself the property in dispute? Even

Scaptius would not do that, although he has outlived all sense of shame. In spite of these earnest appeals

which the consuls and senators made, cupidity and Scaptius its instigator prevailed. The tribes, when called

upon to vote, decided that it was part of the public domain of Rome. It is not denied that the result would

have been the same had the case gone before other judges, but as it is, the disgrace attaching to the judgment

is not in the least degree lightened by any justice in the case, nor did it appear more ugly and tyrannical to the

people of Aricia and Ardea than it did to the Roman senate. The rest of the year remained undisturbed both at

The consuls who succeeded were M. Genucius and C. Curtius. The year was a troubled one both at home and

abroad. In the beginning of the year C. Canuleius, a tribune of the plebs, introduced a law with regard to the

intermarriage of patricians and plebeians. The patricians considered that their blood would be contaminated

by it and the special rights of the houses thrown into confusion. Then the tribunes began to throw out hints

about one consul being elected from the plebs, and matters advanced so far that nine tribunes brought in a

measure empowering the people to elect consuls from the plebeians or the patricians as they chose. The

patricians believed that, if this were carried, the supreme power would not only be degraded by being shared

with the lowest of the people, but would entirely pass away from the chief men in the State into the hands of

the plebs. The senate were not sorry, therefore, to hear that Ardea had revolted as a consequence of the unjust

decision about the territory, that the Veientines had ravaged the districts on the Roman frontier, and that the

Volscians and Aequi were protesting against the fortifying of Verrugo; so much did they prefer war, even

when unsuccessful, to an ignominious peace. On receiving these reportswhich were somewhat

exaggeratedthe senate tried to drown the voice of the tribunes in the uproar of so many wars by ordering a

levy to be made and all preparations for war pushed on with the utmost vigour, more so, if possible, than

during the consulship of T. Quinctius. Thereupon C. Canuleius addressed the senate in a short and angry

speech. It was, he said, useless for the consuls to hold out threats in the hope of distracting the attention of the

plebs from the proposed law; as long as he was alive they should never hold a levy until the plebs had

adopted the measures brought forward by himself and his colleagues. He at once convened an Assembly.

The consuls began to rouse the senate to take action against the tribunes, and at the same time the tribunes

were getting up an agitation against the consuls. The consuls declared that the revolutionary proceedings of

the tribunes could no longer be tolerated, matters had come to a crisis, there was a more bitter war going on at

home than abroad. This was not the fault of the plebs so much as of the senate, nor of the tribunes more than

of the consuls. Those things in a State which attain the highest development are those which are encouraged

by rewards; it is thus that men become good citizens in times of peace, good soldiers in times of war. In

Rome the greatest rewards are won by seditious agitations, these have always brought honour to men both

individually and in the mass. Those present should reflect upon the greatness and dignity of the senate as they

had received it from their fathers, and consider what they were going to hand on to their children, in order

that they might be able to feel pride in the extension and growth of its influence, as the plebs felt pride in

theirs. There was no final settlement in sight, nor would there be as long as agitators were honoured in

proportion to the success of their agitation. What enormous questions had C. Canuleius raised! He was

advocating the breaking up of the houses, tampering with the auspices, both those of the State and those of

individuals, so that nothing would be pure, nothing free from contamination, and in the effacing of all

distinctions of rank, no one would know either himself or his kindred. What other result would mixed

marriages have except to make unions between patricians and plebeians almost like the promiscuous

association of animals? The offspring of such marriages would not know whose blood flowed in his veins,

what sacred rites he might perform; half of him patrician, half plebeian, he would not even be in harmony

with himself. And as though it were a small matter for all things human and divine to be thrown into

confusion, the disturbers of the people were now making an onslaught on the consulship. At first the question

of one consul being elected from the plebs was only mooted in private conversations, now a measure was

brought forward giving the people power to elect consuls from either patricians or plebeians as they chose.

And there was no shadow of doubt that they would elect all the most dangerous revolutionaries in the plebs;

the Canuleii and the Icilii would be consuls. Might Jupiter Optimus Maximus never allow a power truly royal

in its majesty to sink so low! They would rather die a thousand deaths than suffer such an ignominy to be

perpetrated. Could their ancestors have divined that all their concessions only served to make the plebs more

exacting, not more friendly, since their first success only emboldened them to make more and more urgent

demands, it was quite certain that they would have gone any lengths in resistance sooner than allow these

laws to be forced upon them. Because a concession was once made in the matter of tribunes, it had been

made again; there was no end to it. Tribunes of the plebs and the senate could not exist in the same State,

either that office or this order (i.e. the nobility) must go. Their insolence and recklessness must be opposed,

and better late than never. Were they to be allowed with impunity to stir up our neighbours to war by sowing

the seeds of discord and then prevent the State from arming in its defence against those whom they had

stirred up, and after all but summoning the enemy not allow armies to be enrolled against the enemy? Was

Canuleius, forsooth, to have the audacity to give out before the senate that unless it was prepared to accept his

conditions, like those of a conqueror, he would stop a levy being held? What else was that but threatening to

betray his country and allowing it to be attacked and captured ? What courage would his words inspire, not in

the Roman plebs but in the Volscians and Aequi and Veientines! Would they not hope, with Canuleius as

their leader, to be able to scale the Capitol and the Citadel, if the tribunes, after stripping the senate of its

rights and its authority, deprived it also of its courage? The consuls were ready to be their leaders against

At the very time when this was going on in the senate, Canuleius delivered the following speech in defence of

his laws and in opposition to the consuls: "I fancy, Quirites, that I have often noticed in the past how greatly

the patricians despise you, how unworthy they deem you to live in the same City, within the same walls, as

they. Now, however, it is perfectly obvious, seeing how bitter an opposition they have raised to our proposed

laws. For what is our purpose in framing them except to remind them that we are their fellowcitizens, and

though we do not possess the same power, we still inhabit the same country? In one of these laws we demand

the right of intermarriage, a right usually granted to neighbours and foreignersindeed we have granted

citizenship, which is more than intermarriage, even to a conquered enemyin the other we are bringing

forward nothing new, but simply demanding back what belongs to the people and claiming that the Roman

people should confer its honours on whom it will. What possible reason is there why they should embroil

heaven and earth, why recently in the Senatehouse I was on the point of being subjected to personal

violence, why they declare they will not keep their hands off, and threaten to attack our inviolable authority?

Will this City be no longer able to stand, is our dominion at an end, if a free vote is allowed to the Roman

people so that they may entrust the consulship to whomsoever they will, and no plebeian may be shut out

from the hope of attaining the highest honour if only he be worthy of the highest honour? Does the phrase

'Let no plebeian be made consul' mean just the same as 'No slave or freedman shall be consul'? Do you ever

realise in what contempt you are living? They would rob you of your share in this daylight, if they could.

They are indignant because you breathe and utter speech and wear the form of men. Why! Heaven forgive

me, they actually say that it would be an act of impiety for a plebeian to be made consul! Though we are not

allowed access to the 'Fasti' or the records of the pontiffs, do we not, pray, know what every stranger knows,

that the consuls have simply taken the place of the kings, and possess no right or privilege which was not

previously vested in the kings? I suppose you have never heard tell that Numa Pompilius, who was not only

no patrician but not even a Roman citizen, was summoned from the land of the Sabines, and after being

accepted by the people and confirmed by the senate, reigned as king of Rome? Or that, after him, L.

Tarquinius, who belonged to no Roman house, not even to an Italian one, being the son of Demaratus of

Corinth, who had settled in Tarquinii, was made king while the sons of Ancus were still alive? Or that, after

him again, Servius Tullius, the illegitimate son of a female slave captured at Corniculum, gained the crown

by sheer merit and ability? Why need I mention the Sabine Titus Tatius, with whom Romulus himself, the

Father of the City, shared his throne? As long as no class of person in which conspicuous merit appeared was

rejected, the Roman dominion grew. Are you then to regard a plebeian consul with disgust, when our

ancestors showed no aversion to strangers as their kings? Not even after the expulsion of the kings was the

City closed to foreign merit. The Claudian house, at all events, who migrated from the Sabines, was received

by us not only into citizenship, but even into the ranks of the patricians. Shall a man who was an alien

become a patrician and afterwards consul, and a Roman citizen, if he belongs to the plebs, be cut off from all

hope of the consulship? Do we believe that it is impossible for a plebeian to be brave and energetic and

capable both in peace and war, or if there be such a man, are we not to allow him to touch the helm of the

State; are we to have, by preference, consuls like the decemvirs, those vilest of mortalswho, nevertheless,

were all patriciansrather than men who resemble the best of the kings, new men though they were?

"But, I may be told, no consul, since the expulsion of the kings, has ever been elected from the plebs. What

then? Ought no innovation ever to be introduced; and because a thing has not yet been doneand in a new

community there are many things which have not yet been done ought they not to be done, even when they

are advantageous? In the reign of Romulus there were no pontiffs, no college of augurs; they were created by

Numa Pompilius. There was no census in the State, no register of the centuries and classes; it was made by

Servius Tullius. There were never any consuls; when the kings had been expelled they were created. Neither

the power nor the name of Dictator was in existence; it originated with the senate. There were no tribunes of

the plebs, no aediles, no quaestors; it was decided that these offices should be created. Within the last ten

years we appointed decemvirs to commit the laws to writing and then we abolished their office. Who doubts

that in a City built for all time and without any limits to its growth new authorities have to be established,

new priesthoods, modifications in the rights and privileges of the houses as well as of individual citizens?

Was not this very prohibition of intermarriage between patricians and plebeians, which inflicts such serious

injury on the commonwealth and such a gross injustice on the plebs, made by the decemvirs within these last

few years? Can there be a greater or more signal disgrace than for a part of the community to be held

unworthy of intermarriage, as though contaminated? What is this but to suffer exile and banishment within

the same walls? They are guarding against our becoming connected with them by affinity or relationship,

against our blood being allied with theirs. Why, most of you are descended from Albans and Sabines, and that

nobility of yours you hold not by birth or blood, but by cooptation into the patrician ranks, having been

selected for that honour either by the kings, or after their expulsion by the mandate of the people. If your

nobility is tainted by union with us, could you not have kept it pure by private regulations, by not seeking

brides from the plebs, and not suffering your sisters or daughters to marry outside your order? No plebeian

will offer violence to a patrician maiden, it is the patricians who indulge in those criminal practices. None of

us would have compelled any one to enter into a marriage contract against his will. But, really, that this

should be prohibited by law and the intermarriage of patricians and plebeians made impossible is indeed

insulting to the plebs. Why do you not combine to forbid intermarriage between rich and poor? Everywhere

and in all ages there has been an understanding that a woman might marry into any house in which she has

been betrothed, and a man might marry from any house the woman to whom he has become engaged, and this

understanding you are fettering by the manacles of a most insolent law, through which you may break up

civil society and rend one State into two. Why do you not enact a law that no plebeian shall live in the

neighbourhood of a patrician, or go along the same road, or take his place at the same banquet, or stand in the

same Forum? For, as a matter of fact, what difference is there, if a patrician marries a plebeian woman or a

plebeian marries a patrician? What rights are infringed, pray? Of course, the children follow the father. There

is nothing that we are seeking in intermarriage with you, except that we may be reckoned amongst men and

citizens; there is nothing for you to fight about, unless you delight in trying how far you can insult and

"In a word, does the supreme power belong to you or to the Roman people? Did the expulsion of the kings

mean absolute ascendancy for you or equal liberty for all? Is it right and proper for the Roman people to

enact a law, if it wishes to do so, or are you going, whenever a measure is proposed, to order a levy by way of

punishment? Am I to call the tribes up to vote, and as soon as I have begun, are you, the consuls, going to

compel those who are liable for service to take the military oath, and then march them off to camp,

threatening alike the plebs and the tribunes? Why, have you not on two occasions found out what your threats

are worth against a united plebs? Was it, I wonder, in our interest that you abstained from an open conflict, or

was it because the stronger party was also the more moderate one that there was no fighting? Nor will there

be any conflict now, Quirites; they will always try your courage, they will not test your strength. And so,

consuls, the plebeians are ready to follow you to these wars, whether real or imaginary, on condition that by

restoring the right of intermarriage you at last make this commonwealth a united one, that it be in their power

to be allied with you by family ties, that the hope of attaining high office be granted to men of ability and

energy, that it be open to them to be associated with you in taking their share of the government, andwhich

is the essence of equal libertyto rule and obey in turn, in the annual succession of magistrates. If any one is

going to obstruct these measures, you may talk about wars and exaggerate them by rumour, no one is going to

give in his name, no one is going to take up arms, no one is going to fight for domineering masters with

whom they have in public life no partnership in honours, and in private life no right of intermarriage."

After the two consuls had come forward into the Assembly, set speeches gave place to a personal altercation.

The tribune asked why it was not right for a plebeian to be elected consul. The consuls gave a reply which,

though perhaps true, was an unfortunate one in view of the present controversy. They said, "Because no

plebeian could have the auspices, and the reason why the decemvirs had put an end to intermarriage was to

prevent the auspices from being vitiated through the uncertainty of descent." This bitterly exasperated the

plebeians, for they believed that they were held incompetent to take the auspices because they were hateful to

the immortal gods. As they had got a most energetic leader in their tribune and were supporting him with the

utmost determination, the controversy ended in the defeat of the patricians. They consented to the

intermarriage law being passed, mainly in the belief that the tribunes would either abandon the struggle for

plebeian consuls altogether, or would at least postpone it till after the war, and that the plebeians, contented

with what they had gained, would be ready to enlist. Owing to his victory over the patricians Canuleius was

now immensely popular. Fired by his example, the other tribunes fought with the utmost energy to secure the

passing of their measure, and though the rumours of war became more serious every day they obstructed the

enlistment. As no business could be transacted in the senate owing to the intervention of the tribunes, the

It was evident that they would have to yield the victory either to their foreign foes or to their own

countrymen. Valerius and Horatius were the only men of consular rank who did not attend these councils. C.

Claudius was in favour of empowering the consuls to use armed force against the tribunes; the Quinctii,

Cincinnatus and Capitolinus, were averse from bloodshed or injury to those whom in their treaty with the

plebs they had agreed to hold inviolable. The result of their deliberations was that they allowed tribunes of

the soldiers with consular powers to be elected from the patricians and plebeians indiscriminately; no change

was made in the election of consuls. This arrangement satisfied the tribunes and it satisfied the plebs. Notice

was published that an Assembly would be held for the election of three tribunes with consular powers. No

sooner was this announcement made than everybody who had ever acted or spoken as a fomenter of sedition,

especially those who had been tribunes, came forward as candidates, and began to bustle about the Forum,

canvassing for votes. The patricians were at first deterred from seeking election, as in the exasperated mood

of the plebeians they regarded their chances as hopeless, and they were disgusted at the prospect of having to

hold office with these men. At last, under compulsion from their leaders, lest they should appear to have

withdrawn from any share in the government, they consented to stand. The result of the election showed that

when men are contending for liberty and the right to hold office their feelings are different from what they are

when the contest is over and they can form an unbiased judgment. The people were satisfied now that votes

were allowed for plebeians, and they elected none but patricians. Where in these days will you find in a single

individual the moderation, fairness, and loftiness of mind which then characterised the people as a whole?

In the 310th year after the foundation of Rome (444 B.C.), military tribunes with consular powers for the first

time took office. Their names were Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, L. Atilius, and T. Caecilius, and during their

tenure of office concord at home procured peace abroad. Some writers omit all mention of the proposal to

elect consuls from the plebs, and assert that the creation of three military tribunes invested with the insignia

and authority of consuls was rendered necessary by the inability of two consuls to cope at the same time with

the Veientine war in addition to the war with the Aequi and Volscians and the defection of Ardea. The

jurisdiction of that office was not yet, however, firmly established, for in consequence of the decision of the

augurs they resigned office after three months, owing to some irregularity in their election. C. Curtius, who

had presided over their election, had not rightly selected his position for taking the auspices. Ambassadors

came from Ardea to complain of the injustice done them; they promised that if it were removed by the

restoration of their territory they would abide by the treaty and remain good friends with Rome. The senate

replied that they had no power to rescind a judgment of the people, there was no precedent or law to allow it,

the necessity of preserving harmony between the two orders made it impossible. If the Ardeates were willing

to wait their time and leave the redress of their wrongs in the hands of the senate, they would afterwards

congratulate themselves on their moderation, and would discover that the senators were just as anxious that

no injustice should be done them as that whatever had been done should speedily be repaired. The

ambassadors said that they would bring the whole matter again before their senate, and were then courteously

As the State was now without any curule magistrate, the patricians met together and appointed an interrex.

Owing to a dispute whether consuls or military tribunes should be elected, the interregnum lasted several

days. The interrex and the senate tried to secure the election of consuls; the plebs and their tribunes that of

military tribunes. The senate conquered, for the plebeians were sure to confer either honour on the patricians

and so refrained from an idle contest, whilst their leaders preferred an election in which no votes could be

received for them to one in which they would be passed over as unworthy to hold office. The tribunes, too,

gave up the fruitless contest out of complaisance to the leaders of the senate. T. Quinctius Barbatus, the

interrex, elected as consuls Lucius Papirius Mugilanus and L. Sempronius Atratinus. During their consulship

the treaty with Ardea was renewed. This is the sole proof that they were the consuls for that year, for they are

not found in the ancient annals nor in the official list of magistrates. The reason, I believe, was that since at

the beginning of the year there were military tribunes, the names of the consuls who replaced them were

omitted as though the tribunes had continued in office through the year. According to Licinius Macer, their

names were found in the copy of the treaty with Ardea, as well as in the "Linen Rolls." In spite of so many

alarming symptoms of unrest amongst the neighbouring nations, things were quiet both abroad and at home.

Whether there were tribunes this year, or whether they were replaced by consuls, there is no doubt that the

following year the consuls were M. Geganius Macerinus and T. Quinctius Capitolinus; the former consul for

the second time, the latter for the fifth time. This year saw the beginning of the censorship, an office which,

starting from small beginnings, grew to be of such importance that it had the regulation of the conduct and

morals of Rome, the control of the senate and the equestrian order; the power of honouring and degrading

was also in the hands of these magistrates; the legal rights connected with public places and private property,

and the revenues of the Roman people, were under their absolute control. Its origin was due to the fact that no

census had been taken of the people for many years, and it could no longer be postponed, whilst the consuls,

with so many wars impending, did not feel at liberty to undertake the task. It was suggested in the senate that

as the business would be a complicated and laborious one, not at all suitable for the consuls, a special

magistrate was needed who should superintend the registrars and have the custody of the lists and assessment

schedules and fix the valuation of property and the status of citizens at his discretion. Though the suggestion

was not of great importance, the senate gladly adopted it, as it would add to the number of patrician

magistrates in the State, and I think that they anticipated what actually happened, that the influence of those

who held the office would soon enhance its authority and dignity. The tribunes, too, looking more at the need

which certainly existed for such an office than at the lustre which would attend its administration, offered no

opposition, lest they should appear to be raising troublesome difficulties even in small matters. The foremost

men of the State declined the honour, so Papirius and Semproniusabout whose consulship doubts were

entertainedwere elected by the suffrages of the people to conduct the census. Their election to this

magistracy made up for the incompleteness of their consulship. From the duties they had to discharge they

Whilst this was going on in Rome, ambassadors came from Ardea, appealing, in the name of the ancient

alliance and recently renewed treaty, for help for their city which was almost destroyed. They were not

allowed, they said, to enjoy the peace which in pursuance of the soundest policy they had maintained with

Rome, owing to internal disputes. The origin and occasion of these is said to have been party struggles, which

have been and will be more ruinous to the majority of States than external wars or famine and pestilence or

whatever else is ascribed to the wrath of the gods as the last evil which a State can suffer. Two young men

were courting a maiden of plebeian descent celebrated for her beauty. One of them, the girl's equal in point of

birth, was encouraged by her guardians, who belonged to the same class; the other, a young noble captivated

solely by her beauty, was supported by the sympathy and goodwill of the nobility. Party feeling had even

penetrated into the girl's home, for the mother, who wanted her daughter to make as splendid a match as

possible, preferred the young noble, whilst the guardians, carrying their partisanship even into such a matter

as this, were working for the man of their own class. As the matter could not be settled within the four walls

of the house, they brought it into court. After hearing the appeals of the mother and of the guardians, the

magistrates granted the disposal of the girl's hand in accordance with the mother's wishes. But violence won

the day, for the guardians, after haranguing a number of their partisans in the Forum on the iniquity of the

verdict, collected a body of men and carried off the maiden from her mother's house. They were met by a still

more determined troop of nobles, assembled to follow their young comrade, who was furious at the outrage.

A desperate fight ensued and the plebeians got the worst of it. In a very different spirit from the Roman plebs

they marched, fully armed, out of the city and took possession of a hill from which they raided the lands of

the nobles and laid them waste with fire and sword. A multitude of artisans who had previously taken no part

in the conflict, excited by the hope of plunder, joined them, and preparations were made to besiege the city.

All the horrors of war were present in the city, as though it had been infected with the madness of the two

young men who were seeking fatal nuptials out of their country's ruin. Both sides felt the need of an addition

to their strength; the nobles prevailed on the Romans to come to the relief of their beleaguered city; the plebs

induced the Volscians to join them in attacking Ardea. The Volscians, under the leadership of Cluilius, the

Aequian, were the first to come, and drew lines of circumvallation round the enemy's walls. When news of

this reached Rome the consul M. Geganius at once left with an army and fixed his camp three miles distant

from the enemy, and as the day was declining he ordered his men to rest. At the fourth watch he ordered an

advance, and so expeditiously was the task undertaken and completed, that at sunrise the Volscians saw

themselves enclosed by a stronger circumvallation than the one which they had themselves carried round the

city. In another direction the consul constructed a covered way up to the wall of Ardea by which his friends in

Up to that time the Volscian commander had not laid in any stock of provisions, as he had been able to

maintain his army upon the corn carried off each day from the surrounding country. Now, however, that he

was suddenly shut in by the Roman lines, he found himself destitute of everything. He invited the consul to a

conference, and said that if the object for which the Romans had come was to raise the siege, he would

withdraw the Volscians. The consul replied that it was for the defeated side to submit to terms, not to impose

them, and as the Volscians had come at their own pleasure to attack the allies of Rome, they should not

depart on the same terms. He required them to lay down their arms, surrender their general, and make

acknowledgment of their defeat by placing themselves under his orders; otherwise, whether they remained or

departed, he would prove a relentless foe, and would rather carry back to Rome a victory over them than a

faithless peace. The only hope of the Volscians lay in their arms, and slight as it was they risked it. The

ground was unfavourable to them for fighting, still more so for flight. As they were being cut down in all

directions, they begged for quarter, but they were only allowed to get away after their general had been

surrendered, their arms given up, and they themselves sent under the yoke. Covered with disgrace and

disaster, they departed with only one garment apiece. They halted not far from the city of Tusculum, and

owing to an old grudge which that city had against them, they were suddenly attacked, and defenceless as

they were, suffered severe punishment, few being left to carry the news of the disaster. The consul settled the

troubles in Ardea by beheading the ringleaders of the disturbance and confiscating their property to the

treasury of the city. The citizens considered that the injustice of the recent decision was removed by the great

service that Rome had rendered, but the senate thought that something ought still to be done to wipe out the

record of national avarice. The consul Quinctius achieved the difficult task of rivalling in his civil

administration the military renown of his colleague. He showed such care to maintain peace and concord by

tempering justice equally for the highest and the lowest, that whilst the senate looked upon him as a stern

consul, the plebeians regarded him as a lenient one. He held his ground against the tribunes more by personal

authority than by active opposition. Five consulships marked by the same even tenor of conduct, a whole

lifetime passed in a manner worthy of a consul, invested the man himself with almost more reverence than

the office he filled. Whilst these two men were consuls there was no talk of military tribunes.

The new consuls were Marcus Fabius Vibulanus and Postumius Aebutius Cornicinen. The previous year was

regarded by the neighbouring peoples, whether friendly or hostile, as chiefly memorable because of the

trouble taken to help Ardea in its peril. The new consuls, aware that they were succeeding men distinguished

both at home and abroad, were all the more anxious to obliterate from men's minds the infamous judgment.

Accordingly, they obtained a senatorial decree ordering that as the population of Ardea had been seriously

reduced through the internal disturbances, a body of colonists should be sent there as a protection against the

Volscians. This was the reason alleged in the text of the decree, to prevent their intention of rescinding the

judgment from being suspected by the plebs and tribunes. They had, however, privately agreed that the

majority of the colonists should consist of Rutulians, that no land should be allotted other than what had been

appropriated under the infamous judgment, and that not a single sod should be assigned to a Roman till all the

Rutulians had received their share. So the land went back to the Ardeates. Agrippa Menenius, T. Cluilius

Siculus, and M. Aebutius Helva were the triumvirs appointed to superintend the settlement of the colony.

Their office was not only extremely unpopular, but they gave great offence to the plebs by assigning to allies

land which the Roman people had formally adjudged to be their own. Even with the leaders of the patricians

they were out of favour, because they had refused to allow themselves to be influenced by any of them. The

tribunes impeached them, but they avoided all further vexatious proceedings by enrolling themselves

amongst the settlers and remaining in the colony which they now possessed as a testimony to their justice and

There was peace abroad and at home during this and the following year when C. Furius Pacilus and M.

Papirius Crassus were consuls. The Sacred Games, which in accordance with a decree of the senate had been

vowed by the decemvirs on the occasion of the secession of the plebs, were celebrated this year. Poetilius,

who had again raised the question of the division of territory, was made tribune. He made fruitless efforts to

create sedition, and was unable to prevail upon the consuls to bring the question before the senate. After a

great struggle he succeeded so far that the senate should be consulted as to whether the next elections should

be held for consuls or for consular tribunes. They ordered consuls to be elected. The tribune's menaces were

laughed at when he threatened to obstruct the levy at a time when all the neighbouring States were quiet and

there was no necessity for war or for any preparations for war. Proculus Geganius Macerinus and Lucius

Menenius Lanatus were the consuls for the year which followed this state of tranquillity; a year remarkable

for a multiplicity of disasters and dangers, seditions, famine, and the imminent risk of the people being bribed

to bow their necks to despotic power. A foreign war alone was wanting. Had this come to aggravate the

universal distress, resistance would hardly have been possible even with the help of all the gods.

The misfortunes began with a famine, owing either to the year being unfavourable to the crops, or to the

cultivation of the land being abandoned for the attractions of political meetings and city life; both causes are

assigned. The senate blamed the idleness of the plebeians, the tribunes charged the consuls at one time with

dishonesty, at another with negligence. At last they induced the plebs, with the acquiescence of the senate, to

appoint as Prefect of the Cornmarket L. Minucius. In that capacity he was more successful in guarding

liberty than in the discharge of his office, though in the end he deservedly won gratitude and reputation for

having relieved the scarcity. He despatched numerous agents by sea and land to visit the surrounding nations,

but as, with the sole exception of Etruria, who furnished a small supply, their mission was fruitless, he made

no impression on the market. He then devoted himself to the careful adjustment of the scarcity, and obliged

all who possessed any corn to declare the amount, and after retaining a month's supply for themselves, sell

the rest to the Government. By cutting down the daily rations of the slaves to one half, by holding up the

cornmerchants to public execration, by rigorous and inquisitorial methods, he revealed the prevailing

distress more than he relieved it. Many of the plebs lost all hope, and rather than drag on a life of misery

It was at that time that Spurius Maelius, a member of the equestrian order and a very wealthy man for those

days, entered upon an undertaking, serviceable in itself, but forming a very bad precedent and dictated by still

worse motives. Through the instrumentality of his clients and foreign friends he purchased corn in Etruria,

and this very circumstance, I believe, hampered the Government in their efforts to cheapen the market. He

distributed this corn gratis, and so won the hearts of the plebeians by this generosity that wherever he moved,

conspicuous and consequential beyond an ordinary mortal, they followed him, and this popularity seemed to

his hopes a sure earnest of a consulship. But the minds of men are never satisfied with Fortune's promises,

and he began to entertain loftier and unattainable aims; he knew the consulship would have to be won in the

teeth of the patricians, so he began to dream of royalty. After all his grand schemes and efforts he looked

upon that as the only fitting reward which owing to its greatness must be won by the greatest exertions. The

consular elections were now close at hand, and as his plans were not yet matured, this circumstance proved

his ruin. T. Quinctius Capitolinus, a very awkward man for any one meditating a revolution, was chosen

consul for the sixth time, and Agrippa Menenius, surnamed Lanatus, was assigned to him as his colleague.

Lucius Minucius was either reappointed prefect of the cornmarket, or his original appointment was for an

indefinite period as long as circumstances required; there is nothing definitely stated beyond the fact that the

name of the prefect was entered on the "Linen Rolls" among the magistrates for both years. Minucius was

discharging the same function as a State official which Maelius had undertaken as a private citizen, and the

same class of people frequented both their houses. He made a discovery which he brought to the notice of the

senate, viz., that arms were being collected in Maelius' house, and that he was holding secret meetings at

which plans were being undoubtedly formed to establish a monarchy. The moment for action was not yet

fixed, but everything else had been settled; the tribunes had been bought over to betray the liberties of the

people, and these leaders of the populace had had their various parts assigned to them. He had, he said,

delayed making his report till it was almost too late for the public safety, lest he should appear to be the

On hearing this the leaders of the senate censured the consuls of the previous year for having allowed those

free distributions of corn and secret meetings to go on, and they were equally severe on the new consuls for

having waited till the prefect of the cornmarket had made his report, for the matter was of such importance

that the consuls ought not only to have reported it, but also dealt with it. In reply, Quinctius said that the

censure on the consuls was undeserved, for, hampered as they were by the laws giving the right of appeal,

which were passed to weaken their authority, they were far from possessing as much power as will to punish

the atrocious attempt with the severity it deserved. What was wanted was not only a strong man, but one who

was free to act, unshackled by the laws. He should therefore nominate Lucius Quinctius as Dictator, for he

had the courage and resolution which such great powers demanded. This met with universal approval.

Quinctius at first refused and asked them what they meant by exposing him at the close of his life to such a

bitter struggle. At last, after wellmerited commendations were showered upon him from all parts of the

House and he was assured that "in that aged mind there was not only more wisdom but more courage than in

all the rest," whilst the consul adhered to his decision, he yielded. After a prayer to heaven that in such a time

of danger his old age might not prove a source of harm or discredit to the republic, Cincinnatus was made

The next day, after posting guards at different points, he came down to the Forum. The novelty and mystery

of the thing drew the attention of the plebs towards him. Maelius and his confederates recognised that this

tremendous power was directed against them, whilst those who knew nothing of the plot asked what

disturbance or sudden outbreak of war called for the supreme authority of a Dictator or required Quinctius,

after reaching his eightieth year, to assume the government of the republic. Servilius, the Master of the Horse,

was despatched by the Dictator to Maelius with the message: "The Dictator summons you." Alarmed at the

summons, he inquired what it meant. Servilius explained that he had to stand his trial and clear himself of the

charge brought against him by Minucius in the senate. On this Maelius retreated amongst his troop of

adherents, and looking round at them began to slink away, when an officer by order of the Master of the

Horse seized him and began to drag him away. The bystanders rescued him, and as he fled he implored "the

protection of the Roman plebs," and said that he was the victim of a conspiracy amongst the patricians,

because he had acted generously towards the plebs. He entreated them to come to his help in this terrible

crisis, and not suffer him to be butchered before their eyes. Whilst he was making these appeals, Servilius

overtook him and slew him. Besprinkled with the dead man's blood, and surrounded by a troop of young

patricians, he returned to the Dictator and: reported that Maelius after being summoned to appear before him

had driven away his officer and incited the populace to riot, and had now met with the punishment he

deserved. "Well done!" said the Dictator, "C. Servilius, you have delivered the republic."

The populace did not know what to make of the deed and were becoming excited. The Dictator ordered them

to be summoned to an Assembly. He declared that Maelius had been lawfully slain, even if he were guiltless

of treason, because he had refused to come to the Dictator when summoned by the Master of the Horse. He,

Cincinnatus, had sat to investigate the case, after it had been investigated Maelius would have been treated in

accordance with the result. He was not to be dealt with like an ordinary citizen. For, though born amongst a

free people under laws and settled rights, in a City from which he knew that royalty had been expelled, and in

the very same year, the sons of the king's sister, children of the consul who liberated his country, had, on the

discovery of a conspiracy for restoring royalty, been beheaded by their own fathera City from which

Collatinus Tarquin the consul had been ordered to lay down his office and go into exile, because the very

name of Tarquin was detesteda City in which some years later Spurius Cassius had been punished for

entertaining designs of sovereigntya City in which recently the decemvirs had been punished by

confiscation, exile, and death because of a tyranny as despotic as that of kingsin that City Maelius had

conceived hopes of sovereignty! And who was this man? Although no nobility of birth, no honours, no

services to the State paved the way for any man to sovereign power, still it was their consulships, their

decemvirates, the honours achieved by them and their ancestors and the splendour of their families that raised

the ambitions of the Claudii and the Cassii to an impious height. But Spurius Maelius, to whom the

tribuneship of the plebs was a thing to be wished for rather than hoped for, a wealthy cornfactor, hoped to

buy the liberty of his fellowcitizens for a couple of pounds of spelt, and imagined that by throwing a little

corn to them he could reduce to slavery the men who had conquered all the neighbouring States, and that he

whom the State could hardly stomach as a senator would be tolerated as a king, possessing the power and

insignia of Romulus, who had sprung from the gods and been carried back to the gods! His act must be

regarded as a portent quite as much as a crime; for that portent his blood was not sufficient expiation, those

walls within which such madness had been conceived must be levelled to the ground, and his property,

So far the Dictator. He then gave orders for the house to be forthwith razed to the ground, that the place

where it stood might be a perpetual reminder of impious hopes crushed. It was afterwards called the

Aequimaelium. L. Minucius was presented with the Image of a golden ox set up outside the Trigeminan gate.

As he distributed the corn which had belonged to Maelius at the price of one "as" per bushel, the plebs raised

no objection to his being thus honoured. I find it stated in some authorities that this Minucius went over from

the patricians to the plebeians and after being coopted as an eleventh tribune quelled a disturbance which

arose in consequence of the death of Maelius. It is, however, hardly credible that the senate would have

allowed this increase in the number of the tribunes, or that such a precedent, above all others, should have

been introduced by a patrician, or that if that concession had been once made, the plebs should not have

adhered to it, or at all events tried to do so. But the most conclusive refutation of the lying inscription on his

image is to be found in a provision of the law passed a few years previously that it should not be lawful for

tribunes to coopt a colleague. Q. Caecilius, Q. Junius, and Sex. Titinius were the only members of the

college of tribunes who did not support the proposal to honour Minucius, and they never ceased to attack

Minucius and Servilius in turn before the Assembly and charge them with the undeserved death of Maelius.

They succeeded in securing the creation of military tribunes instead of consuls at the next election, for they

felt no doubt that for the six vacancies that number could now be electedsome of the plebeians, by giving

out that they would avenge the death of Maelius, would be elected. But in spite of the excitement amongst the

plebeians owing to the numerous commotions through the year, they did not create more than three tribunes

with consular powers; amongst them L. Quinctius the son of the Cincinnatus who as Dictator incurred such

odium that it was made the pretext for disturbances. Mam. Aemilius polled the highest number of votes, L.

During their magistracy Fidenae, where a body of Romans were settled, revolted to Lars Tolumnius, king of

the Veientines. The revolt was made worse by a crime. C. Fulcinius, Cloelius Tullus, Sp. Antius, and L.

Roscius, who were sent as envoys to ascertain the reasons for this change of policy, were murdered by order

of Tolumnius. Some try to exculpate the king by alleging that whilst playing at dice he made a lucky throw

and used an ambiguous expression which might be taken to be an order for death, and that the Fidenates took

it so, and this was the reason of the death of the envoys. This is incredible; it is impossible to believe that

when the Fidenates, his new allies, came to consult him as to committing a murder in defiance of the law of

nations, he should not have turned his thoughts from the game, or should afterwards have imputed the crime

to a misunderstanding. It is much more probable that he wished the Fidenates to be implicated in such an

awful crime in order to make it impossible for them to hope for any reconciliation with Rome. The statues of

the murdered envoys were set up in the Rostra. Owing to the proximity of the Veientines and Fidenates, and

still more to the heinous crime with which they began the war, the struggle threatened to be a desperate one.

Anxiety for the national safety kept the plebs quiet, and their tribunes raised no difficulties in the election of

M. Geganius Macerinus as consul for the third time, and L. Sergius Fidenas, who, I believe, was so called

from the war which he afterwards conducted. He was the first who fought a successful action with the king of

Veii on this side of the Anio. The victory he gained was by no means a bloodless one; there was more

mourning for their countrymen who were lost than joy over the defeat of the enemy. Owing to the critical

aspect of affairs, the senate ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be proclaimed Dictator. He chose as his Master of

the Horse L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, who had been his colleague in the college of consular tribunes the

previous year, a young man worthy of his father. To the force levied by the consuls were added a number of

warseasoned veteran centurions, to fill up the number of those lost in the late battle. The Dictator ordered

Quinctius Capitolinus and M. Fabius Vibulanus to accompany him as seconds in command. The higher

power of the Dictator, wielded by a man quite equal to it, dislodged the enemy from Roman territory and sent

him across the Anio. He occupied the line of hills between Fidenae and the Anio, where he entrenched

himself, and did not go down into the plains until the legions of Falerii had come to his support. Then the

camp of the Etruscans was formed in front of the walls of Fidenae. The Roman Dictator chose a position not

far from them at the junction of the Anio and the Tiber, and extended his lines as far as possible from the one

Amongst the enemy there was diversity of opinion. The men of Falerii, impatient at serving so far from

home, and full of selfconfidence, demanded battle; those of Veii and Fidenae placed more hope in a

prolongation of the war. Although Tolumnius was more inclined to the opinion of his own men, he

announced that he would give battle the next day, in case the Faliscans should refuse to serve through a

protracted campaign. This hesitation on the part of the enemy gave the Dictator and the Romans fresh

courage. The next day, whilst the soldiers were declaring that unless they had the chance of fighting they

would attack the enemy's camp and city, both armies advanced on to the level ground between their

respective camps. The Veientine general, who was greatly superior in numbers, sent a detachment round the

back of the hills to attack the Roman camp during the battle. The armies of the three States were stationed

thus: The Veientines were on the right wing, the Faliscans on the left, the Fidenates in the centre. The

Dictator led his right wing against the Faliscans, Capitolinus Quinctius directed the attack of the left against

the Veientines, whilst the Master of the Horse advanced with his cavalry against the enemy's centre. For a

few moments all was silent and motionless, as the Etruscans would not commence the fight unless they were

compelled, and the Dictator was watching the Citadel of Rome and waiting for the agreed signal from the

augurs as soon as the omens should prove favourable. No sooner had he caught sight of it than he let loose

the cavalry, who, raising a loud battlecry, charged; the infantry followed with a furious onslaught. In no

quarter did the legions of Etruria stand the Roman charge; their cavalry offered the stoutest resistance, and

the king, himself by far the bravest of them, charged the Romans whilst they were scattered everywhere in

There was in the cavalry, on that day, a military tribune named A. Cornelius Cossus, a remarkably handsome

man, and equally distinguished for strength and courage, and proud of his family name, which, illustrious as

it was when he inherited it, was rendered still more so when he left it to his posterity. When he saw the

Roman squadrons shaken by the repeated charges of Tolumnius in whatever direction he rode, and

recognised him as he galloped along the entire line, conspicuous in his royal habiliments, he exclaimed, "Is

this the breaker of treaties between man and man, the violator of the law of nations? If it is the will of heaven

that anything holy should exist on earth, I will slay this man and offer him as a sacrifice to the manes of the

murdered envoys." Putting spurs to his horse he charged with levelled spear against this single foe, and

having struck and unhorsed him, he leaped with the aid of his spear to the ground. As the king was attempting

to rise he pushed him back with the boss of his shield, and with repeated spearthrusts pinned him to the

earth. Then he despoiled the lifeless body, and cutting off his head stuck it on his spear, and carrying it in

triumph routed the enemy, who were panicstruck at the king's death. So the enemy's cavalry, who had alone

made the issue of the contest doubtful, now shared in the general rout. The Dictator hotly pursued the flying

legions and drove them to their camp with great slaughter. Most of the Fidenates, who were familiar with the

country, escaped to the hills. Cossus with the cavalry crossed the Tiber and brought to the City an enormous

amount of booty from the country of the Veientines. During the battle there was also an engagement at the

Roman camp with the detachment which, as already stated, Tolumnius had sent to attack it. Fabius Vibulanus

at first confined himself to the defence of the circuit of his lines; then, while the enemy's attention was wholly

directed to forcing the stockade, he made a sortie from the Porta Principalis on the right, and this unexpected

attack produced such consternation among the enemy, that though there were fewer killed, owing to the

smaller number engaged, the flight was just as disorderly as in the main battle.

Successful in all directions, the Dictator returned home to enjoy the honour of a triumph granted him by

decree of the senate and resolution of the people. By far the finest sight in the procession was Cossus bearing

the spolia opima of the king he had slain. The soldiers sang rude songs in his honour and placed him on a

level with Romulus. He solemnly dedicated the spoils to Jupiter Feretrius, and hung them in his temple near

those of Romulus, which were the only ones which at that time were called spolia opima prima. All eyes were

turned from the chariot of the Dictator to him; he almost monopolised the honours of the day. By order of the

people, a crown of gold, a pound in weight, was made at the public expense and placed by the Dictator in the

Capitol as an offering to Jupiter. In stating that Cossus placed the spolia opima secunda in the temple of

Jupiter Feretrius when he was a military tribune I have followed all the existing authorities. But not only is

the designation of spolia opima restricted to those which a commanderinchief has taken from a

commanderinchiefand we know of no commanderinchief but the one under whose auspices the war is

conductedbut I and my authorities are also confuted by the actual inscription on the spoils, which states that

Cossus took them when he was consul. Augustus Caesar, the founder and restorer of all the temples, rebuilt

the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which had fallen to ruin through age, and I once heard him say that after

entering it he read that inscription on the linen cuirass with his own eyes. After that I felt it would be almost a

sacrilege to withhold from Cossus the evidence as to his spoils given by the Caesar who restored that very

temple. Whether the mistake, if there be one, may have arisen from the fact that the ancient annals, and the

"Linen Rolls"the lists of magistrates preserved in the temple of Moneta which Macer Licinius frequently

quotes as authorities have an A. Cornelius Cossus as consul with T. Quinctius Poenus, ten years laterof

this every man must judge for himself. For there is this further reason why so famous a battle could not be

transferred to this later date, namely, that during the three years which preceded and followed the consulship

of Cossus war was impossible owing to pestilence and famine, so that some of the annals, as though they

were records of deaths, supply nothing but the names of the consuls. The third year after his consulship has

the name of Cossus as a consular tribune, and in the same year he is entered as Master of the Horse, in which

capacity he fought another brilliant cavalry action. Every one is at liberty to form his own conjecture; these

doubtful points, in my belief, can be made to support any opinion. The fact remains that the man who fought

the battle placed the newlywon spoils in the sacred shrine near Jupiter himself, to whom they were

consecrated, and with Romulus in full viewtwo witnesses to be dreaded by any forgerand that he described

M. Cornelius Maluginensis and L. Papirius Crassus were the next consuls. Armies were led into the

territories of the Veientines and Faliscans and men and cattle were carried off. The enemy was nowhere

found in the open, nor was there any opportunity of fighting. Their cities, however, were not attacked, for the

people were visited by an epidemic. Spurius Maelius, a tribune of the plebs, tried to get up disturbances, but

failed to do so. Relying upon the popularity of the name he bore, he had impeached Minucius and brought

forward a proposal for the confiscation of the property of Servilius Ahala on the plea that Maelius had been

the victim of false charges by Minucius, whilst Servilius had been guilty of putting a citizen to death without

trial. The people paid less attention to these accusations than even to their author; they were much more

concerned about the increasing virulence of the epidemic and the terrifying portents; most of all about the

reports of frequent earthquakes which laid the houses in the country districts in ruins. A solemn supplication,

therefore, was offered up by the people, led by the duumvirs. The following year, in which the consuls were

C. Julius, for the second time, and L. Verginius, was still more fatal, and created such alarming desolation in

town and country that no plundering parties left Roman territory, nor did either senate or plebs entertain any

idea of taking the offensive. The Fidenates, however, who had at first confined themselves to their mountains

and walled villages, actually came down into the Roman territory and ravaged it. As the Faliscans could not

be induced to renew the war, either by the representations of their allies or by the fact that Rome was

prostrated by the epidemic, the Fidenates sent to invite the Veientine army, and the two States crossed the

Anio and displayed their standards not far from the Colline gate. The alarm was as great in the City as in the

country districts. The consul Julius disposed his troops on the rampart and the walls; Verginius convened the

senate in the temple of Quirinus. They decreed that Q. Servilius should be nominated Dictator. According to

one tradition he was surnamed Priscus, according to another, Structus. Verginius waited till he could consult

his colleague; on gaining his consent, he nominated the Dictator at night. The Dictator appointed Postumius

The Dictator issued an order for all to muster outside the Colline gate by daybreak. Every man strong enough

to bear arms was present. The standards were quickly brought to the Dictator from the treasury. While these

arrangements were being made, the enemy withdrew to the foot of the hills. The Dictator followed them with

an army eager for battle, and engaged them not far from Nomentum. The Etruscan legions were routed and

driven into Fidenae; the Dictator surrounded the place with lines of circumvallation. But, owing to its

elevated positron and strong fortifications, the city could not be carried by assault, and a blockade was quite

ineffective, for there was not only corn enough for their actual necessities, but even for a lavish supply from

what had been stored up beforehand. So all hope of either storming the place or starving it into surrender was

abandoned. As it was near Rome, the nature of the ground was well known, and the Dictator was aware that

the side of the city remote from his camp was weakly fortified owing to its natural strength. He determined to

carry a mine through from that side to the citadel. He formed his army into four divisions, to take turns in the

fighting, and by keeping up a constant attack upon the walls in all directions, day and night, he prevented the

enemy from noticing the work. At last the hill was tunnelled through and the way lay open from the Roman

camp up to the citadel. Whilst the attention of the Etruscans was being diverted by feigned attacks from their

real danger, the shouts of the enemy above their heads showed them that the city was taken. In that year the

censors C. Furius Pacilus and M. Geganius Macerinus passed the government building on the Campus

I find in Macer Licinius that the same consuls were reelected for the following yearJulius for the third time

and Verginius for the second. Valerius Antias and Q. Tubero give M. Manlius and Q. Sulpicius as the consuls

for that year. In spite of this discrepancy Tubero and Macer both claim the authority of the "Linen Rolls";

both admit that in the ancient historians it was asserted that there were military tribunes that year. Licinius

considers that we ought unhesitatingly to follow the "Linen Rolls"; Tubero has not made up his mind. But

amongst the many points obscure through lapse of time, this also is left unsettled. The capture of Fidenae

created alarm in Etruria. Not only were the Veientines apprehensive of a similar fate, but the Faliscans too

had not forgotten the war which they had commenced in alliance with them, though they had taken no part in

its renewal. The two States sent round envoys to the twelve cantons, and in compliance with their request a

meeting was proclaimed of the national council of Etruria, to be held at the temple of Voltumna. As a great

struggle seemed imminent, the senate ordered that Mamercus Aemilius should be again nominated Dictator.

A. Postumius Tubertus was appointed Master of the Horse. Preparations for war were made with all the

greater energy now than on the last occasion, as the danger to be apprehended from the whole of Etruria was

The occasion passed off more quietly than anybody expected. Information was brought by traders that help

had been refused to the Veientines; they were told to prosecute with their own resources a war which they

had commenced on their own initiative, and not, now that they were in difficulties, to look for allies amongst

those whom in their prosperity they refused to take into their confidence. The Dictator was now deprived of

any opportunity of acquiring fame in war, but he was anxious to achieve some work which might be a

memorial of his dictatorship and prevent it from appearing an unnecessary appointment, so he made

preparations for abridging the censorship, either because he considered its power excessive, or because he

objected not so much to the greatness as the length of duration of the office. Accordingly he convened the

Assembly and said that as the gods had undertaken the conduct of the State in external affairs and made

everything safe, he would do what required to be done within the walls, and take counsel for the liberties of

the Roman people. Those liberties were most securely guarded when those who held great powers did not

hold them long, and when offices which could not be limited in their jurisdiction were limited in their tenure.

Whilst the other magistracies were annual, the censorship was a quinquennial one. It was a distinct grievance

to have to live at the mercy of the same men for so many years, in fact for a considerable part of one's life. He

was going to bring in a law that the censorship should not last longer than eighteen months. He carried the

law the next day amidst the enthusiastic approval of the people, and then made the following announcement:

"That you may really know, Quirites, how much I disapprove of prolonged rule, I now lay down my

dictatorship." After thus resigning his own magistracy and limiting the other one, he was escorted home

amidst the hearty goodwill and congratulations of the people. The censors were extremely angry with

Mamercus for having limited the power of a Roman magistrate, they struck him out of his tribe, increased his

assessment eightfold, and disfranchised him. It is recorded that he bore this most magnanimously, thinking

more of the cause which led to the ignominy being inflicted upon him than of the ignominy itself. The

leading men amongst the patricians, though disapproving of the limitation imposed on the censorial

jurisdiction, were shocked at this instance of the harsh exercise of its power, for each recognised that he

would be subject to the censors more frequently and for a longer time than he would be censor himself. At all

events the people, it is said, felt so indignant that no one but Mamercus possessed sufficient authority to

The tribunes of the plebs held constant meetings of the Assembly with a view to preventing the election of

consuls, and after bringing matters almost to the appointment of an interrex, they succeeded in getting

consular tribunes elected. They looked for plebeians to be elected as a reward for their exertions, but not a

single one came in; all who were elected were patricians. Their names were M. Fabius Vibulanus, M. Folius,

and L. Sergius Fidenas. The pestilence that year kept everything quiet. The duumvirs did many things

prescribed by the sacred books to appease the wrath of the gods and remove the pestilence from the people.

The mortality, notwithstanding, was heavy both in the City and in the country districts; men and beasts alike

perished. Owing to the losses amongst the cultivators of the soil, a famine was feared as the result of the

pestilence, and agents were despatched to Etruria and the Pomptine territory and Cumae, and at last even to

Sicily, to procure corn. No mention was made of the election of consuls; consular tribunes were appointed, all

patricians. Their names were L. Pinarius Mamercus, L. Furius Medullinus, and Sp. Postumius Albus. In this

year the violence of the epidemic abated and there was no scarcity of corn, owing to the provision that had

been made. Projects of war were discussed in the national councils of the Volscians and Aequi, and in Etruria

at the temple of Voltumna. There the question was adjourned for a year and a decree was passed that no

council should be held till the year had elapsed, in spite of the protests of the Veientines, who declared that

At Rome, meantime, the leaders of the plebs, finding that their cherished hopes of higher dignity were futile

whilst there was peace abroad, got up meetings in the houses of the tribunes, where they discussed their plans

in secret. They complained that they had been treated with such contempt by the plebs, that though consular

tribunes had now been elected for many years, not a single plebeian had ever found his way to that office.

Their ancestors had shown much foresight in taking care that the plebeian magistracies should not be open to

patricians, otherwise they must have had patricians as tribunes of the plebs, for so insignificant were they in

the eyes of their own order that they were looked down upon by plebeians quite as much as by the patricians.

Others threw the blame on the patricians, it was owing to their unscrupulous cleverness in pushing their

canvassing that the path to honour was closed to the plebeians. If the plebs were allowed a respite from their

menaces and entreaties, they would think of their own party when they went to vote, and by their united

efforts would win office and power. It was decided that, with a view to doing away with the abuses of

canvassing, the tribunes should bring in a law forbidding any one to whiten his toga, when he appeared as a

candidate. To us now the matter may appear trivial and hardly worth serious discussion, but it kindled a

tremendous conflict between patricians and plebeians. The tribunes, however, succeeded in carrying their

law, and it was clear that, irritated as they were, the plebeians would support their own men. That they might

not be free to do so, a resolution was passed in the senate that the forthcoming elections should be held for

The reason for this decision was the report sent in by the Latins and Hernicans of a sudden rising amongst the

Volscians and Aequi. T. Quinctius Cincinnatussurnamed Poenusthe son of Lucius, and Gnaeus Julius

Mento were made consuls. War very soon broke out. After a levy had been raised under the Lex Sacrata,

which was the most powerful means they possessed of compelling men to serve, the armies of both nations

advanced and concentrated on Algidus, where they entrenched themselves, each in a separate camp. Their

generals showed greater care than on any previous occasion in the construction of their lines and the

exercising of the troops. The reports of this increased the alarm in Rome. In view of the fact that these two

nations after their numerous defeats were now renewing the war with greater energy than they had ever done

before, and, further, that a considerable number of the Romans fit for active service had been carried off by

the epidemic, the senate decided upon the nomination of a Dictator. But the greatest alarm was caused by the

perverse obstinacy of the consuls and their incessant wranglings in the senate. Some authorities assent that

these consuls fought an unsuccessful action at Algidus and that this was the reason why a Dictator was

nominated. It is at all events generally agreed that whilst at variance in other matters, they were at one in

opposing the senate and preventing the appointment of a Dictator. At last, when each report that came in was

more alarming than the last, and the consuls refused to accept the authority of the senate, Quintus Servilius

Priscus, who had filled the highest offices in the State with distinction, said, "Tribunes of the plebs! now that

matters have come to extremities, the senate calls upon you in this crisis of the commonwealth, by virtue of

On hearing this appeal, the tribunes considered that a favourable opportunity presented itself for augmenting

their authority, and they retired to deliberate. Then they formally declared in the name of the whole college of

tribunes that it was their determination that the consuls should bow to the will of the senate; if they offered

any further opposition to the unanimous decision of that most august order, they, the tribunes, would order

them to be thrown into prison. The consuls preferred defeat at the hands of the tribunes rather than at those of

the senate. If, they said, the consuls could be coerced by the tribunes in virtue of their authority, and even sent

to prisonand what more than this had ever a private citizen to fear?then the senate had betrayed the rights

and privileges of the highest office in the State, and made an ignominious surrender, putting the consulship

under the yoke of the tribunitian power. They could not even agree as to who should nominate the Dictator,

so they cast lots and the lot fell to T. Quinctius. He nominated A. Postumius Tubertus, his fatherinlaw, a

stern and resolute commander. The Dictator named L. Julius as the Master of the Horse. Orders were issued

for a levy to be raised and for all business, legal and otherwise, to be suspended in the City, except the

preparations for war. The investigation of claims for exemption from military service was postponed till the

end of the war, so even in doubtful cases men preferred to give in their names. The Hernici and the Latins

were ordered to furnish troops; both nations carried out the Dictator's orders most zealously.

All these preparations were completed with extraordinary despatch. The consul Gn. Julius was left in charge

of the defences of the City; L. Julius, the Master of the Horse, took command of the reserves to meet any

sudden emergency, and to prevent operations from being delayed through inadequacy of supplies at the front.

As the war was such a serious one, the Dictator vowed, in the form of words prescribed by the Pontifex

Maximus, A. Cornelius, to celebrate the Great Games if he were victorious. He formed the army into two

divisions, one of which he assigned to the consul Quinctius, and their joint force advanced up to the enemies'

position. As they saw that the hostile camps were separated by a short distance from each other, they also

formed separate camps, about a mile from the enemy, the Dictator fixing his in the direction of Tusculum, the

consul nearer Lanuvium. The four armies had thus separate entrenched positions, with a plain between them

broad enough not only for small skirmishes, but for both armies to be drawn out in battle order. Ever since

the camps had confronted each other there had been no cessation of small fights, and the Dictator was quite

content for his men to match their strength against the enemy, in order that through the issues of these

contests they might entertain the hope of a decisive and final victory. The enemy, hopeless of winning a

regular battle, determined to stake everything on the chances of a night attack on the consul's camp. The

shout which suddenly arose not only startled the consul's outposts and the whole army, but even woke the

Dictator. Everything depended on prompt action; the consul showed equal courage and coolness; part of his

troops reinforced the guards at the camp gates, the rest lined the entrenchments. As the Dictator's camp was

not attacked, it was easier for him to see what had to be done. Supports were at once sent to the consul under

Sp. Postumius Albus, lieutenantgeneral, and the Dictator in person with a portion of his force made for a

place away from the actual fighting, from which to make an attack on the enemy's rear. He left Q. Sulpicius,

lieutenantgeneral, in charge of the camp, and gave the command of the cavalry to M. Fabius,

lieutenantgeneral, with orders not to move their troops before daylight, as it was difficult to handle them in

the confusion of a night attack. Besides taking every measure which any other general of prudence and

energy would have taken under the circumstances, the Dictator gave a striking instance of his courage and

generalship, which deserves especial praise, for, on ascertaining that the enemy had left his camp with the

greater part of his force, he sent M. Geganius with some picked cohorts to storm it. The defenders were

thinking more of the issue of their comrades' dangerous enterprise than of taking precautions for their own

safety, even their outposts and picketduty were neglected, and he stormed and captured the camp almost

before the enemy realised that it was attacked. When the Dictator saw the smokethe agreed signalhe called

out that the enemy's camp was taken, and ordered the news to be spread everywhere.

It was now growing light and everything lay open to view. Fabius had delivered his attack with the cavalry

and the consul had made a sortie against the enemy, who were now wavering. The Dictator from the other

side had attacked the second line of reserves, and whilst the enemy faced about to meet the sudden charges

and confused shouts, he had thrown his victorious horse and foot across their front. They were now hemmed

in, and would, to a man, have paid the penalty for renewing the war, had not a Volscian, Vettius Messius, a

man more distinguished by his exploits than by his pedigree, remonstrated loudly with his comrades, who

were being rolled up into a helpless mass. "Are you going," he shouted, "to make yourselves a mark for the

enemies' javelins, unresisting, defenceless? Why then have you got arms, why did you begin an unprovoked

war; you who are ever turbulent in peace and laggards in war? What do you expect to gain by standing here?

Do you suppose that some deity will protect you and snatch you out of danger? A path must be made by the

sword. Come on in the way you see me go. You who are hoping to visit your homes and parents and wives

and children, come with me. It is not a wall or a stockade which is in your way; arms are met by arms. Their

equals in courage, you are their superiors by force of necessity, which is the last and greatest weapon." He

then rushed forward and his men followed him, raising again their battleshout, and flung the weight of their

charge where Postumius Albus had interposed his cohorts. They forced the victors back, until the Dictator

came up to his retreating men, and all the battle rolled to this part of the field. The fortunes of the enemy

rested solely on Messius. Many were wounded, many killed in all directions. By this time even the Roman

generals were not unhurt. Postumius, whose skull was fractured by a stone, was the only one who left the

field. The Dictator was wounded in the shoulder, Fabius had his thigh almost pinned to his horse, the consul

Messius with a body of their bravest troops charged through heaps of slain and was carried on to the Volscian

camp, which was not yet taken; the entire army followed. The consul followed them up in their disordered

flight as far as the stockade and began to attack the camp, whilst the Dictator brought up his troops to the

other side of it. The storming of the camp was just as furious as the battle had been. It is recorded that the

consul actually threw a standard inside the stockade to make the soldiers more eager to assault it, and in

endeavouring to recover it the first breach was made. When the stockade was torn down and the Dictator had

now carried the fighting into the camp, the enemy began everywhere to throw away their arms and surrender.

After the capture of this camp, the enemy, with the exception of the senators, were all sold as slaves. A part

of the booty comprised the plundered property of the Latins and Hernicans, and after being identified, was

restored to them, the rest the Dictator sold "under the spear". After placing the consul in command of the

camp, he entered the City in triumph and then laid down his dictatorship. Some writers have cast a gloom

over the memory of this glorious dictatorship by handing down a tradition that the Dictator's son, who, seeing

an opportunity for fighting to advantage, had left his post against orders, was beheaded by his father, though

victorious. I prefer to disbelieve the story, and am at liberty to do so, as opinions differ. An argument against

it is that such cruel displays of authority are called "Manlian" not "Postumian," for it is the first man who

practiced such severity to whom the stigma would have been affixed. Moreover, Manlius received the

soubriquet of "Imperiosus"; Postumius was not distinguished by any invidious epithet. The other consul, C.

Julius, dedicated the temple of Apollo in his colleague's absence, without waiting to draw lots with him as to

who should do it. Quinctius was very angry at this, and after he had disbanded his army and returned to the

City, he laid a protest before the senate, but nothing came of it. In this year so memorable for great

achievements an incident occurred which at the time seemed to have little to do with Rome. Owing to

disturbances amongst the Sicilians, the Carthaginians, who were one day to be such powerful enemies,

transported an army into Sicily for the first time to assist one of the contending parties.

In the City the tribunes made great efforts to secure the election of consular tribunes for the next year, but

they failed. L. Papirius Crassus and L. Julius were made consuls. Envoys came from the Aequi to ask from

the senate a treaty as between independent States; instead of this they were offered peace on condition they

acknowledged the supremacy of Rome; they obtained a truce for eight years. After the defeat which the

Volscians had sustained on Algidus, their State was distracted by obstinate and bitter quarrels between the

advocates of war and those of peace. There was quiet for Rome in all quarters. The tribunes were preparing a

popular measure to fix the scale of fines, but one of their body betrayed the fact to the consuls, who

anticipated the tribunes by bringing it in themselves. The new consuls were L. Sergius Fidenas, for the

second time, and Hostius Lucretius Tricipitinus. Nothing worth recording took place in their consulship.

They were followed by A. Cornelius Cossus, and T. Quinctius Poenus for the second time. The Veientines

made inroads into the Roman territory, and it was rumoured that some of the Fidenates had taken part in

them. L. Sergius, Q. Servilius, and Mamercus Aemilius were commissioned to investigate the affair. Some

were interned at Ostia, as they were unable to account satisfactorily for their absence from Fidenae at that

time. The number of colonists was increased, and the lands of those who had perished in the war were

Very great distress was caused this year by a drought. Not only was there an absence of water from the

heavens, but the earth, through lack of its natural moisture, barely sufficed to keep the rivers flowing. In some

cases the want of water made the cattle die of thirst round the driedup springs and brooks, in others they

were carried off by the mange. This disease spread to the men who had been in contact with them; at first it

attacked the slaves and agriculturists, then the City was infected. Nor was it only the body that was affected

by the pest, the minds of men also became a prey to all kinds of superstitions, mostly foreign ones. Pretended

soothsayers went about introducing new modes of sacrificing, and did a profitable trade amongst the victims

of superstition, until at last the sight of strange unRoman modes of propitiating the wrath of the gods in the

streets and chapels brought home to the leaders of the commonwealth the public scandal which was being

caused. The aediles were instructed to see to it that none but Roman deities were worshipped, nor in any other

than the established fashion. Hostilities with the Veientines were postponed till the following year, when

Caius Servilius Ahala and L. Papirius Mugilanus were the consuls. Even then the formal declaration of war

and the despatch of troops were delayed on religious grounds; it was considered necessary that the fetials

should first be sent to demand satisfaction. There had been recent battles with the Veientines at Nomentum

and Fidenae, and a truce had been made, not a lasting peace, but before the days of truce had expired they had

renewed hostilities. The fetials, however, were sent, but when they presented their demands, in accordance

with ancient usage, they were refused a hearing. A question then arose whether war should be declared by the

mandate of the people, or whether a resolution passed by the senate was sufficient. The tribunes threatened to

stop the levying of troops and succeeded in forcing the consul Quinctius to refer the question to the people.

The centuries decided unanimously for war. The plebs gained a further advantage in preventing the election

Four consular tribunes were electedT. Quinctius Poenus, who had been consul, C. Furius, M. Postumius,

and A. Cornelius Cossus. Cossus was warden of the City, the other three after completing the levy advanced

against Veii, and they showed how useless a divided command is in war. By each insisting on his own plans,

when they all held different views, they gave the enemy his opportunity. For whilst the army was perplexed

by different orders, some giving the signal to advance, whilst the others ordered a retreat, the Veientines

seized the opportunity for an attack. Breaking into a disorderly flight, the Romans sought refuge in their camp

which was close by; they incurred more disgrace than loss. The commonwealth, unaccustomed to defeat, was

plunged in grief; they hated the tribunes and demanded a Dictator; all their hopes rested on that. Here too a

religious impediment was met with, as a Dictator could only be nominated by a consul. The augurs were

consulted and removed the difficulty. A. Cornelius nominated Mamercus Aemilius as Dictator, he himself

was appointed by him Master of the Horse. This proved how powerless the action of the censors was to

prevent a member of a family unjustly degraded from being entrusted with supreme control when once the

fortunes of the State demanded real courage and ability. Elated by their success, the Veientines sent envoys

round to the cantons of Etruria, boasting that three Roman generals had been defeated by them in a single

battle. As, however, they could not induce the national council to join them, they collected from all quarters

volunteers who were attracted by the prospect of booty. The Fidenates alone decided to take part in the war,

and as though they thought it impious to begin war otherwise than with a crime, they stained their weapons

with the blood of the new colonists, as they had previously with the blood of the Roman ambassadors. Then

they joined the Veientines. The chiefs of the two peoples consulted whether they should make Veii or

Fidenae the base of operations. Fidenae appeared the more suitable; the Veientines accordingly crossed the

Very great was the alarm in Rome. The army, demoralised by its illsuccess, was recalled from Veii; an

entrenched camp was formed in front of the Colline gate, the walls were manned, the shops and law courts

closed, and a cessation of all business in the Forum ordered. The whole City wore the appearance of a camp.

The Dictator despatched criers through the streets to summon the anxious citizens to an Assembly. When

they were gathered together he reproached them for allowing their feelings to be so swayed by slight changes

of fortune that, after meeting with an insignificant reverse, due not to the courage of the enemy or the

cowardice of the Roman army, but simply to want of harmony amongst the generals, they should be in a state

of panic over the Veientines, who had been defeated six times, and Fidenae, which had been captured almost

more frequently than it had been attacked. Both the Romans and the enemy were the same that they had been

for so many centuries, their courage, their prowess, their arms were what they had always been. They had as

Dictator the same Mamercus Aemilius who at Nomentum defeated the combined forces of Veii and Fidenae

supported by the Faliscans; the Master of the Horse would in future battles be the same A. Cornelius who

killed Lars Tolumnius, king of Veii, before the eyes of the two armies and carried the spolia opima to the

temple of Jupiter Feretrius. They must take up arms, remembering that on their side were triumphs and the

spoils of victory, on the side of the enemy, the crime against the law of nations in the assassination of the

ambassadors and the massacre of the colonists at Fidenae in a time of peace, a broken truce, a seventh

unsuccessful revolt remembering all this, they must take up arms. When once they were in touch with their

enemy, he was confident that the guiltstained foe would not long rejoice over the disgrace that had

overtaken the Roman army, and the people of Rome would see how much better service was rendered to the

republic by those who had, for the third time nominated him Dictator, than by those who had cast a slur upon

his second dictatorship because he had deprived the censors of their autocratic power.

After reciting the usual vows, he marched out and fixed his camp a mile and a half on this side of Fidenae,

with the hills on his right and the Tiber on his left. He ordered T. Quinctius to secure the hills and to seize, by

a concealed movement, the ridge in the enemies' rear. On the following day, the Etruscans advanced to battle

in high spirits at their success the previous day, which had been due rather to good luck than good fighting.

After waiting a short time till the scouts reported that Quinctius had gained the height near the citadel of

Fidenae, the Dictator ordered the attack and led the infantry at a quick double against the enemy. He gave

instructions to the Master of the Horse not to begin fighting till he got orders; when he needed the assistance

of the cavalry he would give him the signal, then he must take his part in the action, inspired by the memory

of his combat with Tolumnius, of the spolia opima, and of Romulus and Jupiter Feretrius. The legions

charged with great impetuosity. The Romans expressed their burning hatred in words as much as in deeds;

they called the Fidenates "traitors," the Veientines "brigands," "breakers of truces," "stained with the horrible

murder of the ambassadors and the blood of Roman colonists," "faithless as allies, cowardly as soldiers."

The enemy were shaken at the very first onset, when suddenly the gates of Fidenae were flung open and a

strange army sallied forth, never seen or heard of before. An immense multitude, armed with firebrands, and

all waving blazing torches, rushed like men possessed on the Roman line. For a moment this extraordinary

mode of fighting put the Romans into a fright. Then the Dictator called up the Master of the Horse with his

cavalry, and sent to order Quinctius back from the hills, whilst he himself, encouraging his men, rode up to

the left wing, which looked more like a conflagration than a body of combatants, and had given way through

sheer terror at the flames. He shouted to them: "Are you overcome with smoke, like a swarm of bees? Will

you let an unarmed enemy drive you from your ground? Will you not put the fire out with your swords? If

you must fight with fire, not with arms, will you not snatch those torches away and attack them with their

own weapons? Come! remember the name of Rome and the courage you have inherited from your fathers;

turn this fire upon the enemies' city, and destroy with its own flames the Fidenae which you could not

conciliate by your kindness. The blood of ambassadors and colonists, your fellowcountrymen, and the

At the Dictator's command the whole line advanced; some of the torches were caught as they were thrown,

others were wrenched from the bearers; both armies were armed with fire. The Master of the Horse, too, on

his part, invented a new mode of fighting for his cavalry. He ordered his men to take the bits off the horses,

and, giving his own horse his head and putting spurs to it, he was carried into the midst of the flames, whilst

the other horses, urged into a hard gallop, carried their riders against the enemy. The dust they raised, mixed

with the smoke, blinded both horses and men. The sight which had terrified the infantry had no terrors for the

horses. Wherever the cavalry moved they left the slain in heaps. At this moment fresh shouts were heard,

creating astonishment in both armies. The Dictator called out that Quinctius and his men had attacked the

enemy in the rear, and on the shouts being renewed, he pressed his own attack with more vigour. When the

two bodies in two distinct attacks had forced the Etruscans back both in front and rear and hemmed them in,

so that there was no way of escape either to their camp or to the hillsfor in that direction the fresh enemy

had intercepted themand the horses, with their reins loose, were carrying their riders about in all directions,

most of the Veientines made a wild rush for the Tiber; the survivors amongst the Fidenates made for their

city. The flight of the terrified Veientines carried them into the midst of slaughter, some were killed on the

banks, others were driven into the river and swept away by the current; even good swimmers were carried

down by wounds and fright and exhaustion, few out of the many got across. The other body made their way

through their camp to their city with the Romans in close pursuit, especially Quinctius and his men, who had

just come down from the hills, and having arrived towards the close of the struggle, were fresher for the

The latter entered the gates pellmell with the enemy, and as soon as they had mounted the walls they

signalled to their friends that the city was taken. The Dictator had now reached the enemies' abandoned camp,

and his soldiers were anxious to disperse in quest of booty, but when he saw the signal he reminded them that

there was richer spoil in the city, and led them up to the gate. Once within the walls he proceeded to the

citadel, toward which he saw the crowd of fugitives rushing. The slaughter in the city was not less than there

had been in the battle, until, throwing down their arms, they surrendered to the Dictator and begged that at

least their lives might be spared. The city and camp were plundered. The following day the cavalry and

centurions each received one prisoner, selected by lot, as their slave, those who had shown conspicuous

gallantry, two; the rest were sold "under the chaplet." The Dictator led back in triumph to Rome his

victorious army laden with spoil. After ordering the Master of the Horse to resign his office, he resigned

office himself on the sixteenth day after his nomination, surrendering amidst peace the sovereign power

which he had assumed at a time of war and danger. Some of the annalists have recorded a naval engagement

with the Veientines at Fidenae, an incident as difficult as it is incredible. Even today the river is not broad

enough for this, and we learn from ancient writers that it was narrower then. Possibly, in their desire for a

vainglorious inscription, as often happens, they magnified a gathering of ships to prevent the passage of the

The following year had for consular tribunes A. Sempronius Atratinus, L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, L. Furius

Medullinus, and L. Horatius Barbatus. A truce for eighteen years was granted to the Veientines and one for

three years to the Aequi, though they had asked for a longer one. There was also a respite from civic

disturbances. The following year, though not marked by either foreign war or domestic troubles, was

rendered memorable by the celebration of the Games vowed on the occasion of the war seven years before,

which were carried out with great magnificence by the consular tribunes, and attended by large numbers from

the surrounding cities. The consular tribunes were Ap. Claudius Crassus, Spurius Nautius Rutilus, L. Sergius

Fidenas, and Sex. Julius Julus. The spectacle was made more attractive to the visitors by the courteous

reception which it had been publicly decided to give them. When the Games were over, the tribunes of the

plebs began to deliver inflammatory harangues. They reproached the populace for allowing their stupid

admiration of those whom they really hated to keep them in perpetual servitude. Not only did they lack the

courage to claim their share in the chance of preferment to the consulship, but even in the election of consular

tribunes, which was open to both patricians and plebeians, they never thought of their tribunes or their party.

They need be no longer surprised that no one interested himself in the welfare of the plebs. Toil and danger

were incurred for those objects from which profit and honour might be expected. There was nothing which

men would not attempt if rewards were held out proportionate to the greatness of the effort. But that any

tribune of the plebs should rush blindly into contests which involved enormous risks and brought no

advantage, which he might be certain would make the patricians whom he opposed persecute him with

relentless fury, whilst amongst the plebeians on whose behalf he fought he would not be in the slightest

degree more honoured, was a thing neither to be expected nor demanded. Great honours made great men.

When the plebeians began to be respected, every plebeian would respect himself. Surely they might now try

the experiment in one or two cases, to prove whether any plebeian is capable of holding high office, or

whether it would be little short of a miracle for any one sprung from the plebs to be at the same time a strong

and energetic man. After a desperate fight, they had secured the election of military tribunes with consular

powers, for which plebeians were eligible. Men of tried ability, both at home and in the field, became

candidates. For the first few years they were knocked about, rejected, treated with derision by the patricians;

at last they declined to expose themselves to these affronts. They saw no reason why a law should not be

repealed which simply legalised what would never happen. They would have less to be ashamed of in the

injustice of the law than in being passed over in the elections as though unworthy to hold office.

Harangues of this sort were listened to with approval, and some were induced to stand for a consular

tribuneship, each of them promising to bring in some measure in the interest of the plebs. Hopes were held

out of a division of the State domain and the formation of colonies, whilst money was to be raised for the

payment of the soldiers by a tax on the occupiers of the public land. The consular tribunes waited till the

usual exodus from the City allowed a meeting of the senate to be held in the absence of the tribunes of the

plebs, the members who were in the country being recalled by private notice. A resolution was passed that

owing to rumours of an invasion of the Hernican territory by the Volscians the consular tribunes should go

and find out what was happening, and that at the forthcoming elections consuls should be chosen. On their

departure they left Appius Claudius, the son of the decemvir, to act as warden of the City, a young man of

energy, and imbued from his infancy with a hatred of the plebs and its tribunes. The tribunes had nothing on

which to raise a contest either with the consular tribunes, who were absent, the authors of the decree, or with

The consuls elected were C. Sempronius Atratinus and Q. Fabius Vibulanus. There is recorded under this

year an incident which occurred in a foreign country, but still important enough to be mentioned, namely, the

capture of Volturnus, an Etruscan city, now called Capua, by the Samnites. It is said to have been called

Capua from their general, but it is more probable that it was so called from its situation in a champaign

country (campus). It was after the Etruscans, weakened by a long war, had granted them a joint occupancy of

the city and its territory that they seized it. During a festival, whilst the old inhabitants were overcome with

wine and sleep, the new settlers attacked them in the night and massacred them. After the proceedings

described in the last chapter, the abovenamed consuls entered on office in the middle of December. By this

time intelligence as to the imminence of a Volscian war had been received not only from those who had been

sent to investigate, but also from the Latins and Hernicans, whose envoys reported that the Volscians were

devoting greater energy than they had ever done before to the selection of their generals and the levying of

their forces. The general cry amongst them was that either they must consign all thoughts of war to eternal

oblivion and submit to the yoke, or else they must in courage, endurance, and military skill be a match for

These reports were anything but groundless, but not only did the senate treat them with comparative

indifference, but C. Sempronius, to whom that field of operations had fallen, imagined that as he was leading

the troops of a victorious people against those whom they had vanquished, the fortune of war could never

change. Trusting to this, he displayed such rashness and negligence in all his measures that there was more of

the Roman discipline in the Volscian army than there was in the Roman army itself. As often happens,

fortune waited upon desert. In the very first battle Sempronius made his dispositions without plan or

forethought, the fighting line was not strengthened by reserves, nor were the cavalry placed in a suitable

position. The warcries were the first indication as to how the action was going; that of the enemy was more

animated and sustained; on the side of the Romans the irregular, intermittent shout, growing feebler at each

repetition, betrayed their waning courage. Hearing this, the enemy attacked with greater vigour, pushed with

their shields and brandished their swords. On the other side their helmets drooped as the men looked round

for supports; men wavered and faltered and crowded together for mutual protection; at one moment the

standards while holding their ground were abandoned by the front rank, the next they retreated between their

respective maniples. As yet there was no actual flight, no decided victory. The Romans were defending

themselves rather than fighting, the Volscians were advancing, forcing back their line; they saw more

Now in all directions they were giving way; in vain did Sempronius the consul remonstrate and encourage,

neither his authority nor his dignity was of any avail. They would soon have been completely routed had not

Tempanius, a decurio of cavalry, retrieved by his ready courage the desperate position of affairs. He shouted

to the cavalry to leap down from their horses if they wished the commonwealth to be safe, and all the troops

of cavalry followed his direction as though it were the order of the consul. "Unless," he continued, "this

bucklered cohort check the enemies' attack, there is an end of our sovereignty. Follow my spear as your

standard! Show Romans and Volscians alike that no cavalry are a match for you as cavalry, no infantry a

match for you as infantry!" This stirring appeal was answered by shouts of approval, and he strode on,

holding his spear erect. Wherever they went they forced their way; holding their bucklers in front, they made

for that part of the field where they saw their comrades in the greatest difficulty; in every direction where

their onset carried them, they restored the battle, and undoubtedly, if so small a body could have attacked the

As it was impossible to check them in any direction, the Volscian commander gave a signal for a passage to

be opened for this novel cohort of targeteers, until by the impetus of their charge they should be cut off from

the main body. As soon as this happened, they were unable to force their way back in the same directional

they had advanced, as the enemy had massed in the greatest force there. When the consul and the Roman

legions no longer saw anywhere the men who had just been the shield of the whole army, they endeavoured

at all risks to prevent so many brave fellows from being surrounded and overwhelmed by the enemy. The

Volscians formed two fronts, in one direction they met the attack of the consul and the legions, from the

opposite front they pressed upon Tempanius and his troopers. As these latter after repeated attempts found

themselves unable to break through to their main body, they took possession of some rising ground, and

forming a circle defended themselves, not without inflicting losses on the enemy. The battle did not terminate

till nightfall. The consul too kept the enemy engaged without any slackening of the fight as long as any light

remained. Night at last put an end to he indecisive action, and through ignorance as to the result such a panic

seized each of the camps that both armies, thinking themselves defeated, left their wounded behind and the

greater part of their baggage and retired to the nearest hills. The eminence, however, which Tempanius had

seized was surrounded till after midnight, when it was announced to the enemy that their camp was

abandoned. Looking upon this as a proof that their army was defeated, they fled in all directions wherever

their fears carried them in the darkness. Tempanius, fearing a surprise, kept his men together till daylight.

Then he came down with a few of his men to reconnoitre, and after ascertaining from the enemies' wounded

that the Volscian camp was abandoned, he joyfully called his men down and made his way to the Roman

camp. Here he found a dreary solitude; everything presented the same miserable spectacle as in the enemies'

camp. Before the discovery of their mistake could bring the Volscians back again, he collected all the

wounded he could carry with him, and as he did not know what direction the Dictator had taken, proceeded

Rumours of an unfavourable battle and the abandonment of the camp had already been brought. Most of all

was the fate of the cavalry deplored, the whole community felt the loss as keenly as their families. There was

general alarm throughout the City, and the consul Fabius was posting pickets before the gates when cavalry

were descried in the distance. Their appearance created alarm, as it was doubtful who they were; presently

they were recognised, and the fears gave place to such great joy that the City rang with shouts of

congratulation at the cavalry having returned safe and victorious. People flocked into the streets out of houses

which had just before been in mourning and filled with wailings for the dead; anxious mothers and wives,

forgetting decorum in their joy, ran to meet the column of horsemen, each embracing her own friends and

hardly able to control mind or body for joy. The tribunes of the plebs had appointed a day for the trial of M.

Postumius and T. Quinctius on the ground of their illsuccess at Veii, and they thought it a favourable

opportunity for reviving the public feeling against them through the odium now incurred by Sempronius.

Accordingly they convened the Assembly, and in excited tones declared that the commonwealth had been

betrayed at Veii by their generals, and in consequence of their not having been called to account, the army

acting against the Volscians had been betrayed by the consul, their gallant cavalry had been given over to

slaughter, and the camp had been disgracefully abandoned. C. Junius, one of the tribunes, ordered Tempanius

to be called forward. He then addressed him as follows: "Sextus Tempanius, I ask you, would you consider

that the consul Caius Sempronius commenced the action at the fitting moment, or strengthened his line with

supports, or discharged any of the duties of a good consul? When the Roman legions were worsted, did you

on your own authority dismount the cavalry and restore the fight? And when you and the cavalry were cut off

from our main body, did the consul render any assistance or send you succour? Further, did you on the

following day receive any reinforcements, or did you and the cohort force your way to the camp by your own

bravery? Did you find any consul, any army in the camp, or did you find it abandoned and the wounded

soldiers left to their fate? Your honour and loyalty, which have alone sustained the commonwealth in this

war, require you to state these things today. Lastly, where is Caius Sempronius? where are our legions? Were

you deserted, or have you deserted the consul and the army? In a word, are we defeated, or have we been

The speech which Tempanius made in reply is said to have been unpolished, but marked by soldierly dignity,

free from the vanity of selfpraise, and showing no pleasure in the inculpation of others. "It was not," he said,

"a soldier's place to criticise his commander, or judge how much military skill he possessed; that was for the

Roman people to do when they elected him consul. They must not therefore demand of him what tactics a

commander should adopt, or what military capacity a consul should display; these were matters which even

great minds and intellects would have to weigh very carefully. He could, however, relate what he saw. Before

he was cut off from the main body he saw the consul fighting in the front line, encouraging his men, going to

and fro between the Roman standards and the missiles of the enemy. After he, the speaker, was carried out of

sight of his comrades, he knew from the noise and shouting that the combat was kept up till night; and he did

not believe that a way could have been made to the eminence which he had occupied, owing to the numbers

of the enemy. Where the army was he knew not; he thought that as he found protection for himself and his

men at a moment of extreme peril in the nature of the ground, so the consul had selected a stronger position

for his camp, to save his army. He did not believe that the Volscians were in any better plight than the

Romans; the varying fortunes of the fight and the fall of night had led to all sorts of mistakes on both sides."

He then begged them not to keep him any longer, as he was exhausted with his exertions and his wounds, and

thereupon was dismissed amidst loud praises of his modesty no less than his courage. Whilst this was going

on the consul had reached the Labican road and was at the chapel of Quies. Wagons and draughtcattle were

despatched thither from the City for the conveyance of the army, who were worn out by the battle and night

march. Shortly afterwards the consul entered the City, quite as anxious to give Tempanius the praise he so

well deserved as to remove the blame from his own shoulders. Whilst the citizens were mourning over their

reverses and angry with their generals, M. Postumius, who as consular tribune had commanded at Veii, was

brought before them for trial. He was sentenced to a fine of 10,000 "ases." His colleague, T. Quinctius, who

had been successful against the Volscians under the auspices of the Dictator Postumius Tubertus, and at

Fidenae as second in command under the other Dictator, Mam. Aemilius, threw all the blame for the disaster

at Veii on his colleague who had been previously sentenced. He was acquitted by the unanimous vote of the

tribes. It is said that the memory of his venerated father, Cincinnatus, stood him in good stead, as also did the

now aged Capitolinus Quinctius, who earnestly entreated them not to allow him, with so brief a span of life

The plebs elected as their tribunes, in their absence, Sex. Tempanius, A. Sellius, Sextus Antistius, and Sp.

Icilius, all of whom had, on the advice of Tempanius, been selected by the cavalry to act as centurions. The

exasperation against Sempronius made the very name of consul offensive, the senate therefore ordered

consular tribunes to be elected. Their names were L. Manlius Capitolinus, Q. Antonius Merenda, and L.

Papirius Mugilanus. At the very beginning of the year, L. Hortensius, a tribune of the plebs, appointed a day

for the trial of C. Sempronius, the consul of the previous year. His four colleagues begged him, publicly, in

full view of the Roman people, not to prosecute their unoffending commander, against whom nothing but

illluck could be alleged. Hortensius was angry, for he looked upon this as an attempt to test his resolution,

he regarded the entreaties of the tribunes as meant simply to save appearances, and he was convinced that it

was not to these the consul was trusting, but to their interposing their veto. Turning to Sempronius he asked:

"Where is your patrician spirit, and the courage which is supported by the consciousness of innocence? An

exconsul actually sheltering under the wing of the tribunes!" Then he addressed his colleagues: "You, what

will you do, if I carry the prosecution through? Are you going to deprive the people of their jurisdiction and

subvert the power of the tribunes?" They replied that the authority of the people was supreme over

Sempronius and over everybody else; they had neither the will nor the power to do away with the people's

right to judge, but if their entreaties on behalf of their commander, who was a second father to them, proved

unavailing, they would appear by his side in suppliant garb. Then Hortensius replied: "The Roman plebs shall

not see its tribunes in mourning; I drop all proceedings against C. Sempronius, since he has succeeded, during

his command, in becoming so dear to his soldiers." Both plebeians and patricians were pleased with the loyal

affection of the four tribunes, and quite as much so with the way in which Hortensius had yielded to their just

The consuls for the next year were Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and T. Quinctius Capitolinus, the son of

Capitolinus. The Aequi had claimed the doubtful victory of the Volscians as their own, but fortune no longer

favoured them. The campaign against them fell to Fabius, but nothing worth mention took place. Their

dispirited army had but shown itself when it was routed and put to a disgraceful flight, without the consul

gaining much glory from it. A triumph was in consequence refused him, but as he had removed the disgrace

of Sempronius' defeat he was allowed to enjoy an ovation. As, contrary to expectation, the war had been

brought to a close with less fighting than had been feared, so in the City the calm was broken by

unlookedfor and serious disturbances between the plebs and the patricians. It began with the doubling of the

number of quaestors. It was proposed to create in addition to the two City quaestors two others to assist the

consuls in the various duties arising from a state of war. When this proposal was laid by the consuls before

the senate and had received the warm support of that body, the tribunes of the plebs insisted that half the

number should be taken from the plebeians; up to that time only patricians had been chosen. This demand

was at first opposed most resolutely by the consuls and the senate; afterwards they yielded so far as to allow

the same freedom of choice in the election of quaestors as the people already enjoyed in that of consular

tribunes. As they gained nothing by this, they dropped the proposal to augment the number altogether. The

tribunes took it up, and many revolutionary proposals, including the Agrarian Law, were set on foot in quick

succession. In consequence of these commotions the senate wanted consuls to be elected rather than tribunes,

but owing to the veto of the tribunes a formal resolution could not be carried, and on the expiry of the

consuls' year of office an interregnum followed, and even this did not happen without a tremendous struggle,

The greater part of the following year was wasted in contests between the new tribunes of the plebs and some

of the interreges. At one time the tribunes would intervene to prevent the patricians from meeting together to

appoint an interrex, at another they would interrupt the interrex and prevent him from obtaining a decree for

the election of consuls. At last L. Papirius Mugilanus, who had been made interrex, sternly rebuked the senate

and the tribunes, and reminded them that upon the truce with Veii and the dilatoriness of the Aequi, and upon

these alone, depended the safety of the commonwealth, which was deserted and forgotten by men, but

protected by the providential care of the gods. Should any alarm of war sound from that quarter, was it their

wish that the State should be taken by surprise while without any patrician magistrate; that there should be no

army, no general to enrol one? Were they going to repel a foreign war by a civil one? If both these should

come together, the destruction of Rome could hardly be averted even with the help of the gods. Let them

rather try to establish concord by making concessions on both sidesthe patricians by allowing military

tribunes to be elected instead of consuls; the tribunes of the plebs by not interfering with the liberty of the

people to elect the four quaestors from patricians or plebeians indiscriminately.

The election of consular tribunes was the first to be held. They were all patricians; L. Quinctius Cincinnatus,

for the third time, L. Furius Medullinus, for the second, M. Manlius, and A. Sempronius Atratinus. The

lastnamed conducted the election of the quaestors. Amongst other plebeian candidates were the son of

Antistius, tribune of the plebs, and a brother of Sextus Pompilius, another tribune. Their authority and interest

were not, however, strong enough to prevent the voters from preferring on the ground of their high birth those

whose fathers and grandfathers they had seen in the consul's chair. All the tribunes of the plebs were furious,

Pompilius and Antistius, more especially, were incensed at the defeat of their relations. "What," they angrily

exclaimed, "is the meaning of all this? In spite of our good offices, in spite of the wrongs done by the

patricians, with all the freedom you now enjoy of exercising powers you did not possess before, not a single

member of the plebs has been raised to the quaestorship, to say nothing of the consular tribuneship! The

appeals of a father on behalf of a son, of a brother on behalf of a brother, have been unavailing, though they

are tribunes, invested with an inviolable authority to protect your liberties. There has certainly been

dishonesty somewhere; A. Sempronius has shown more adroitness than straightforwardness." They accused

him of having kept their men out of office by illegal means. As they could not attack him directly, protected

as he was by his innocence and his official position, they turned their resentment against Caius Sempronius,

the uncle of Atratinus, and having obtained the support of their colleague, M. Canuleius, they impeached him

These same tribunes frequently mooted the question in the senate of a distribution of the public domain, a

proposal which C. Sempronius always stoutly resisted. They thought, and rightly as the event proved, that

when the day of trial came, he would either abandon his opposition and so lose influence with the patricians,

or by persisting in it give offence to the plebeians. He chose the latter, and preferred to incur the odium of his

opponents and injure his own cause than prove false to the cause of the State. He insisted that "there should

be no grants of land, which would only increase the influence of the three tribunes; what they wanted now

was not land for the plebs, but to wreak their spite upon him. He, like others, would meet the storm with a

stout heart; neither he nor any other citizen ought to stand so high with the senate that any leniency shown to

an individual might be disastrous to the commonwealth." When the day of trial came there was no lowering

of his tone, he undertook his own defence, and though the patricians tried every means to soften the

plebeians, he was condemned to pay a fine of 15,000 "ases." In this same year Postumia, a Vestal virgin, had

to answer a charge of unchastity. Though innocent, she had given grounds for suspicion through her gay attire

and unmaidenly freedom of manner. After she had been remanded and finally acquitted, the Pontifex

Maximus, in the name of the whole college of priests, ordered her to abstain from frivolity and to study

sanctity rather than smartness in her appearance. In the same year, Cumae, at that time held by the Greeks,

The following year had as consular tribunes Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, P. Lucretius Tricipitinus, and

Spurius Nautius Rutilus. Thanks to the good fortune of Rome, the year was marked by serious danger more

than by actual disaster. The slaves had formed a plot to fire the City in various spots, and whilst the people

were everywhere intent on saving their houses, to take armed possession of the Capitol. Jupiter frustrated

their nefarious project; two of their number gave information, and the actual culprits were arrested and

punished. The informers received a reward of 10,000 "ases "a large sum in those daysfrom the public

treasury, and their freedom. After this the Aequi began to prepare for a renewal of hostilities, and it was

reported on good authority at Rome that a new enemy, the Labicans, were forming a coalition with their old

foes. The commonwealth had come to look upon hostilities with the Aequi as almost an annual occurrence.

Envoys were sent to Labici. The reply they brought back was evasive; it was evident that whilst there were no

immediate preparations for war, peace would not last long. The Tusculans were requested to be on the watch

for any fresh movement on the part of the Labicans. The consular tribunes for the following year were Lucius

Sergius Fidenas, M. Papirius Mugilanus, and C. Servilius, the son of the Priscus in whose dictatorship

Fidenae had been taken. At the very beginning of their term of office, envoys came from Tusculum and

reported that the Labicans had taken up arms and in conjunction with the Aequi had, after ravaging the

Tusculan territory, fixed their camp on Algidus. War was thereupon proclaimed and the senate decreed that

two tribunes should leave for the war, and one remain in charge of the City. This at once led to a quarrel

amongst the tribunes. Each urged his superior claims to command in the war and looked down upon the

charge of the City as distasteful and inglorious. Whilst the senators were watching with astonishment this

unseemly strife amongst colleagues, Q. Servilius said, "Since no respect is shown either to this House or to

the State, the authority of a father shall put an end to this altercation. My son, without having recourse to lots,

shall take charge of the City. I trust that those who are so anxious for the command in the war will conduct it

in a more considerate and amicable spirit than they have shown in their eagerness to obtain it."

It was decided that the levy should not be raised from the whole population indiscriminately; ten tribes were

drawn by lot; from these the two tribunes enlisted the men of military age and led them to the war. The

quarrels which had begun in the City became much more heated in the camp through the same eagerness to

secure the command. They agreed on no single point, they fought for their own opinions, each wanted his

own plans and orders carried out exclusively, they felt mutual contempt for each other. At length, through the

remonstrances and reproofs of the lieutenantsgeneral, matters were so far arranged that they agreed to hold

the command in chief on alternate days. When this state of things was reported at Rome it is said that Q.

Servilius, taught by years and experience, offered up a solemn prayer that the disagreement of the tribunes

might not prove more hurtful to the State than it had been at Veii; then, as though disaster were undoubtedly

impending, he urged his son to enrol troops and prepare arms. He was not a false prophet.

It happened to be the turn of L. Sergius to hold command, and the enemy by a pretended flight had drawn his

troops on to unfavourable ground close to their camp, in the vain hope of storming it. Then the Aequi made a

sudden charge and drove them down a steep valley where numbers were overtaken and killed in what was not

so much a flight as a tumbling over each other. It was with difficulty that they held their camp that day; the

next day, after the enemy had surrounded a considerable part of it, they evacuated it in a disgraceful flight

through the rear gate. The commanders and lieutenantsgeneral and as much of the army as remained with

the standards made for Tusculum, the others, straggling in all directions through the fields, hurried on to

Rome and spread the news of a more serious defeat than had been actually incurred. There was less

consternation felt because the result was what every one had feared and the reinforcements which they could

look to in the hour of danger had been got ready beforehand by the consular tribune. By his orders, after the

excitement had been allayed by the inferior magistrates, scouting parties were promptly sent out to

reconnoitre, and they reported that the generals and the army were at Tusculum, and that the enemy had not

shifted his camp. What did most to restore confidence was the nomination, by a senatorial decree, of Q.

Servilius Priscus as Dictator. The citizens had had previous experience of his political foresight in many

stormy crises, and the issue of this war afforded a fresh proof, for he alone suspected danger from the

differences of the tribunes before the disaster occurred. He appointed as his Master of the Horse the tribune

by whom he had been nominated Dictator, namely, his own son. This at least is the statement of some

authorities, others say that Ahala Servilius was Master of the Horse that year. With his fresh army he

proceeded to the seat of war, and after recalling the troops who were at Tusculum, he selected a position for

The arrogance and carelessness which the Roman generals had shown had now passed over to the Aequi in

the hour of their success. The result appeared in the very first battle. After shaking the enemies' front with a

cavalry charge, the Dictator ordered the standards of the legions to be rapidly advanced, and as one of his

standardbearers hesitated, he slew him. So eager were the Romans to engage that the Aequi did not stand

the shock. Driven from the field in headlong flight they made for their camp; the storming of the camp took

less time and involved less fighting than the actual battle. The spoils of the captured camp the Dictator gave

up to the soldiers. The cavalry who had pursued the enemy as they fled from the camp brought back

intelligence that the whole of the defeated Labicans and a large proportion of the Aequi had fled to Labici.

On the morrow the army marched to Labici, and after the town was completely invested it was captured and

plundered. After leading his victorious army home, the Dictator laid down his office just a week after he had

been appointed. Before the tribunes of the plebs had time to get up an agitation about the division of the

Labican territory, the senate in a full meeting passed a resolution that a body of colonists should be settled at

Labici. One thousand five hundred colonists were sent, and each received two jugera of land. In the year

following the capture of Labici the consular tribunes were Menenius Lanatus, L. Servilius Structus, P.

Lucretius Tricipitinuseach for the second time and Spurius Veturius Crassus. For the next year they were

A. Sempronius Atratinusfor the third time and M. Papirius Mugilanus and Sp. Nautius Rutilus each for

the second time. During these two years foreign affairs were quiet, but at home there were contentions over

The fomenters of the disturbance were Sp. Maecilius, who was tribune of the plebs for the fourth time, and

M. Metilius, tribune for the third time; both had been elected in their absence. They brought forward a

measure providing that the territory taken from an enemy should be assigned to individual owners. If this

were passed the fortunes of a large number of the nobility would be confiscated. For as the City itself was

founded upon foreign soil, it possessed hardly any territory which had not been won by arms, or which had

become private property by sale or assignment beyond what the plebeians possessed. There seemed every

prospect of a bitter conflict between the plebs and the patricians. The consular tribunes, after discussing the

matter in the senate and in private gatherings of patricians, were at a loss what to do, when Appius Claudius,

the grandson of the old decemvir and the youngest senator present, rose to speak. He is represented as saying

that he was bringing from home an old device well known to his house. His grandfather, Appius Claudius,

had pointed out to the senate the only way of breaking down the power of the tribunes, namely, through the

interposition of their colleagues' veto. Men who had risen from the masses were easily induced to change

their opinions by the personal authority of the leaders of the State if only they were addressed in language

suitable to the occasion rather than to the rank of the speaker. Their feelings changed with their fortunes.

When they saw that those of their colleagues who were the first to propose any measure took the whole credit

of it with the plebs and left no place for them, they would feel no hesitation in coming over to the cause of the

senate, and so win the favour not only of the leaders but of the whole order. His views met with universal

approval; Q. Servilius Priscus was the first to congratulate the youth on his not having degenerated from the

old Claudian stock. The leaders of the senate were charged to persuade as many tribunes as they could to

interpose their veto. After the close of the sitting they canvassed the tribunes. By the use of persuasion,

warning, and promises, they showed how acceptable that action would be to them individually and to the

The next day, in accordance with a previous understanding, the attention of the senate was drawn to the

agitation which Maecilius and Metilius were causing by proposing a bribe of the worst possible type.

Speeches were delivered by the leaders of the senate, each in turn declaring that he was unable to suggest any

course of action, and saw no other resource but the assistance of the tribunes. To the protection of that power

the State in its embarrassment, like a private citizen in his helplessness, fled for succour. It was the glory of

the tribunes and of the authority they wielded that they possessed as much strength to withstand evilminded

colleagues as to harass the senate and create dissension between the two orders. Cheers arose from the whole

senate and the tribunes were appealed to from every quarter of the House. When silence was restored, those

tribunes who had been won over made it clear that since the senate was of opinion that the proposed measure

tended to the breakup of the republic, they should interpose their veto on it. They were formally thanked by

the senate. The proposers of the measure convened a meeting in which they showered abuse on their

colleagues, calling them "traitors to the interests of the plebs" and "slaves of the consulars," with other

The consular tribunes for the following year were P. Cornelius Cossus, C. Valerius Potitus, Q. Quinctius

Cincinnatus, and Numerius Fabius Vibulanus. There would have been two wars this year if the Veientine

leaders had not deferred hostilities owing to religious scruples. Their lands had suffered from an inundation

of the Tiber chiefly through the destruction of their farm buildings. The Bolani, a people of the same

nationality as the Aequi, had made incursions into the adjoining territory of Labici and attacked the

newlysettled colonists, in the hope of averting the consequences by receiving the unanimous support of the

Aequi. But the defeat they had sustained three years before made them disinclined to render assistance; the

Bolani, abandoned by their friends, lost both town and territory after a siege and one trifling engagement in a

war which is not even worth recording. An attempt was made by L. Sextius, a tribune of the plebs, to carry a

measure providing that colonists should be sent to Bolae as they had been to Labici, but it was defeated by

the intervention of his colleagues, who made it clear that they would not allow any resolution of the plebs to

The consular tribunes for the following year were Cnaeus Cornelius Cossus, L. Valerius Potitus, Q. Fabius

Vibulanusfor the second timeand M. Postumius Regillensis. The Aequi recaptured Bolae and strengthened

the town by introducing fresh colonists. The war against the Aequi was entrusted to Postumius, a man of

violent and obstinate temper, which, however, he displayed more in the hour of victory than during the war.

After marching with his hastilyraised army to Bolae and crushing the spirit of the Aequi in some

insignificant actions, he at length forced his way into the town. Then he diverted the contest from the enemy

to his own fellowcitizens. During the assault he had issued an order that the plunder should go to the

soldiers, but after the capture of the town he broke his word. I am led to believe that this was the real ground

for the resentment felt by the army rather than that in a city which had been recently sacked and where a new

colony had been settled, the amount of booty was less than the tribune had given out. After he had returned to

the City on the summons of his colleagues owing to the commotions excited by the tribunes of the plebs, the

feeling against him was intensified by a stupid and almost insane utterance in a meeting of the Assembly.

Sextius was introducing an agrarian law, and stated that one of its provisions was that colonists be settled at

Bolae. "Those," he said, "who had captured Bolae deserved that the city and its territory should belong to

them." Postumius exclaimed, "It will be a bad thing for my soldiers if they do not keep quiet." This

exclamation was quite as offensive to the senators, when they heard of it, as it was to the Assembly. The

tribune of the plebs was a clever man and not a bad speaker; he had now got amongst his opponents a man of

insolent temper and hot tongue, whom he could irritate and provoke into saying things which would bring

odium not only upon himself, but upon his cause and upon the whole of his order. There was no one amongst

the consular tribunes whom he oftener drew into argument before the Assembly than Postumius. After the

above quoted coarse and brutal utterance Sextius said, "Do you hear, Quirites, this man threatening his

soldiers with punishment, as if they were slaves? Shall this monster appear in your eyes more worthy of his

high office than the men who are trying to send you out as colonists to receive as a free gift city and land, and

provide a restingplace for your old age; who are fighting gallantly for your interests against such savage and

insolent opponents? Now you can begin to wonder why it is that so few take up your cause. What have they

to hope for from you? Is it high office? You would rather confer it on your opponents than on the champions

of the Roman people. You broke out into indignant murmurs just now when you heard what this man said.

What difference does it make? If you had to give your votes now, you would prefer this man who threatens

you with punishment to those who want to secure for you lands and houses and property."

When this exclamation of Postumius was reported to the soldiers it aroused much more indignation in the

camp. "What!" they said, "is the embezzler of the spoils, the robber, actually threatening his soldiers with

punishment?" Open as the expressions of resentment were, the quaestor P. Sestius still thought that the

excitement could be repressed by the same exhibition of violence by which it had been aroused. A lictor was

sent to a soldier who was shouting, this led to uproar and disorder. The quaestor was struck by a stone and got

out of the crowd, the man who had hurt him exclaimed that the quaestor had got what the commander had

threatened the soldiers. Postumius was sent for to deal with the outbreak; he aggravated the general irritation

by the ruthless way in which he made his investigations and the cruelty of the punishments he inflicted. At

last, when his rage exceeded all bounds, and a crowd had gathered at the cries of those whom he had ordered

to be put to death "under the hurdle," he rushed down from his tribunal in a frenzy to those who were

interrupting the execution; the lictors and centurions tried in all directions to disperse the crowd, and drove

them to such a pitch of exasperation that the tribune was overwhelmed beneath a shower of stones from his

own army. When this dreadful deed was reported at Rome, the consular tribunes urged the senate to order an

inquiry into the circumstances of the death of their colleague, but the tribunes of the plebs interposed their

veto. That matter was closely connected with another subject of dispute. The senate were apprehensive lest

the plebeians, either through dread of an investigation or from feelings of resentment, should elect the

consular tribunes from their own body, and they did their utmost accordingly to secure the election of

consuls. As the tribunes of the plebs would not allow the senate to pass a decree, and also vetoed the election

of consuls, matters passed to an interregnum. The victory rested finally with the senate.

Q. Fabius Vibulanus, as interrex, presided over the elections. The consuls elected were A. Cornelius Cossus

and L. Furius Medullinus. At the beginning of their year of office, a resolution was adopted by the senate

empowering the tribunes to bring before the plebs at the earliest possible date the subject of an inquiry into

the circumstances of the death of Postumius, and allowing the plebs to choose whom they would to preside

over the inquiry. The plebs by a unanimous vote left the matter to the consuls. They discharged their task

with the greatest moderation and clemency; only a few suffered punishment, and there are good grounds for

believing that these died by their own hands. They were quite unable, however, to prevent their action from

being bitterly resented by the plebeians, who complained that whilst measures brought forward in their own

interests were abortive, one which involved the punishment and death of members of their order was

meanwhile passed and put into immediate execution. After justice had been meted out for the mutiny, it

would have been a most politic step to appease their resentment by distributing the conquered territory of

Bolae. Had the senate done this they would have lessened the eagerness for an agrarian law which proposed

to expel the patricians from their unjust occupation of the State domains. As it was, the sense of injury was all

the keener because the nobility were not only determined to keep the public land, which they already held, by

force, but actually refused to distribute the vacant territory recently conquered, which would soon, like

everything else, be appropriated by a few. During this year the consul Furius led the legions against the

Volscians, who were ravaging the Hernican territory. As they did not find the enemy in that quarter they

advanced against Ferentinum, to which place a large number of Volscians had retreated, and took it. There

was less booty there than they had expected to find, for as there was little hope of defending the place, the

Volscians carried off their property and evacuated it by night. The next day, when captured, it was almost

This year which, owing to the moderation of the tribunes, had been free from disturbances, was followed by

one in which L. Icilius was tribune, the consuls being Q. Fabius Ambustus and C. Furius Pacilus. At the very

beginning of the year he took up the work of agitation, as though it were the allotted task of his name and

family, and announced proposals for dealing with the land question. Owing to the outbreak of a pestilence

which, however, created more alarm than mortality, the thoughts of men were diverted from the political

struggles of the Forum to their homes and the necessity of nursing the sick. The pestilence was regarded as

less baneful than the agrarian agitation would have been. The community escaped with very few deaths

considering the very large number of cases. As usually happens, the pestilence brought a famine the

following year, owing to the fields lying uncultivated. The new consuls were M. Papirius Atratinus and C.

Nautius Rutilus. The famine would have been more fatal than the pestilence had not the scarcity been

relieved by the despatch of commissioners to all the cities lying on the Etruscan sea and the Tiber. The

Samnites, who occupied Capua and Cumae, refused in insolent terms to have any communication with the

commissioners; on the other hand, assistance was generously given by the Sicilian Tyrant. The largest

supplies were brought down the Tiber, through the ungrudging exertions of the Etruscans. In consequence of

the prevalence of sickness in the republic, the consuls found hardly any men available; as only one senator

could be obtained for each commission, they were compelled to attach two knights to it. Apart from the

pestilence and the famine, there was no trouble either at home or abroad during these two years, but as soon

as these causes of anxiety had disappeared, all the usual sources of disturbance in the commonwealth

Manlius Aemilius and C. Valerius Potitus were the new consuls. The Aequi made preparations for war, and

the Volscians, without the sanction of their government, took up arms and assisted them as volunteers. On the

report of these hostile movementsthey had already crossed over into the Latin and Hernican territories the

consul Valerius commenced to levy troops. He was obstructed by M. Menenius, the proposer of an agrarian

law, and under the protection of this tribune, no one who objected to serve would take the oath. Suddenly the

news came that the citadel of Carventum had been seized by the enemy. This humiliation gave the senate an

opening for stirring up popular resentment against Menenius, while it afforded to the other tribunes, who

were already prepared to veto his agrarian law, stronger justification for opposing their colleague. A long and

angry discussion took place. The consuls called gods and men to witness that Menenius by obstructing the

levy was solely responsible for whatever defeat and disgrace at the hands of the enemy had already been

incurred or was imminent. Menenius on the other hand loudly protested that if those who occupied the public

land would give up their wrongful possession of it, he would place no hindrance in the way of the levy. The

nine tribunes put an end to the quarrel by interposing a formal resolution and declaring that it was the

intention of the college to support the consul, in spite of their colleague's veto, whether he imposed fines or

adopted other modes of coercion on those who refused to serve in the field. Armed with this decree the

consul ordered a few who were claiming the tribune's protection to be seized and brought before him; this

The army was marched to the citadel of Carventum, and though disaffected and embittered against the

consul, they no sooner arrived at the place than they drove out the defenders and recaptured the citadel. The

attack was facilitated by the absence of some of the garrison, who had through the laxity of their generals

stolen away on a plundering expedition. The booty which had been gathered in their incessant raids and

stored here for safety was considerable. This the consul ordered to be sold "under the spear," the proceeds to

be paid by the quaestors into the treasury. He announced that the army would only have a share in the spoils

when they had not declined to serve. This increased the exasperation of the plebs and the soldiers against the

consul. The senate decreed him an "ovation," and whilst he made his formal entry into the City, rude verses

were bandied by the soldiers with their accustomed licence in which the consul was abused and Menenius

extolled in alternate couplets, whilst at every mention of the tribune the voices of the soldiers were drowned

in the cheers and applause of the bystanders. This latter circumstance occasioned more anxiety to the senate

than the licence of the soldiers, which was almost a regular practice, and as there was no doubt that if

Menenius became a candidate he would be elected as a consular tribune, he was shut out by the election of

The two who were elected were Cnaeus Cornelius Cossus and L. Furius Medullinus. On no other occasion

had the plebs been more indignant at not being allowed to elect consular tribunes. They showed their

indignation in the election of quaestors, and they had their revenge, for that was the first time that plebeians

were elected quaestors, and so far did they carry their resentment, that out of the four who were elected one

place only was left open for a patrician, viz., Kaeso Fabius Ambustus. The three plebeians, Q. Silius, P.

Aelius, and P. Pupius, were chosen in preference to scions of the most illustrious families. It was the Icilii, I

find, who induced the people to show this independence at the poll; that family was most bitter against the

patricians, and three of its members were elected tribunes for this year by holding out hopes of numerous

important reforms on which the people had set their hearts. They declared that they would not take a single

step if the people had not sufficient courage even in electing quaestors to secure the end which they had long

desired and which the laws had put within their reach, seeing that this was the only office which the senate

had left open to patricians and plebeians alike. The plebeians regarded this as a splendid victory; they valued

the quaestorship not by what it was in itself, but as opening the path for men who had risen from the ranks to

consulships and triumphs. The patricians on the other hand were indignant; they felt that they were not so

much giving a share of the honours of the State as losing them altogether. "If," they said, "this is the state of

things, children must no longer be reared, since they will only be banished from the station their ancestors

filled, and whilst seeing others in possession of the dignity which is theirs by right, they will be left, deprived

of all authority and power, to act as Salii or Flamens, with no other duty than that of offering sacrifices for the

people." Both parties were exasperated, and as the spirit of the plebs was rising and they had three leaders

bearing a name illustrious in the popular cause, the patricians saw that the results of all the elections would be

the same as that for quaestors in which the plebs had a free choice. They exerted themselves, therefore, to

secure the election of consuls, which was not yet open to both orders; whilst the Icilii on the other hand said

that consular tribunes must be elected, and that the highest honours must sooner or later be shared by the

But so far no action had been taken by the consuls to give an opening for obstruction and the wresting of the

desired concessions from the patricians. By a marvellous piece of good luck, news came that the Volscians

and Aequi had made a predatory inroad into the Latin and Hernican territories. The senate decreed a levy for

this war, but when the consuls began to raise it the tribunes vigorously opposed them, and declared that they

themselves and the plebs had now got their opportunity. There were three of them, all very energetic, who

might be considered of good family as far as plebeians could be. Two of them assumed the task of keeping a

close watch on each of the consuls; to the third was assigned the duty of alternately restraining and urging on

the plebeians by his harangues. The consuls could not get through with the levy, nor the tribunes with the

election which they were so anxious for. Fortune at last took the side of the plebs, for tidings came that whilst

the troops who were holding the citadel of Carventum were dispersed in quest of plunder, the Aequi had

attacked it, and after killing the few left on guard, had cut to pieces some who were hastening back and others

whilst straggling in the fields. This incident, so unfortunate for the State, strengthened the hands of the

tribunes. Fruitless attempts were made to induce them in this emergency to desist from opposing the war, but

they would not give way either in view of the threatening danger to the State or the odium which might fall

upon themselves, and finally succeeded in forcing the senate to pass a decree for the election of consular

tribunes. It was, however, expressly stipulated that none of the present tribunes of the plebs should be eligible

for that post, or should be reelected as plebeian tribunes for the next year. This was undoubtedly aimed at

the Icilii, whom the senate suspected of aiming at the consulship as a reward for their exertions as tribunes.

Then, with the consent of both orders, the levy was raised and preparations for war commenced. Authorities

differ as to whether both consuls proceeded to the citadel of Carventum, or whether one remained behind to

conduct the elections. There is no dispute, however, as to the Romans retiring from the citadel of Carventum

after a long and ineffectual siege, and recovering Verrugo after committing great depredations and securing

At Rome, whilst the plebs had been so far victorious as to secure the election which they preferred, the result

of that election was a victory for the senate. Contrary to all expectation, three patricians were elected consular

tribunes, viz., C. Julius Julus, P. Cornelius Cossus, and C. Servilius Ahala. It was stated that the patricians

had recourse to a trick; the Icilii actually accused them of it at the time. They were charged with having

introduced a crowd of unsuitable candidates amongst those who were worthy of being elected, and the disgust

felt at the notoriously low character of some of these candidates alienated the people from the plebeian

candidates as a body. After this a report was received that the Volscians and Aequi were devoting their

utmost energies to getting ready for war. Either the fact that they had kept possession of the citadel of

Carventum had raised their hopes, or the loss of the detachment at Verrugo had roused their ire. The Antiates

were stated to be the prime movers; their ambassadors had gone the round of the cities of both nations

reproaching them with cowardice in having skulked behind their walls the year before and allowing the

Romans to harry their fields in all directions and the garrison at Verrugo to be destroyed. Not only were

armies despatched, but even colonists were being settled in their territories. Not only had the Romans

distributed their property amongst themselves, but they had even made a present to the Hernici of

Ferentinum, after they had taken it. These reproaches kindled the war spirit in each city as they came to it,

and a large number of fighting men were enrolled. A force gathered from all the States was concentrated at

Antium; there they fixed their camp and awaited the enemy. These proceedings were reported at Rome, and

created greater excitement than the facts warranted, and the senate at once ordered a Dictator to be

nominatedthe last resource in imminent danger. It is stated that Julius and Cornelius were extremely angry

at thus step, and matters proceeded amidst much bitterness on both sides. The leaders of the senate censured

the consular tribunes for not recognising the authority of the senate, and finding their protests useless,

actually appealed at last to the tribunes of the plebs and reminded them how on a similar occasion their

authority had acted as a check on the consuls. The tribunes, delighted at the dissension amongst the senators,

said that they could render no assistance to those in whose eyes they were not regarded as citizens or even as

men. If the honours of the State were ever open to both orders, and they had their share in the government,

then they would take measures to prevent the decisions of the senate from being nullified by the arrogance of

any magistrate; till then the patricians, devoid as they were of any respect for magistrates or laws, might deal

This controversy preoccupied men's thoughts at a most inopportune moment, when such a serious war was on

their hands. At last, after Julius and Cornelius had, one after the other, argued at great length that as they were

quite competent to conduct that war, it was unjust to deprive them of the honour which the people had

conferred upon them, Ahala Servilius, the other consular tribune, intervened in the dispute. He had, he said,

kept silent so long, not because he had any doubt in his own mind,for what true patriot could separate his

own interest from that of the State? but because he would rather have had his colleagues yield voluntarily to

the authority of the senate than allow the power of the plebeian tribunes to be invoked against them. Even

now he would have gladly given them time to abandon their unyielding attitude if circumstances allowed. But

the necessities of war do not wait on the counsels of men, and the commonwealth was more to him than the

goodwill of his colleagues. If, therefore, the senate adhered to its decision, he would nominate a Dictator the

next night, and if any one vetoed the passing of a senatorial decree he should be content to act simply on their

resolution. By taking this course he won the welldeserved praise and sympathy of all, and after nominating

P. Cornelius as Dictator, he was himself appointed Master of the Horse. He furnished an example to his

colleagues, as they compared his position with their own, of the way in which high office and popularity

come sometimes most readily to those who do not covet them. The war was far from being a memorable one.

The enemy were defeated with great slaughter at Antium in a single easilywon battle. The victorious army

devastated the Volscian territory. The fort at Lake Fucinus was stormed, and the garrison of 3000 men taken

prisoners, whilst the rest of the Volscians were driven into their walled towns, leaving their fields at the

mercy of the enemy. After making what use he could of Fortune's favours in the conduct of the war, the

Dictator returned home with more success than glory and laid down his office. The consular tribunes waived

all proposals for the election of consulsowing, I believe, to their resentment at the appointment of a

Dictatorand issued orders for the election of consular tribunes. This increased the anxiety of the senators, for

they saw that their cause was being betrayed by men of their own party. Accordingly, as in the previous year

they had excited disgust against all plebeian candidates, however worthy, by means of those who were

perfectly worthless, so now the leaders of the senate appeared as candidates, surrounded by everything that

could lend distinction or strengthen personal influence. They secured all the places and prevented the

entrance of any plebeian. Four were elected, all of whom had previously held office, viz., L. Furius

Medullinus, C. Valerius Potitus, N. Fabius Vibulanus, and C. Servilius Ahala. The latter owed his

continuance in office to the popularity he had won by his singular moderation as much as to his other merits.

During this year the armistice with Veii expired, and ambassadors and fetials were sent to demand

satisfaction. When they reached the frontier they were met by a deputation from Veii, who begged them not

to go there before they themselves had an audience of the Roman senate. They obtained from the senate the

withdrawal of the demand for satisfaction, owing to the internal troubles from which Veii was suffering. So

far were the Romans from seeking their opportunity in the misfortunes of others! A disaster was incurred on

Volscian ground in the loss of the garrison at Verrugo. So much depended here upon a few hours that the

soldiers who were being besieged by the Volscians and begging for assistance could have been relieved if

prompt measures had been taken. As it was, the relieving force only arrived in time to surprise the enemy,

who, fresh from the massacre of the garrison, were scattered in quest of plunder. The responsibility for the

delay rested more with the senate than with the consular tribunes; they heard that the garrison were offering a

most determined resistance, and they did not reflect that there are limits to human strength which no amount

of courage can transcend. The gallant soldiers were not unavenged either in their lives or their deaths.

The following year the consular tribunes were P. Cornelius Cossus, Cnaeus Cornelius Cossus, Numerius

Fabius Ambustus, and L. Valerius Potitus. Owing to the action of the senate of Veii, a war with that city was

threatened. The envoys whom Rome had sent to demand satisfaction received the insolent reply that unless

they speedily departed from the city and crossed the frontiers the Veientines would give them what Lars

Tolumnius had given. The senate were indignant and passed a decree that the consular tribunes should bring

before the people at the earliest possible day a proposal to declare war against Veii. No sooner was the

subject brought forward than the men who were liable for service protested. They complained that the war

with the Volscians had not been brought to a close, the garrisons of two forts had been annihilated, and the

forts, though recaptured, were held with difficulty, there was not a single year in which there was not

fighting, and now, as if they had not enough work on hand, they were preparing for a fresh war with a most

powerful neighbour who would rouse the whole of Etruria. This disaffection amongst the plebs was fanned

by their tribunes, who were continually giving out that the most serious war was the one going on between

the senate and the plebs, who were purposely harassed by war and exposed to be butchered by the enemy and

kept as it were in banishment far from their homes lest the quiet of city life might awaken memories of their

liberties and lead them to discuss schemes for distributing the State lands amongst colonists and securing a

free exercise of their franchise. They got hold of the veterans, counted up each man's campaigns and wounds

and scars, and asked what blood was still left in him which could be shed for the State. By raising these

topics in public speeches and private conversations they produced amongst the plebeians a feeling of

opposition to the projected war. The subject was therefore dropped for the time, as it was evident that in the

Meantime the consular tribunes decided to lead the army into the territory of the Volscians; Cnaeus Cornelius

was left in charge of the City. The three tribunes ascertained that there was no camp of the Volscians

anywhere, and that they would not risk a battle, so they divided into three separate forces to ravage the

country. Valerius made Antium his objective; Cornelius, Ecetrae. Wherever they marched they destroyed the

homesteads and crops far and wide to divide the forces of the Volscians. Fabius marched to Anxur, which

was the chief objective, without losing time in devastating the country. This city is now called Terracina; it

was built on the side of a hill and sloped down to the marshes. Fabius made a show of attacking the city on

that side. Four cohorts were despatched with C. Servilius Ahala by a circuitous route to seize the hill which

overhung the town on the other side. After doing so they made an attack amidst loud shouts and uproar from

their higher position upon that part of the town where there was no defence. Those who were holding the

lower part of the city against Fabius were stupefied with astonishment at the noise, and this gave him time to

plant his scaling ladders. The Romans were soon in all parts of the city, and for some time a ruthless

slaughter went on of fugitives and fighters, armed and unarmed alike. As there was no hope of quarter, the

defeated enemy were compelled to keep up the fight, till suddenly an order was issued that none but those

taken with arms should be injured. On this the whole of the population threw down their arms; prisoners to

the number of 2500 were taken. Fabius would not allow his men to touch the other spoils of war until the

arrival of his colleagues, for those armies too had taken their part in the capture of Anxur, since they had

prevented the Volscians from coming to its relief. On their arrival the three armies sacked the town, which,

owing to its longcontinued prosperity, contained much wealth. This generosity on the part of the generals

was the first step towards the reconciliation of the plebs and the senate. This was followed by a boon which

the senate, at a most opportune moment, conferred on the plebeians. Before the question was mooted either

by the plebs or their tribunes, the senate decreed that the soldiery should receive pay from the public treasury.

Nothing, it is recorded, was ever welcomed by the plebs with such delight; they crowded round the

Senatehouse, grasped the hands of the senators as they came out, acknowledged that they were rightly called

"Fathers," and declared that after what they had done no one would ever spare his person or his blood, as long

as any strength remained, for so generous a country. They saw with pleasure that their private property at all

events would rest undisturbed at such times as they were impressed and actively employed in the public

service, and the fact of the boon being spontaneously offered, without any demand on the part of their

tribunes, increased their happiness and gratitude immensely. The only people who did not share the general

feeling of joy and goodwill were the tribunes of the plebs. They asserted that the arrangement would not turn

out such a pleasant thing for the senate or such a benefit to the whole community as they supposed. The

policy was more attractive at first sight than it would prove in actual practice. From what source, they asked,

could the money be raised; except by imposing a tax on the people? They were generous at other people's

expense. Besides, those who had served their time would not, even if the rest approved, permit others to serve

on more favourable terms than they themselves had done and after having had to provide for their own

expenses, now provide for those of others. These arguments influenced some of the plebeians. At last, after

the tax had been imposed, the tribunes actually gave notice that they would protect any one who refused to

contribute to the war tax. The senators were determined to uphold a measure so happily inaugurated, they

were themselves the first to contribute, and as coined money was not yet introduced, they carried the copper

by weight in wagons to the treasury, thereby drawing public attention to the fact of their contributing. After

the senators had contributed most conscientiously the full amount at which they were assessed, the leading

plebeians, personal friends of the nobles, began, as had been agreed, to pay in their share. When the crowd

saw these men applauded by the senate and looked up to by the men of military age as patriotic citizens, they

hastily rejected the proffered protection of the tribunes and vied with one another in their eagerness to

contribute. The proposal authorising the declaration of war against Veii was carried, and the new consular

tribunes marched thither an army composed to a large extent of men who volunteered for service.

These tribunes were T. Quinctius Capitolinus, Q. Quinctius Cincinnatus, C. Julius Julusfor the second

timeAulus Manlius, L. Furius Medullinusor the third timeand Manius Aemilius Mamercus. It was by

them that Veii was first invested. Immediately after the siege had commenced, a largelyattended meeting of

the national council of the Etruscans was held at the fane of Voltumna, but no decision was arrived at as to

whether the Veientines should be defended by the armed strength of the whole nation. The following year the

siege was prosecuted with less vigour owing to some of the tribunes and a portion of the army being called

off to the Volscian war. The consular tribunes for the year were C. Valerius Potitusfor the third

timeManius Sergius Fidenas, P. Cornelius Maluginensis, Cnaeus Cornelius Cossus, Kaeso Fabius

Ambustus, and Spurius Nautius Rutilus for the second time. A pitched battle was fought with the Volscians

between Ferentinum and Ecetrae, which resulted in favour of the Romans. Then the tribunes commenced the

siege of Artena, a Volscian town. In attempting a sortie the enemy were driven back into the town, giving

thereby an opportunity to the Romans of forcing an entrance, and with the exception of the citadel the whole

place was captured. A body of the enemy retired into the citadel, which was protected by the nature of its

position; below the citadel many were killed or taken prisoners. The citadel was then invested, but it could

not be taken by assault as the defenders were quite sufficient for the extent of the fortifications, nor was there

any hope of its surrendering, as all the corn from the public magazines had been conveyed there before the

city was taken. The Romans would have retired in disgust had not a slave betrayed the place to them. The

soldiers, guided by him up some steep ground, effected its capture, and after they had massacred those on

guard, the rest, panicstruck, surrendered. After the town and citadel had been demolished, the legions were

withdrawn from Volscian territory and the whole strength of Rome was directed against Veii. The traitor was

rewarded not only with his freedom, but also with the property of two households, and was called Servius

Romanus. Some suppose that Artena belonged to the Veientines, not the Volscians. The mistake arises from

the fact that there was a city of the same name between Caere and Veii, but it was destroyed in the time of the

kings of Rome, and it belonged to Caere, not Veii. The other town of the same name whose destruction I have

Whilst peace prevailed elsewhere, Rome and Veii were confronting each other in arms, animated by such

fury and hatred that utter ruin clearly awaited the vanquished. Each elected their magistrates, but on totally

different principles. The Romans increased the number of their consular tribunes to eighta larger number

than had ever been elected before. They were Manius Aemilius Mamercusfor the second timeL. Valerius

Potitusfor the third time Appius Claudius Crassus, M. Quinctilius Varus, L. Julius Julus, M. Postumius, M.

Furius Camillus, and M. Postumius Albinus. The Veientines, on the other hand, tired of the annual

canvassing for office, elected a king. This gave great offence to the Etruscan cantons, owing to their hatred of

monarchy and their personal aversion to the one who was elected. He was already obnoxious to the nation

through his pride of wealth and overbearing temper, for he had put a violent stop to the festival of the Games,

the interruption of which is an act of impiety. His candidature for the priesthood had been unsuccessful,

another being preferred by the vote of the twelve cantons, and in revenge he suddenly withdrew the

performers, most of whom were his own slaves, in the middle of the Games. The Etruscans as a nation were

distinguished above all others by their devotion to religious observances, because they excelled in the

knowledge and conduct of them, and they decided, in consequence, that no assistance should be given to the

Veientines as long as they were under a king. The report of this decision was suppressed at Veii through fear

of the king; he treated those who mentioned anything of the kind, not as authors of an idle tale, but as

ringleaders of sedition. Although the Romans had received intelligence that there was no movement on the

part of the Etruscans, still, as it was reported that the matter was being discussed in all their councils, they so

constructed their lines as to present a double face, the one fronting Veii to prevent sorties from the city, the

As the Roman generals placed more reliance on a blockade than on an assault, they began to build huts for

winter quarters, a novelty to the Roman soldier. Their plan was to keep up the war through the winter. The

tribunes of the plebs had for a long time been unable to find any pretext for creating a revolt. When, however,

news of this was brought to Rome, they dashed off to the Assembly and produced great excitement by

declaring that this was the reason why it had been settled to pay the troops. They, the tribunes, had not been

blind to the fact that this gift from their adversaries would prove to be tainted with poison. The liberties of the

plebs had been bartered away, their ablebodied men had been permanently sent away, banished from the

City and the State, without any regard to winter or indeed to any season of the year, or to the possibility of

their visiting their homes or looking after their property. What did they think was the reason for this

continuous campaigning? They would most assuredly find it to be nothing else but the fear that if a large

body of these men, who formed the whole strength of the plebs, were present, it would be possible to discuss

reforms in favour of the plebeians. Besides, they were suffering much more hardship and oppression than the

Veientines, for these passed the winter under their own roofs in a city protected by its magnificent walls and

the natural strength of its position, whilst the Romans, amidst labour and toil, buried in frost and snow, were

roughing it patiently under their skincovered tents, and could not lay aside their arms even in the season of

winter, when there is a respite from all wars, whether by land or sea. This form of slavery, making military

service perpetual, was never imposed either by the kings, or by the consuls who were so domineering before

the institution of the tribuneship, or during the stern rule of the Dictator, or by the unscrupulous decemvirsit

was the consular tribunes who were exercising this regal despotism over the Roman plebs. What would these

men have done had they been consuls or Dictators, seeing that they have made their proconsular authority,

which is only a shadow of the other, so outrageously cruel? But the commons had got what they had

deserved. Amongst all the eight consular tribunes not a single plebeian had found a place. Hitherto, with their

utmost efforts, the patricians had usually filled only three places at a time; now a team of eight were bent on

maintaining their power. Even in such a crowd not a single plebeian could get a footing, to warn his

colleagues, if he could do nothing else, that those who were serving as soldiers were free men, their own

fellowcitizens, and not slaves, and that they ought to be brought back, at all events in the winter, to their

houses and their homes, and during some part of the year visit their parents and wives and children, and

Whilst indulging in declamations of this sort, they found an opponent who was quite a match for them in

Appius Claudius. He had from early manhood taken his part in the contests with the plebs, and as stated

above, had some years previously recommended the senate to break down the power of the tribunes by

securing the intervention of their colleagues. He was not only a man of ready and versatile mind, but by this

time an experienced debater. He delivered the following speech on this occasion:"If, Quirites, there has ever

been any doubt as to whether it was in your interest or their own that the tribunes have always been the

advocates of sedition, I feel quite certain that this year all doubt has ceased to exist. Whilst I rejoice that an

end has at last been put to a longstanding delusion, I congratulate you, and on your behalf the whole State,

that its removal has been effected just at the time when your circumstances are most prosperous. Is there any

one who doubts that whatever wrongs you may have at any time suffered, they never annoyed and provoked

the tribunes so much as the generous treatment of the plebs by the senate, in establishing the system of pay

for the soldiers? What else do you suppose it was that they were afraid of at that time, and would today gladly

upset, except the harmony of the two orders, which they look upon as most of all calculated to destroy their

power? They are, really, like so many quack doctors looking for work, always anxious to find some diseased

spot in the republic that there may be something which you can call them in to cure." Then, turning to the

tribunes, "Are you defending or attacking the plebs? Are you trying to injure the men on service or are you

pleading their cause? Or perhaps this is what you are saying, 'Whatever the senate does, whether in the

interest of the plebs or against them, we object to.' Just as masters forbid strangers to hold any

communication with their slaves, and think it right that they should abstain from showing them either

kindness or unkindness, so you interdict the patricians from all dealings with the plebs, lest we should appeal

to their feelings by our graciousness and generosity and secure their loyalty and obedience. How much more

dutiful it would have been in you, if you had had a sparkI will not say of patriotism, butof common

humanity, to have viewed with favour, and as far as in you lay, to have fostered the kindly feelings of the

patricians and the grateful goodwill of the plebeians! And if this harmony should prove to be lasting, who

would not be bold enough to guarantee that this empire will in a short time be the greatest among the

"I shall subsequently show not only the expediency but even the necessity of the policy which my colleagues

have adopted of refusing to withdraw the army from Veii until their object was effected. For the present I

prefer to speak of the actual conditions under which it is serving, and if I were speaking not before you only

but in the camp as well, I think that what I say would appear just and fair in the judgment of the soldiers

themselves. Even if no arguments presented themselves to my mind, I should find those of my opponents

quite sufficient for my purpose. They were saying lately that pay ought not to be given to the soldiers because

it never had been given. How then can they now profess indignation at those who have gained additional

benefits being required to undergo additional exertion in proportion? Nowhere do we find labour without its

reward, nor, as a rule, reward without some expenditure of labour. Toil and pleasure, utterly dissimilar by

nature, have been brought by nature into a kind of partnership with each other. Formerly, the soldier felt it a

grievance that he gave his services to the State at his own cost, he had the satisfaction, however, of

cultivating his land for a part of the year, and acquiring the means of supporting himself and his family

whether he were at home or on service. Now he has the pleasure of knowing that the State is a source of

income to him, and he is glad to receive his pay. Let him therefore take it patiently that he is a little longer

absent from his home and his property, on which no heavy expense now falls. If the State were to call him to

an exact reckoning, would it not be justified in saying, 'You receive a year's pay, put in a year's work. Do you

think it fair to receive a whole twelvemonth's pay for six months' service?' It is with reluctance, Quirites,

that I dwell on this topic, for it is those who employ mercenaries who ought to deal thus with them, but we

want to deal with you as with fellowcitizens, and we think it only fair that you should deal with us as with

"Either the war ought not to have been undertaken, or it ought to be conducted as befits the dignity of Rome

and brought to a close as soon as possible. It will certainly be brought to a close if we press on the siege, but

not if we retire before we have fulfilled our hopes by the capture of Veii. Why, good heavens! if there were

no other reason, the very discredit of the thing ought to inspire us with perseverance. A city was once

besieged by the whole of Greece for ten years, for the sake of one woman, and at what a distance from home,

how many lands and seas lay between! Are we growing tired of keeping up a siege for one year, not twenty

miles off, almost within sight of the City? I suppose you think the reason for the war is a trivial one, and we

do not feel enough just resentment to urge us to persevere. Seven times have they recommenced war against

us; they have never loyally kept to the terms of peace; they have ravaged our fields a thousand times; they

forced the Fidenates to revolt; they slew the colonists whom we settled there; they instigated the impious

murder of our ambassadors in violation of the law of nations; they wanted to raise the whole of Etruria

against us, and they are trying to do so today; when we sent ambassadors to demand satisfaction, they very

"Are these the men with whom war ought to be carried on in a halfhearted and dilatory fashion? If such just

reasons for resentment have no force with us, do not the following considerations, I pray you, possess any

weight? The city is hemmed in by immense siegeworks which confine the enemy within his walls. He has

not tilled his land, and what was tilled before has been devastated by war. If we bring our army back again,

has anybody the slightest doubt that they will invade our territory not only from a thirst for revenge, but also

through the sheer necessity they are under of plundering other people's property since they have lost their

own? If we adopt your policy we do not postpone the war, we simply carry it within our own frontiers. Well,

now, what about the soldiers in whom these worthy tribunes have suddenly become interested after vainly

endeavouring to rob them of their pay; what about them? They have carried a rampart and a fosseeach

requiring enormous labourover all that extent of ground; they have built forts, few at first, but after the army

was increased, very numerous; they have raised defences not only against the city, but also as a barrier

against Etruria in case any succours came from there. What need to describe the towers, the vineae, the

testudines, and the other engines used in storming cities? Now that so much labour has been spent and the

work of investment at last completed, do you think that they ought to be abandoned in order that by next

summer we may be again exhausted by the toil of constructing them all afresh ? How much less trouble to

defend the works already constructed, to press on and persevere, and so bring our cares and labours to an end!

For assuredly the undertaking is not a lengthy one, if it is carried through by one continuous effort, if we do

"I have been speaking of the work and the loss of time. Now there are frequent meetings of the national

council of Etruria to discuss the question of sending succours to Veii. Do these allow us to forget the danger

we incur by prolonging the war? As matters now stand, they are angry, resentful, and say that they will not

send anyVeii may be captured, as far as they are concerned. But who will guarantee that if the war is

prolonged they will continue in the same mind? For if you give the Veientines a respite they will send a more

numerous and influential embassy, and what now gives such displeasure to the Etruscans, namely, the

election of a king, may after a time be annulled either by the unanimous act of the citizens in order to win the

sympathies of Etruria, or by voluntary abdication on the part of the king himself, through his unwillingness to

allow his crown to endanger the safety of his people. "See how many disastrous consequences follow from

the policy you recommend the sacrifice of works constructed with so much trouble; the threatening

devastation of our borders; a war with the whole of Etruria instead of one with Veii alone. This, tribunes, is

what your proposals amount to; very much, upon my word, as if any one were to tempt a sick person, who by

submitting to strict treatment could speedily recover, to indulge in eating and drinking, and so lengthen his

"Though it might not affect this present war, it would, you may depend upon it, be of the utmost importance

to our military training that our soldiers should be habituated not only to enjoy a victory when they have won

one, but also, when a campaign progresses slowly, to put up with its tediousness and await the fulfilment of

their hopes though deferred. If a war has not been finished in the summer they must learn to go through the

winter, and not, like birds of passage, look out for roofs to shelter them the moment autumn comes. The

passion and delight of hunting carries men through frost and snow to the forests and the mountains. Pray tell

me, shall we not bring to the exigencies of war the same powers of endurance which are generally called out

by sport or pleasure? Are we to suppose that the bodies of our soldiers are so effeminate and their spirits so

enfeebled that they cannot hold out in camp or stay away from their homes for a single winter? Are we to

believe that like those engaged in naval warfare, who have to watch the seasons and catch the favourable

weather, so these men cannot endure times of heat and cold? They would indeed blush if any one laid this to

their charge, and would stoutly maintain that both in mind and body they were capable of manly endurance,

and could go through a campaign in winter as well as in summer. They would tell you that they had not

commissioned their tribunes to act as protectors of the effeminate and the indolent, nor was it in cool shade or

under sheltering roofs that their ancestors had instituted this very tribunitian power. The valour of your

soldiers, the dignity of Rome, demand that we should not limit our view to Veii and this present war, but seek

for reputation in time to come in respect of other wars and amongst all other nations.

"Do you imagine that the opinion men form of us in this crisis is a matter of slight importance? Is it a matter

of indifference whether our neighbours regard Rome in such a light that when any city has sustained her first

momentary attack it has nothing more to fear from her, or whether on the other hand, the terror of our name is

such that no weariness of a protracted siege, no severity of winter, can dislodge a Roman army from any city

which it has once invested, that it knows no close to a war but victory, and that it conducts its campaigns by

perseverance as much as by dash? Perseverance is necessary in every kind of military operation, but

especially in the conduct of sieges, for the majority of cities are impregnable, owing to the strength of their

fortifications and their position, and time itself conquers them with hunger and thirst, and captures them as it

will capture Veii unless the tribunes of the plebs extend their protection to the enemy and the Veientines find

in Rome the support which they are vainly seeking in Etruria. Can anything happen to the Veientines more in

accordance with their wishes than that the City of Rome should be filled with sedition and the contagion of it

spread to the camp? But amongst the enemy there is actually so much respect for law and order that they have

not been goaded into revolution either by weariness of the siege or even aversion to absolute monarchy, nor

have they shown exasperation at the refusal of succours by Etruria. The man who advocates sedition will be

put to death on the spot, and no one will be allowed to say the things which are uttered amongst you with

impunity. With us the man who deserts his standard or abandons his post is liable to be cudgelled to death,

but those who urge the men to abandon the standards and desert from the camp are listened to, not by one or

two only; they have the whole army for an audience. To such an extent have you habituated yourselves to

listen calmly to whatever a tribune of the plebs may say, even if it means the betrayal of your country and the

destruction of the republic. Captivated by the attraction which that office has for you, you allow all sorts of

mischief to lurk under its shadow. The one thing left for them is to bring forward in the camp, before the

soldiers, the same arguments which they have so loudly urged here, and so corrupt the army that they will not

allow it to obey its commanders. For evidently liberty in Rome simply means that the soldiers cease to feel

any reverence for either the senate, or the magistrates, or the laws, or the traditions of their ancestors, or the

Appius was already quite a match for the tribunes even on the platform, and now his victory over them was

assured by the sudden intelligence of a most unexpected disaster, the effect of which was to unite all classes

in an ardent resolve to prosecute the siege of Veii more vigorously. A raised way had been carried up to the

city, and the vineae had almost been placed in contact with the walls, but more attention had been devoted to

their construction by day than to their protection by night. Suddenly the gates were flung open and an

enormous multitude, armed mostly with torches, flung the flaming missiles on to the works, and in one short

hour the flames consumed both the raised way and the vineae, the work of so many days. Many poor fellows

who vainly tried to render assistance perished either in the flames or by the sword. When the news of this

reached Rome there was universal mourning, and the senate were filled with apprehension lest disturbances

should break out in the City and the camp beyond their power to repress, and the tribunes of the plebs exult

over the vanquished republic. Suddenly, however, a number of men who, though assessed as knights, had not

been provided with horses, after concerting a common plan of action, went to the Senatehouse, and on

permission being given to address the senate, they engaged to serve as cavalry on their own horses. The

senate thanked them in the most complimentary terms. When the news of this incident had circulated through

the Forum and the City, the plebeians hastily assembled at the Senatehouse and declared that they were now

part of the infantry force, and though it was not their turn to serve, they promised to give their services to the

republic to march to Veii or wherever else they were led. If, they said, they were led to Veii they would not

On hearing this it was with difficulty that the senate restrained their delight. They did not, as in the case of the

knights, pass a resolution of thanks to be conveyed through the presiding magistrates, nor were any

summoned into the House to receive their reply, nor did they themselves remain within the precincts of their

House. They came out on the raised space in front and each independently signified by voice and gesture to

the people standing in the comitium the joy they all felt, and expressed their confidence that this unanimity of

feeling would make Rome a blessed City, invincible and eternal. They applauded the knights, they applauded

the commons, they showered encomiums on the very day itself, and frankly admitted that the senate had been

outdone in courtesy and kindness. Senators and plebeians alike shed tears of joy. At last the sitting was

resumed, and a resolution was carried that the consular tribunes should convene a public meeting and return

thanks to the infantry and the knights, and say that the senate would never forget this proof of their affection

for their country. They further decided that pay should be reckoned from that day for those who, though not

called out, had volunteered to serve. A fixed sum was assigned to each knight; this was the first occasion on

which the knights received military pay. The army of volunteers marched to Veii, and not only reconstructed

the works that had been lost, but constructed new ones. More care was taken in bringing up supplies from the

City, that nothing might be wanting for the use of an army that had behaved so well.

The consular tribunes for the following year were C. Servilius Ahalafor the third timeQ. Servilius, Lucius

Verginius, Q. Sulpicius, Aulus Manliusfor the second timeand Manius Sergiusalso for the second time.

During their term of office, whilst every one was preoccupied with the Veientine war, Anxur was lost. The

garrison had become weakened through the absence of men on furlough, and Volscian traders were admitted

indiscriminately, with the result that the guard before the gates were surprised and the fortified post taken.

The loss in men was slight, as with the exception of the sick, they were all scattered about the fields and

neighbouring towns, driving bargains like so many campfollowers. At Veii, the chief point of interest,

things went no better. Not only were the Roman commanders opposing one another more vigorously than

they opposed the enemy, but the war was rendered more serious by the sudden arrival of the Capenates and

the Faliscans. As these two States were nearest in point of distance, they believed that if Veii fell they would

be the next on whom Rome would make war. The Faliscans had their own reasons for fearing hostilities,

since they were mixed up in the previous war against Fidenae. So both States, after mutually despatching

commissioners for the purpose, swore alliance with each other, and their two armies arrived unexpectedly at

Veii. It so happened that they attacked the entrenchments on the side where Manius Sergius was in command,

and they created great alarm, for the Romans were convinced that all Etruria had risen and was present in

great force. The same conviction roused the Veientines in the city to action, so the Roman lines of investment

were attacked from within and from without. Rushing from side to side to meet first the one attack, then the

other, they were unable to confine the Veientines sufficiently within their fortifications or repel the assault

from their own works and defend themselves from the enemy outside. Their only hope was if help came from

the main camp so that the legions might fight back to back, some against the Capenates and Faliscans, and

others against the sortie from the town. But Verginius was in command of that camp, and he and Sergius

mutually detested each other. When it was reported to him that most of the forts had been attacked and the

connecting lines surmounted, and that the enemy were forcing their way in from both sides, he kept his men

halted under arms, and repeatedly declared that if his colleague needed assistance he would send to him. This

selfishness on his part was matched by the other's obstinacy, for Sergius, to avoid the appearance of having

sought help from a personal foe, preferred defeat at the hands of the enemy rather than owe success to a

fellowcountryman. For some time the soldiers were being slaughtered between the two attacking forces; at

last a very small number abandoned their lines and reached the main camp; Sergius himself, with the greatest

part of his force, made his way to Rome. Here he threw all the blame on his colleague, and it was decided that

Verginius should be summoned from the camp and his lieutenants put in command during his absence. The

case was then discussed in the senate; few studied the interests of the republic, most of the senators supported

one or other of the disputants as their party feeling or private sympathy prompted them.

The leaders of the senate gave it as their opinion that whether it was through the fault or the misfortune of the

commanders that such a disgraceful defeat had been incurred, they ought not to wait until the regular time for

the elections, but proceed at once to appoint new consular tribunes, to enter office on October 1. On their

proceeding to vote on this proposal, the other consular tribunes offered no opposition, but strange to say,

Sergius and Verginiusthe very men on whose account obviously the senate were dissatisfied with the

magistrates for that yearafter protesting against such humiliation, vetoed the resolution. They declared that

they would not resign office before December 13, the usual day for new magistrates to take office. On

hearing this, the tribunes of the plebs, who had maintained a reluctant silence while the State was enjoying

concord and prosperity, now made a sudden attack upon the consular tribunes, and threatened, if they did not

bow to the authority of the senate, to order them to be imprisoned. There upon C. Servilius Ahala, the

consular tribune, replied: "As for you and your menaces, tribunes of the plebs, I should very much like to put

it to the proof how your threats possess as little legality as you possess courage to carry them out, but it is

wrong to storm against the authority of the senate. Cease, therefore, to look for a chance of making mischief

by meddling in our disputes; either my colleagues will act upon the senate's resolution, or if they persist in

their obstinacy, I shall at once nominate a Dictator that he may compel them to resign." This speech was

received with universal approval, and the senate were glad to find that without bringing in the bugbear of the

plebeian tribunes' power, another and a more effectual method existed for bringing pressure to bear on the

magistrates. In deference to the universal feeling, the two recalcitrant tribunes held an election for consular

tribunes who entered office on October 1, they themselves having previously resigned office.

The newly elected tribunes were L. Valerius Potitusfor the fourth timeM. Furius Camillusfor the second

time Manius Aemilius Mamercusfor the third time Cnaeus Cornelius Cossusfor the second time Kaeso

Fabius Ambustus, and L. Julius Julus. Their year of office was marked by many incidents at home and

abroad. There was a multiplicity of wars going on at onceat Veii, at Capena, at Falerii, and against the

Volscians for the recovery of Anxur. In Rome the simultaneous demands of the levy and the wartax created

distress; there was a dispute about the coopting of tribunes of the plebs, and the trial of two men who had

recently held consular power caused great excitement. The consular tribunes made it their first business to

raise a levy. Not only were the "juniors" enrolled, but the "seniors" were also compelled to give in their

names that they might act as City guards. But the increase in the number of soldiers necessitated a

corresponding increase in the amount required for their pay, and those who remained at home were unwilling

to contribute their share because, in addition, they were to be harassed by military duties in defence of the

City, as servants of the State. This was in itself a serious grievance, but it was made to appear more so by the

seditious harangues of the tribunes of the plebs, who asserted that the reason why military pay had been

established was that one half of the plebs might be crushed by the wartax, and the other by military service.

One single war was now dragging along into its third year, and it was being badly managed deliberately in

order that they might have it the longer to manage. Then, again, armies had been enrolled for four separate

wars in one levy, and even boys and old men had been torn from their homes. There was no difference made

now between summer and winter, in order that the wretched plebeians might never have any respite. And

now, to crown all, they even had to pay a wartax, so that when they returned, worn out by toil and wounds,

and last of all by age, and found all their land untilled through want of the owner's care, they had to meet this

demand out of their wasted property and return to the State their pay as soldiers many times over, as though

they had borrowed it on usury. What with the levy and the wartax and the preoccupation of men's minds

with still graver anxieties, it was found impossible to get the full number of plebeian tribunes elected. Then a

struggle began to secure the cooptation of patricians into the vacant places. This proved to be impossible,

but in order to weaken the authority of the Trebonian Law, it was arranged, doubtless through the influence

of the patricians, that C. Lucerius and M. Acutius should be coopted as tribunes of the plebs.

As chance would have it, Cnaeus Trebonius was tribune of the plebs that year, and he came forward as a

champion of the Trebonian Law, as a duty apparently to his family and the name he bore. He declared in

excited tones that the position which the senate had assailed, though they had been repulsed in their first

attack, had been at last carried by the consular tribunes. The Trebonian Law had been set aside and the

tribunes of the plebs had not been elected by the vote of the people, but coopted at the command of the

patricians, matters had now come to this pass, that they must have either patricians or the hangerson to

patricians as tribunes of the plebs. The Sacred Laws were being wrested from them, the power and authority

of their tribunes was being torn away. This, he contended, was done through the craft and cunning of the

patricians and the treacherous villainy of his colleagues. The flame of popular indignation was now beginning

to scorch not only the senate, but even the tribunes of the plebs, coopted and coopters alike, when three

members of the tribunitian college P. Curatius, M. Metilius, and M. Minucius trembling for their own

safety, instituted proceedings against Sergius and Verginius, the consular tribunes of the preceding year. By

fixing a day for their trial, they diverted from themselves on to these men the rage and resentment of the

plebs. They reminded the people that those who had felt the burden of the levy, the wartax, and the long

duration of the war, those who were distressed at the defeat sustained at Veii, those whose homes were in

mourning for the loss of children, brothers, and relations, had every one of them the right and the power to

visit upon two guilty heads their own personal grief and that of the whole State. The responsibility for all

their misfortunes rested on Sergius and Verginius; this was not more clearly proved by the prosecutor than

admitted by the defendants, for whilst both were guilty, each threw the blame on the other, Verginius

denouncing the flight of Sergius, and Sergius the treachery of Verginius. They had behaved with such

incredible madness that it was in all probability a concerted plan earned out with the general connivance of

the patricians. These men had previously given the Veientines an opening for firing the siege works, now

they had betrayed the army and delivered a Roman camp up to the Faliscans. Everything was being done to

compel their young men to grow old at Veii, and to make it impossible for their tribunes to secure the support

of a full Assembly in the City either in their resistance to the concerted action of the senate, or for their

proposals regarding the distribution of land and other measures in the interest of the plebs. Judgment had

already been passed upon the accused by the senate, the Roman people, and their own colleagues, for it was a

vote of the senate which removed them from office, it was their own colleagues who upon their refusal to

resign, compelled them to do so by the threat of a Dictator, whilst it was the people who had elected consular

tribunes to enter upon office, not on the usual day, December 13, but immediately after their election, on

October 1, for the republic could no longer be safe if these men remained in office. And yet, shattered as they

were by so many adverse verdicts, and condemned beforehand, they were presenting themselves for trial, and

fancying that they had purged their offence and suffered an adequate punishment because they had been

relegated to private life two months before the time. They did not understand that this was not the infliction

of a penalty, but simply the depriving them of power to do further mischief, since their colleagues also had to

resign, and they, at all events, had committed no offence. The tribunes continued. "Recall the feelings,

Quirites, with which you heard of the disaster which we sustained and watched the army staggering through

the gates, panicstricken fugitives, covered with wounds, accusing not Fortune or any of the gods, but these

generals of theirs. We are confident that there is not a man in this Assembly who did not on that day call

down curses on the persons and homes and fortunes of L. Verginius and Manius Sergius. It would be utterly

inconsistent for you not to use your power, when it is your right and duty to do so, against the men on whom

each of you has called down the wrath of heaven. The gods never lay hands themselves on the guilty it is

The passions of the plebs were roused by these speeches, and they sentenced the accused to a fine of 10,000

"ases" each, in spite of Sergius' attempt to throw the blame on Fortune and the chances of war, and Verginius'

appeal that he might not be more unfortunate at home than he had been in the field. The turning of the

popular indignation in this direction threw into the shade the memories of the cooptation of tribunes and the

evasion of the Trebonian Law. As a reward to the plebeians for the sentence they had passed, the victorious

tribunes at once gave notice of an agrarian measure. They also prevented contributions being paid in for the

wartax, though pay was required for all those armies, and such successes as had been gained only served to

prevent any of the wars from being brought to a close. The camp at Veii which had been lost was recaptured

and strengthened with forts and men to hold them. The consular tribunes, Manius Aemilius and Kaeso

Fabius, were in command. M. Furius in the Faliscan territory and Cnaeus Cornelius in that of Capenae found

no enemy outside his walls; booty was carried off and the territories were ravaged, the farms and crops being

burnt. The towns were attacked, but not invested; Anxur, however, in the Volscian territory, and situated on

high ground, defied all assaults, and after direct attack had proved fruitless, a regular investment by rampart

and fosse was commenced. The conduct of the Volscian campaign had fallen to Valerius Potitus.

Whilst military affairs were in this position, internal troubles were more difficult to manage than the foreign

wars. Owing to the tribunes, the wartax could not be collected, nor the necessary funds remitted to the

commanders; the soldiers clamoured for their pay, and it seemed as though the camp would be polluted by

the contagion of the seditious spirit which prevailed in the City. Taking advantage of the exasperation of the

plebs against the senate, the tribunes told them that the long wished for time had come for securing their

liberties and transferring the highest office in the State from people like Sergius and Verginius to strong and

energetic plebeians. They did not, however, get further in the exercise of their rights than to secure the

election of one member of the plebs as consular tribune, viz., P. Licinius Calvus the rest were patriciansP.

Manlius, L. Titinus, P. Maelius, L. Furius Medullinus, and L. Popilius Volscus. The plebeians were no less

surprised at such a success than the tribuneelect himself; he had not previously filled any high office of

State, and was only a senator of long standing, and now advanced in years. Our authorities are not agreed as

to the reason why he was selected first and foremost to taste the sweets of this new dignity. Some believe that

he was thrust forward to so high a position through the popularity of his brother, Cnaeus Cornelius, who had

been consular tribune the previous year, and had given triple pay to the "knights." Others attribute it to a

welltimed speech he delivered on the agreement of the two orders, which was welcomed by both patricians

and plebeians. In their exultation over this electoral victory, the tribunes of the plebs gave way over the

wartax, and so removed the greatest political difficulty. It was paid in without a murmur and remitted to the

The Volscian Anxur was recaptured owing to the laxity of the guard during a festival. The year was

remarkable for such a cold and snowy winter that the roads were blocked and the Tiber rendered unnavigable.

There was no change in the price of corn, owing to a previous accumulation of supplies. P. Licinius had won

his position without exciting any disturbance, more to the delight of the people than to the annoyance of the

senate, and he discharged his office in such a way that there was a general desire to choose the consular

tribunes out of the plebeians at the next election. The only patrician candidate who secured a place was M.

Veturius. The rest, who were plebeians, received the support of nearly all the centuries. Their names were M.

Pomponius, Cnaeus Duilius, Volero Publilius, and Cnaeus Genucius. In consequence either of the unhealthy

weather occasioned by the sudden change from cold to heat, or from some other cause, the severe winter was

followed by a pestilential summer, which proved fatal to man and beast. As neither a cause nor a cure could

be found for its fatal ravages, the senate ordered the Sibylline Books to be consulted. The priests who had

charge of them appointed for the first time in Rome a lectisternium. Apollo and Latona, Diana and Hercules,

Mercury and Neptune were for eight days propitiated on three couches decked with the most magnificent

coverlets that could be obtained. Solemnities were conducted also in private houses. It is stated that

throughout the City the front gates of the houses were thrown open and all sorts of things placed for general

use in the open courts, all comers, whether acquaintances or strangers, being brought in to share the

hospitality. Men who had been enemies held friendly and sociable conversations with each other and

abstained from all litigation, the manacles even were removed from prisoners during this period, and

afterwards it seemed an act of impiety that men to whom the gods had brought such relief should be put in

chains again. In the meanwhile, at Veii there was increased alarm, created by the three wars being combined

in one. For the men of Capenae and Falerii had suddenly arrived to relieve the city, and as on the former

occasion, the Romans had to fight a back to back battle round the entrenchments against three armies. What

helped them most of all was the recollection of the condemnation of Sergius and Verginius. From the main

camp, where on the former occasion there had been inaction, forces were rapidly brought round and attacked

the Capenates in the rear while their attention was concentrated on the Roman lines. The fighting which

ensued created panic in the Faliscan ranks also, and whilst they were wavering, a welltimed charge from the

camp routed them, and the victors, following them up, caused immense losses amongst them. Not long

afterwards the troops who were devastating the territory of Capenae came upon them whilst straggling in

disorder as though safe from attack, and those whom the battle had spared were annihilated. Of the

Veientines also, many who were fleeing to the city were killed in front of the gates, which were closed to

prevent the Romans from breaking in, and so the hindmost of the fugitives were shut out.

These were the occurrences of the year. And now the time for the election of consular tribunes was

approaching. The senate was almost more anxious about this than about the war, for they recognised that they

were not simply sharing the supreme power with the plebs, but had almost completely lost it. An

understanding was come to by which their most distinguished members were to come forward as candidates;

they believed that for very shame they would not be passed over. Besides this, they resorted to every

expedient, just as if they were every one of them candidates, and called to their aid not men alone, but even

the gods. They made a religious question of the last two elections. In the former year, they said, an intolerably

severe winter had occurred which seemed to be a divine warning; in the last year they had not warnings only

but the judgments themselves. The pestilence which had visited the country districts and the City was

undoubtedly a mark of the divine displeasure, for it had been found in the Books of Fate that to avert that

scourge the gods must be appeased. The auspices were taken before an election, and the gods deemed it an

insult that the highest offices should be made common and the distinction of classes thrown into confusion.

Men were awestruck not only by the dignity and rank of the candidates, but by the religious aspect of the

question, and they elected all the consular tribunes from the patricians, the great majority being all men of

high distinction. Those elected were L. Valerius Potitusfor the fifth timeM. Valerius Maximus, M. Furius

Camillusfor the second time L. Furius Medullinusfor the third timeQ. Servilius Fidenatesfor the

second timeand Q. Sulpicius Camerinusfor the second time. During their year of office nothing of any

importance was done at Veii; their whole activity was confined to raids. Two of the commandersinchief

carried off an enormous quantity of plunderPotitus from Falerii and Camillus from Capenae. They left

During this period many portents were announced, but as they rested on the testimony of single individuals,

and there were no soothsayers to consult as to how to expiate them, owing to the hostile attitude of the

Etruscans, these reports were generally disbelieved and disregarded. One incident, however, caused universal

anxiety. The Alban Lake rose to an unusual height, without any rainfall or other cause which could prevent

the phenomenon from appearing supernatural. Envoys were sent to the oracle of Delphi to ascertain why the

gods sent the portent. But an explanation was afforded nearer at hand. An aged Veientine was impelled by

destiny to announce, amidst the jeers of the Roman and Etruscan outposts, in prophetic strain, that the

Romans would never get possession of Veii until the water had been drawn off from the Alban Lake. This

was at first treated as a wild utterance, but afterwards it began to be talked about. Owing to the length of the

war, there were frequent conversations between the troops on both sides, and a Roman on outpost duty asked

one of the townsmen who was nearest to him who the man was who was throwing out such dark hints about

the Alban Lake. When he heard that he was a soothsayer, being himself a man not devoid of religious fears,

he invited the prophet to an interview on the pretext of wishing to consult him, if he had time, about a portent

which demanded his own personal expiation. When the two had gone some distance from their respective

lines, unarmed, apprehending no danger, the Roman, a young man of immense strength, seized the feeble old

man in the sight of all, and in spite of the outcry of the Etruscans, carried him off to his own side. He was

brought before the commanderinchief and then sent to the senate in Rome. In reply to inquiries as to what

he wanted people to understand by his remark about the Alban Lake, he said that the gods must certainly

have been wroth with the people of Veii on the day when they inspired him with the resolve to disclose the

ruin which the Fates had prepared for his native city. What he had then predicted under divine inspiration he

could not now recall or unsay, and perhaps he would incur as much guilt by keeping silence about things

which it was the will of heaven should be revealed as by uttering what ought to be concealed. It stood

recorded in the Books of Fate, and had been handed down by the occult science of the Etruscans, that

whenever the water of the Alban Lake overflowed and the Romans drew it off in the appointed way, the

victory over the Veientines would be granted them; until that happened the gods would not desert the walls of

Veii. Then he explained the prescribed mode of drawing off the water. The senate, however, did not regard

their informant as sufficiently trustworthy in a matter of such importance, and determined to wait for the

Previous to their return, and before any way of dealing with the Alban portent was discovered, the new

consular tribunes entered upon office. They were L. Julius Julus, L. Furius Medullinusfor the fourth timeL.

Sergius Fidenas, A. Postumius Regillensis, P. Cornelius Maluginensis, and A. Manlius. This year a new

enemy arose. The people of Tarquinii saw that the Romans were engaged in numerous campaignsagainst the

Volscians at Anxur, where the garrison was blockaded; against the Aequi at Labici, who were attacking the

Roman colonists, and, in addition to these, at Veii, Falerii, and Capenae, whilst, owing to the contentions

between the plebs and the senate, things were no quieter within the walls of the City. Regarding this as a

favourable opportunity for mischief, they despatched some lightarmed cohorts to harry the Roman territory,

in the belief that the Romans would either let the outrage pass unpunished to avoid having another war on

their shoulders, or would resent it with a small and weak force. The Romans felt more indignation than

anxiety at the raid, and without making any great effort, took prompt steps to avenge it. A. Postumius and L.

Julius raised a force, not by a regular levyfor they were obstructed by the tribunes of the plebs but

consisting mostly of volunteers whom they had induced by strong appeals to come forward. With this they

advanced by cross marches through the territory of Caere and surprised the Tarquinians as they were

returning heavily laden with booty. They slew great numbers, stripped the whole force of their baggage, and

returned with the recovered possessions from their farms to Rome. Two days were allowed for the owners to

identify their property; what was unclaimed on the third day, most of it belonging to the enemy, was sold

"under the spear," and the proceeds distributed amongst the soldiers. The issues of the other wars, especially

of that against Veii, were still undecided, and the Romans were already despairing of success through their

own efforts, and were looking to the Fates and the gods, when the embassy returned from Delphi with the

sentence of the oracle. It was in accord with the answer given by the Veientine soothsayer, and ran as

"See to it, Roman, that the rising flood At Alba flow not o'er its banks and shape Its channel seawards.

Harmless through thy fields Shalt thou disperse it, scattered into rills. Then fiercely press upon thy foeman's

walls, For now the Fates have given thee victory. That city which long years thou hast besieged Shall now be

thine. And when the war hath end, Do thou, the victor, bear an ample gift Into my temple, and the ancestral

From that time the captive prophet began to be held in very high esteem, and the consular tribunes, Cornelius

and Postumius, began to make use of him for the expiation of the Alban portent and the proper method of

appeasing the gods. At length it was discovered why the gods were visiting men for neglected ceremonies

and religious duties unperformed. It was in fact due to nothing else but the fact that there was a flaw in the

election of the magistrates, and consequently they had not proclaimed the Festival of the Latin League and

the sacrifice on the Alban Mount with the due formalities. There was only one possible mode of expiation,

and that was that the consular tribunes should resign office, the auspices to be taken entirely afresh, and an

interrex appointed. All these measures were earned out by a decree of the senate. There were three interreges

in successionL. Valerius, Q. Servilius Fidenas, and M. Furius Camillus. During all this time there were

incessant disturbances owing to the tribunes of the plebs hindering the elections until an understanding was

come to that the majority of the consular tribunes should be elected from the plebeians. Whilst this was going

on the national council of Etruria met at the Fane of Voltumna. The Capenates and the Faliscans demanded

that all the cantons of Etruria should unite in common action to raise the siege of Veii; they were told in reply

that assistance had been previously refused to the Veientines because they had no right to seek help from

those whose advice they had not sought in a matter of such importance. Now, however, it was their

unfortunate circumstances and not their will that compelled them to refuse. The Gauls, a strange and

unknown race, had recently overrun the greatest part of Etruria, and they were not on terms of either assured

peace or open war with them. They would, however, do this much for those of their blood and name,

considering the imminent danger of their kinsmenif any of their younger men volunteered for the war they

would not prevent their going. The report spread in Rome that a large number had reached Veii, and in the

The prerogative centuries elected P. Licinius Calvus consular tribune, though he was not a candidate. His

appointment was not at all distasteful to the senate, for when in office before he had shown himself a man of

moderate views. He was, however, advanced in years. As the voting proceeded it became clear that all who

had been formerly his colleagues in office were being reappointed one after another. They were L. Titinius, P.

Maenius, Q. Manlius, Cnaeus Genucius, and L. Atilius. After the tribes had been duly summoned to hear the

declaration of the poll, but before it was actually published, P. Licinius Calvus, by permission of the interrex,

spoke as follows: "I see, Quirites, that from what you remember of our former tenure of office, you are

seeking in these elections an omen of concord for the coming year, a thing most of all helpful in the present

state of affairs. But, whilst you are reelecting my old comrades, who have become wiser and stronger by

experience, you see in me not the man I was, but only a mere shadow and name of P. Licinius. My bodily

powers are worn out, my sight and hearing are impaired, my memory is failing, my mental vigour is dulled.

Here," he said, holding his son by the hand, "is a young man, the image and counterpart of him whom in days

gone by you elected as the first consular tribune taken from the ranks of the plebs. This young man whom I

have trained and moulded I now hand over and dedicate to the republic to take my place, and I beg you,

Quirites, to confer this honour which you have bestowed unsought on me, on him who is seeking it, and

whose candidature I would fain support and further by my prayers." His request was granted, and his son P.

Licinius was formally announced as consular tribune with those above mentioned. Titinius and Genucius

marched against the Faliscans and Capenates, but they proceeded with more courage than caution and fell

into an ambuscade. Genucius atoned for his rashness by an honourable death, and fell fighting amongst the

foremost. Titinius rallied his men from the disorder into which they had fallen and gained some rising ground

where he reformed his line, but would not come down to continue the fight on level terms.

More disgrace was incurred than loss, but it almost resulted in a terrible disaster, so great was the alarm it

created not only in Rome, where very exaggerated accounts were received, but also in the camp before Veii.

Here a rumour had gained ground that after the destruction of the generals and their army, the victorious

Capenates and Faliscans and the whole military strength of Etruria had proceeded to Veii and were at no

great distance; in consequence of this the soldiers were with difficulty restrained from taking to flight. Still

more disquieting rumours were current in Rome; at one moment they imagined that the camp before Veii had

been stormed, at another that a part of the enemies' forces was in full march to the City. They hurried to the

walls; the matrons, whom the general alarm had drawn from their homes, made prayers and supplications in

the temples; solemn petitions were offered up to the gods that they would ward off destruction from the

houses and temples of the City and from the walls of Rome, and divert the fears and alarms to Veii if the

By this time the Games and the Latin Festival had been celebrated afresh, and the water drawn off from the

Alban Lake on the fields, and now the fated doom was closing over Veii. Accordingly the commander

destined by the Fates for the destruction of that city and the salvation of his countryM. Furius Camilluswas

nominated Dictator. He appointed as his Master of the Horse P. Cornelius Scipio. With the change in the

command everything else suddenly changed; men's hopes were different, their spirits were different, even the

fortunes of the City wore a different aspect. His first measure was to execute military justice upon those who

had fled during the panic from the camp, and he made the soldiers realise that it was not the enemy who was

most to be feared. He then appointed a day for the enrolment of troops, and in the interim went to Veii to

encourage the soldiers, after which he returned to Rome to raise a fresh army. Not a man tried to escape

enlistment. Even foreign troopsLatins and Hernicanscame to offer assistance for the war. The Dictator

formally thanked them in the senate, and as all the preparations for war were now sufficiently advanced, he

vowed, in pursuance of a senatorial decree, that on the capture of Veii he would celebrate the Great Games

and restore and dedicate the temple of Matuta the Mother, which had been originally dedicated by Servius

Tullius. He left the City with his army amid a general feeling of anxious expectation rather than of hopeful

confidence on the part of the citizens, and his first engagement was with the Faliscans and Capenates in the

territory of Nepete. As usual where everything was managed with consummate skill and prudence, success

followed. He not only defeated the enemy in the field, but he stripped them of their camp and secured

immense booty. The greater part was sold and the proceeds paid over to the quaestor, the smaller share was

given to the soldiers. From there the army was led to Veii. The forts were constructed more closely together.

Frequent skirmishes had occurred at random in the space between the city wall and the Roman lines, and an

edict was issued that none should fight without orders, thereby keeping the soldiers to the construction of the

siege works. By far the greatest and most difficult of these was a mine which was commenced, and designed

to lead into the enemies' citadel. That the work might not be interrupted, or the troops exhausted by the same

men being continuously employed in underground labour, he formed the army into six divisions. Each

division was told off in rotation to work for six hours at a time; the work went on without any intermission

When the Dictator saw that victory was now within his grasp, that a very wealthy city was on the point of

capture, and that there would be more booty than had been amassed in all the previous wars taken together,

he was anxious to avoid incurring the anger of the soldiers through too niggardly a distribution of it on the

one hand, and the jealousy of the senate through too lavish a grant of it on the other. He sent a despatch to the

senate in which he stated that through the gracious favour of heaven, his own generalship, and the

persevering efforts of his soldiers, Veii would in a very few hours be in the power of Rome, and he asked for

their decision as to the disposal of the booty. The senate were divided. It is reported that the aged P. Licinius,

who was the first to be asked his opinion by his son, urged that the people should receive public notice that

whoever wanted to share in the spoils should go to the camp at Veii. Appius Claudius took the opposite line.

He stigmatised the proposed largesse as unprecedented, wasteful, unfair, reckless. If, he said, they once

thought it sinful for money taken from the enemy to lie in the treasury, drained as it had been by the wars, he

would advise that the pay of the soldiers be supplied from that source, so that the plebs might have so much

less tax to pay. "The homes of all would feel alike the benefit of a common boon, the rewards won by brave

warriors would not be filched by the hands of city loafers, ever greedy for plunder, for it so constantly

happens that those who usually seek the foremost place in toil and danger are the least active in appropriating

the spoils." Licinius on the other hand said that "this money would always be regarded with suspicion and

aversion, and would supply material for indictments before the plebs, and consequently bring about

disturbances and revolutionary measures. It was better, therefore, that the plebs should be conciliated by this

gift, that those who had been crushed and exhausted by so many years of taxation should be relieved and get

some enjoyment from the spoils of a war in which they had almost become old men. When any one brings

home something he has taken from the enemy with his own hand, it affords him more pleasure and

gratification than if he were to receive many times its value at the bidding of another. The Dictator had

referred the question to the senate because he wanted to avoid the odium and misrepresentations which it

might occasion; the senate, in its turn, ought to entrust it to the plebs and allow each to keep what the fortune

of war has given him." This was felt to be the safer course, as it would make the senate popular. Notice

accordingly was given that those who thought fit should go to the Dictator in camp to share in the plunder of

An enormous crowd went and filled the camp. After the Dictator had taken the auspices and issued orders for

the soldiers to arm for battle, he uttered this prayer: "Pythian Apollo, guided and inspired by thy will I go

forth to destroy the city of Veii, and a tenth part of its spoils I devote to thee. Thee too, Queen Juno, who now

dwellest in Veii, I beseech, that thou wouldst follow us, after our victory, to the City which is ours and which

will soon be shine, where a temple worthy of thy majesty will receive thee." After this prayer, finding himself

superior in numbers, he attacked the city on all sides, to distract the enemies' attention from the impending

danger of the mine. The Veientines, all unconscious that their doom had already been sealed by their own

prophets and by oracles in foreign lands, that some of the gods had already been invited to their share in the

spoils, whilst others, called upon in prayer to leave their city, were looking to new abodes in the temples of

their foes; all unconscious that they were spending their last day, without the slightest suspicion that their

walls had been undermined and their citadel already filled with the enemy, hurried with their weapons to the

walls, each as best he could, wondering what had happened to make the Romans, after never stirring from

their lines for so many days, now run recklessly up to the walls as though struck with sudden frenzy.

At this point a tale is introduced to the effect that whilst the king of the Veientines was offering sacrifice, the

soothsayer announced that victory would be granted to him who had cut out the sacrificial parts of the victim,

His words were heard by the soldiers in the mine, they burst through, seized the parts and carried them to the

Dictator. But in questions of such remote antiquity I should count it sufficient if what bears the stamp of

probability be taken as true. Statements like this, which are more fitted to adorn a stage which delights in the

marvellous than to inspire belief, it is not worth while either to affirm or deny. The mine, which was now full

of picked soldiers, suddenly discharged its armed force in the temple of Juno, which was inside the citadel of

Veii. Some attacked the enemy on the walls from behind, others forced back the bars of the gates, others

again set fire to the houses from which stones and tiles were being hurled by women and slaves. Everything

resounded with the confused noise of terrifying threats and shrieks of despairing anguish blended with the

wailing of women and children. In a very short time the defenders were driven from the walls and the city

gates flung open. Some rushed in in close order, others scaled the deserted walls; the city was filled with

Romans; fighting went on everywhere. At length, after great carnage, the fighting slackened, and the Dictator

ordered the heralds to proclaim that the unarmed were to be spared. That put a stop to the bloodshed, those

who were unarmed began to surrender, and the soldiers dispersed with the Dictator's permission in quest of

booty. This far surpassed all expectation both in its amount and its value, and when the Dictator saw it before

him he is reported to have raised his hands to heaven and prayed that if any of the gods deemed the good

fortune which had befallen him and the Romans to be too great, the jealousy which it caused might be allayed

by such a calamity as would be least injurious to him and to Rome. The tradition runs that whilst he was

turning round during this devotion he stumbled and fell. To those who judged after the event it appeared as if

that omen pointed to Camillus' own condemnation and the subsequent capture of Rome which occurred a few

years later. That day was spent in the massacre of the enemy and the sack of the city with its enormous

The following day the Dictator sold all freemen who had been spared, as slaves. The money so realised was

the only amount paid into the public treasury, but even that proceeding roused the ire of the plebs. As for the

spoil they brought home with them, they did not acknowledge themselves under any obligation for it either to

their general, who, they thought, had referred a matter within his own competence to the senate in the hope of

getting their authority for his niggardliness, nor did they feel any gratitude to the senate. It was the Licinian

family to whom they gave the credit, for it was the father who had advocated the popular measure and the son

who had taken the opinion of the senate upon it. When all that belonged to man had been carried away from

Veii, they began to remove from the temples the votive gifts that had been made to the gods, and then the

gods themselves; but this they did as worshippers rather than as plunderers. The deportation of Queen Juno to

Rome was entrusted to a body of men selected from the whole army, who after performing their ablutions and

arraying themselves in white vestments, reverently entered the temple and in a spirit of holy dread placed

their hands on the statue, for it was as a rule only the priest of one particular house who, by Etruscan usage,

touched it. Then one of them, either under a sudden inspiration, or in a spirit of youthful mirth, said, "Art

thou willing, Juno, to go to Rome?" The rest exclaimed that the goddess nodded assent. An addition to the

story was made to the effect that she was heard to say, "I am willing." At all events we have it that she was

moved from her place by appliances of little power, and proved light and easy of transport, as though she

were following of her own accord. She was brought without mishap to the Aventine, her everlasting seat,

whither the prayers of the Roman Dictator had called her, and where this same Camillus afterwards dedicated

the temple which he had vowed. Such was the fall of Veii, the most wealthy city of the Etruscan league,

showing its greatness even in its final overthrow, since after being besieged for ten summers and winters and

inflicting more loss than it sustained, it succumbed at last to destiny, being after all carried by a mine and not

Although the portents had been averted by due expiation and the answers given by the soothsayer and the

oracle were matters of common knowledge, and all that man could do had been done by the selection of M.

Furius, the greatest of all commandersnotwithstanding all this, when the capture of Veii was announced in

Rome, after so many years of undecided warfare and numerous defeats, the rejoicing was as great as if there

had been no hope of success. Anticipating the order of the senate, all the temples were filled with Roman

mothers offering thanksgivings to the gods. The senate ordered that the public thanksgivings should be

continued for four days, a longer period than for any previous war. The arrival of the Dictator, too, whom all

classes poured out to meet, was welcomed by a greater concourse than that of any general before. His

triumph went far beyond the usual mode of celebrating the day; himself the most conspicuous object of all, he

was drawn into the City by a team of white horses, which men thought unbecoming even for a mortal man,

let alone a Roman citizen. They saw with superstitious alarm the Dictator putting himself on a level in his

equipage with Jupiter and Sol, and this one circumstance made his triumph more brilliant than popular. After

this he signed a contract for building the temple of Queen Juno on the Aventine and dedicated one to Matuta

the Mother. After having thus discharged his duties to gods and men he resigned his Dictatorship.

Subsequently a difficulty arose about the offering to Apollo. Camillus stated that he had vowed a tenth of the

spoils to the deity, and the college of pontiffs decided that the people must fulfil their religious obligation.

But it was not easy to find a way of ordering the people to restore their share of booty so that the due

proportion might be set apart for sacred purposes. At length recourse was had to what seemed the smoothest

plan, namely, that any one who wished to discharge the obligation for himself and his household should make

a valuation of his share and contribute the value of a tenth of it to the public treasury, in order that out of the

proceeds a golden crown might be made, worthy of the grandeur of the temple and the august divinity of the

god, and such as the honour of the Roman people demanded. This contribution still further estranged the

feelings of the plebeians from Camillus. During these occurrences envoys from the Volscians and Aequi

came to sue for peace. They succeeded in obtaining it, not so much because they deserved it as that the

The year following the capture of Veii had for the six consular tribunes two of the Publii Cornelii, namely,

Cossus and Scipio, M. Valerius Maximusfor the second time Caeso Fabius Ambustusfor the third

timeL. Furius Medullinusfor the fifth timeand Q. Serviliusfor the third time. The war against the

Faliscans was allotted to the Cornelii, that against Capenae to Valerius and Servilius. They did not make any

attempt to take cities either by assault or investment, but confined themselves to ravaging the country and

carrying off the property of the agriculturists; not a single fruit tree, no produce whatever, was left on the

land. These losses broke the resistance of the Capenates, they sued for peace and it was granted them.

Amongst the Faliscans the war went on. In Rome, meanwhile, disturbances arose on various matters. In order

to quiet them it had been decided to plant a colony on the Volscian frontier, and the names of 3000 Roman

citizens were entered for it. Triumvirs appointed for the purpose had divided the land into lots of 3 7/12

jugera per man. This grant began to be looked upon with contempt, they regarded it as a sop offered to them

to divert them from hoping for something better. "Why," they asked, "were plebeians to be sent into

banishment amongst the Volscians when the splendid city of Veii and the territory of the Veientines was

within view, more fertile and more ample than the territory of Rome?" Whether in respect of its situation or

of the magnificence of its public and private buildings and its open spaces, they gave that city the preference

over Rome. They even brought forward a proposal, which met with still more support after the capture of

Rome by the Gauls, for migrating to Veii. They intended, however, that Veii should be inhabited by a portion

of the plebs and a part of the senate; they thought it a feasible project that two separate cities should be

inhabited by the Roman people and form one State. In opposition to these proposals, the nobility went so far

as to declare that they would sooner die before the eyes of the Roman people than that any of those schemes

should be put to the vote. If, they argued, there was so much dissension in one city, what would there be in

two? Could any one possibly prefer a conquered to a conquering city, and allow Veii to enjoy a greater good

fortune after its capture than while it stood safe? It was possible that in the end they might be left behind in

their native City by their fellowcitizens, but no power on earth would compel them to abandon their native

City and their fellowcitizens in order to follow T. Siciniusthe proposer of this measureto Veii as its new

founder, and so abandon Romulus, a god and the son of a god, the father and creator of the City of Rome.

This discussion was attended by disgraceful quarrels, for the senate had drawn over a section of the tribunes

of the plebs to their view, and the only thing that restrained the plebeians from offering personal violence was

the use which the patricians made of their personal influence. Whenever shouts were raised to get up a brawl,

the leaders of the senate were the first to go into the crowd and tell them to vent their rage on them, to beat

and kill them. The mob shrank from offering violence to men of their age and rank and distinction, and this

feeling prevented them from attacking the other patricians. Camillus went about delivering harangues

everywhere, and saying that it was no wonder that the citizens had gone mad, for though bound by a vow,

they showed more anxiety about everything than about discharging their religious obligations. He would say

nothing about the contribution, which was really a sacred offering rather than a tithe, and since each

individual bound himself to a tenth, the State, as such, was free from the obligation. But his conscience would

not allow him to keep silence about the assertion that the tenth only applied to movables, and that no mention

was made of the city and its territory, which were also really included in the vow. As the senate considered

the question a difficult one to decide, they referred it to the pontiffs, and Camillus was invited to discuss it

with them. They decided that of all that had belonged to the Veientines before the vow was uttered and had

subsequently passed into the power of Rome, a tenth part was sacred to Apollo. Thus the city and territory

came into the estimate. The money was drawn from the treasury, and the consular tribunes were

commissioned to purchase gold with it. As there was not a sufficient supply, the matrons, after meeting to

talk the matter over, made themselves by common consent responsible to the tribunes for the gold, and sent

all their trinkets to the treasury. The senate were in the highest degree grateful for this, and the tradition goes

that in return for this munificence the matrons had conferred upon them the honour of driving to sacred

festivals and games in a carriage, and on holy days and work days in a twowheeled car. The gold received

from each was appraised in order that the proper amount of money might be paid for it, and it was decided

that a golden bowl should be made and carried to Delphi as a gift to Apollo. When the religious question no

longer claimed their attention, the tribunes of the plebs renewed their agitation; the passions of the populace

were aroused against all the leading men, most of all against Camillus. They said that by devoting the spoils

of Veii to the State and to the gods he had reduced them to nothing. They attacked the senators furiously in

their absence; when they were present and confronted their rage, shame kept them silent. As soon as the

plebeians saw that the matter would be carried over into the following year, they reappointed the supporters

of the proposal as their tribunes; the patricians devoted themselves to securing the same support for those

who had vetoed the proposal. Consequently, nearly all the same tribunes of the plebs were reelected.

In the election of consular tribunes the patricians succeeded by the utmost exertions in securing the return of

M. Furius Camillus. They pretended that in view of the wars they were providing themselves with a general;

their real object was to get a man who would oppose the corrupt policy of the plebeian tribunes. His

comrades in the tribuneship were L. Furius Medullinusfor the sixth timeC. Aemilius, L. Valerius

Publicola, S. Postumius, and P. Cornelius for the second time. At the beginning of the year the tribunes of

the plebs made no move until Camillus left for operations against the Faliscans, the theatre of war assigned to

him. This delay took the heart out of their agitation, whilst Camillus, the adversary whom they most dreaded,

was gaining fresh glory amongst the Faliscans. At first the enemy kept within their walls, thinking this the

safest course, but by devastating their fields and burning their farms he compelled them to come outside their

city. They were afraid to go very far, and fixed their camp about a mile away; the only thing which gave them

any sense of security was the difficulty of approaching it, as all the country round was rough and broken, and

the roads narrow in some parts, in others steep. Camillus, however, had gained information from a prisoner

captured in the neighbourhood, and made him act as guide. After breaking up his camp in the dead of night,

he showed himself at daybreak in a position considerably higher than the enemy. The Romans of the third

line began to entrench, the rest of the army stood ready for battle. When the enemy attempted to hinder the

work of entrenchment, he defeated them and put them to flight, and such a panic seized the Faliscans that in

their disorderly flight they were carried past their own camp, which was nearer to them, and made for their

city. Many were killed and wounded before they could get inside their gates. The camp was taken, the booty

sold, and the proceeds paid over to the quaestors, to the intense indignation of the soldiers, but they were

overawed by the sternness of their general's discipline, and though they hated his firmness, at the same time

they admired it. The city was now invested and regular siegeworks were constructed. For some time the

townsmen used to attack the Roman outposts whenever they saw an opportunity, and frequent skirmishes

took place. Time went on and hope inclined to neither side; corn and other supplies had been previously

collected, and the besieged were better provisioned than the besiegers. The task seemed likely to be as long as

it had been at Veii, had not fortune given the Roman commander an opportunity of displaying that greatness

of mind which had already been proved in deeds of war, and so secured him an early victory.

It was the custom of the Faliscans to employ the same person as the master and also as the attendant of their

children, and several boys used to be entrusted to one man's care; a custom which prevails in Greece at the

present time. Naturally, the man who had the highest reputation for learning was appointed to instruct the

children of the principal men. This man had started the practice, in the time of peace, of taking the boys

outside the gates for games and exercise, and he kept up the practice after the war had begun, taking them

sometimes a shorter, sometimes a longer distance from the city gate. Seizing a favourable opportunity, he

kept up the games and the conversations longer than usual, and went on till he was in the midst of the Roman

outposts. He then took them into the camp and up to Camillus in the headquarters tent. There he aggravated

his villainous act by a still more villainous utterance. He had, he said, given Falerii into the hands of the

Romans, since those boys, whose fathers were at the head of affairs in the city, were now placed in their

power. On hearing this Camillus replied, "You, villain, have not come with your villainous offer to a nation

or a commander like yourself. Between us and the Faliscans there is no fellowship based on a formal compact

as between man and man, but the fellowship which is based on natural instincts exists between us, and will

continue to do so. There are rights of war as there are rights of peace, and we have learnt to wage our wars

with justice no less than with courage. We do not use our weapons against those of an age which is spared

even in the capture of cities, but against those who are armed as we are, and who without any injury or

provocation from us attacked the Roman camp at Veii. These men you, as far as you could, have vanquished

by an unprecedented act of villainy; I shall vanquish them as I vanquished Veii, by Roman arts, by courage

and strategy and force of arms." He then ordered him to be stripped and his hands tied behind his back, and

delivered him up to the boys to be taken back to Falerii, and gave them rods with which to scourge the traitor

into the city. The people came in crowds to see the sight, the magistrates thereupon convened the senate to

discuss the extraordinary incident, and in the end such a revulsion of feeling took place that the very people

who in the madness of their rage and hatred would almost sooner have shared the fate of Veii than obtained

the peace which Capena enjoyed, now found themselves in company with the whole city asking for peace.

The Roman sense of honour, the commander's love of justice, were in all men's mouths in the forum and in

the senate, and in accordance with the universal wish, ambassadors were despatched to Camillus in the camp,

On being introduced to the senate, they are reported to have made the following speech: "Senators!

vanquished by you and your general through a victory which none, whether god or man, can censure, we

surrender ourselves to you, for we think it better to live under your sway than under our own laws, and this is

the greatest glory that a conqueror can attain. Through the issue of this war two salutary precedents have been

set for mankind. You have preferred the honour of a soldier to a victory which was in your hands; we,

challenged by your good faith, have voluntarily given you that victory. We are at your disposal; send men to

receive our arms, to receive the hostages, to receive the city whose gates stand open to you. Never shall you

have cause to complain of our loyalty, nor we of your rule." Thanks were accorded to Camillus both by the

enemy and by his own countrymen. The Faliscans were ordered to supply the pay of the troops for that year,

in order that the Roman people might be free from the wartax. After the peace was granted, the army was

After thus subduing the enemy by his justice and good faith, Camillus returned to the City invested with a

much nobler glory than when white horses drew him through it in his triumph. The senate could not

withstand the delicate reproof of his silence, but at once proceeded to free him from his vow. L. Valerius, L.

Sergius, and A. Manlius were appointed as a deputation to carry the golden bowl, made as a gift to Apollo, to

Delphi, but the solitary warship in which they were sailing was captured by Liparean pirates not far from the

Straits of Sicily, and taken to the islands of Liparae. Piracy was regarded as a kind of State institution, and it

was the custom for the government to distribute the plunder thus acquired. That year the supreme magistracy

was held by Timasitheus, a man more akin to the Romans in character than to his own countrymen. As he

himself reverenced the name and office of the ambassadors, the gift they had in charge and the god to whom

it was being sent, so he inspired the multitude, who generally share the views of their ruler, with a proper

religious sense of their duty. The deputation were conducted to the State guesthouse, and from there sent on

their way to Delphi with a protecting escort of ships, he then brought them back safe to Rome. Friendly

relations were established with him on the part of the State, and presents bestowed upon him.

During this year there was war with the Aequi of so undecided a character that it was a matter of uncertainty,

both in the armies themselves and in Rome, whether they were victorious or vanquished. The two consular

tribunes, C. Aemilius and Spurius Postumius, were in command of the Roman army. At first they carried on

joint operations; after the enemy had been routed in the field, they arranged that Aemilius should hold

Verrugo whilst Postumius devastated their. territory. Whilst he was marching somewhat carelessly after his

success, with his men out of order, he was attacked by the Aequi, and such a panic ensued that his troops

were driven to the nearest hills, and the alarm spread even to the other army at Verrugo. After they had

retreated to a safe position, Postumius summoned his men to assembly and severely rebuked them for their

panic and flight, and for having been routed by such a cowardly and easily defeated foe. With one voice the

army exclaimed that his reproaches were deserved; they had, they confessed behaved disgracefully, but they

would themselves repair their fault, the enemy would not long have cause for rejoicing. They asked him to

lead them at once against the enemy's camp it was in full view down in the plainand no punishment would

be too severe if they failed to take it before nightfall. He commended their eagerness, and ordered them to

refresh themselves and to be ready by the fourth watch. The enemy, expecting the Romans to attempt a

nocturnal flight from their hill, were posted to cut them off from the road leading to Verrugo. The action

commenced before dawn, but as there was a moon all night, the battle was as clearly visible as if it had been

fought by day. The shouting reached Verrugo, and they believed that the Roman camp was being attacked.

This created such a panic that in spite of all the appeals of Aemilius in his efforts to restrain them, the

garrison broke away and fled in scattered groups to Tusculum. Thence the rumour was carried to Rome that

Postumius and his army were slain. As soon as the rising dawn had removed all apprehensions of a surprise

in case the pursuit was carried too far, Postumius rode down the ranks demanding the fulfilment of their

promise. The enthusiasm of the troops was so roused that the Aequi no longer withstood the attack. Then

followed a slaughter of the fugitives, such as might be expected where men are actuated by rage even more

than by courage; the army was destroyed. The doleful report from Tusculum and the groundless fears of the

City were followed by a laurelled despatch from Postumius announcing the victory of Rome and the

As the agitation of the tribunes of the plebs had so far been without result, the plebeians exerted themselves

to secure the continuance in office of the proposers of the land measure, whilst the patricians strove for the

reelection of those who had vetoed it. The plebeians, however, carried the election, and the senate in

revenge for this mortification passed a resolution for the appointment of consuls, the magistracy which the

plebs detested. After fifteen years, consuls were once more elected in the persons of L. Lucretius Flavus and

Servius Sulpicius Camerinus. At the beginning of the year, as none of their college was disposed to interpose

his veto, the tribunes were combined in a determined effort to carry their measure, while the consuls, for the

same reason, offered a no less strenuous resistance. Whilst all the citizens were preoccupied with this

struggle, the Aequi successfully attacked the Roman colony at Vitellia, which was situated in their territory.

Most of the colonists were uninjured, for the fact of its treacherous capture taking place in the night gave

them the chance of escaping in the opposite direction from the enemy and reaching Rome. That field of

operations fell to L. Lucretius. He advanced against the enemy and defeated them in a regular engagement,

and then came back victorious to Rome, where a still more serious contest awaited him.

A day had been fixed for the prosecution of A. Verginius and Q. Pomponius, who had been tribunes of the

plebs two years previously. The senate unanimously agreed that their honour was concerned in defending

them, for no one brought any charge against them touching their private life or their public action; the only

ground of indictment was that it was to please the senate that they had exercised their veto. The influence of

the senate, however, was overborne by the angry temper of the plebeians, and a most vicious precedent was

set by the condemnation of those innocent men to a fine of 10,000 "ases" each. The senate were extremely

distressed. Camillus openly accused the plebeians of treason in turning against their own magistrates because

they did not see that through this iniquitous judgment they had taken from their tribunes the power of veto,

and in depriving them of that had overthrown their power. They were deceived if they expected the senate to

put up with the absence of any restraint upon the licence of that magistracy. If the violence of tribunes could

not be met by the veto of tribunes, the senate would find another weapon. He poured blame on the consuls

also for having silently allowed the honour of the State to be compromised in the case of tribunes who had

followed the instructions of the senate. By openly repeating these charges he embittered the feeling of the

The senate, on the other hand, he was perpetually inciting to oppose the measure. They must not, he said, go

down to the Forum, when the day came for voting on it, in any other temper than that of men who realised

that they would have to fight for their hearths and altars, for the temples of the gods, and even for the soil on

which they had been born. As for himself, if he dared to think of his own reputation when his country's

existence was at stake, it would be indeed an honour to him that the city which he had taken should become a

popular resort, that that memorial of his glory should give him daily delight, that he should have before his

eyes the city which had been carried in his triumphal procession, and that all should tread in the track of his

renown. But he considered it an offence against heaven for a city to be repeopled after it had been deserted

and abandoned by the gods, or for the Roman people to dwell on a soil enslaved and change the conquering

country for a conquered one. Roused by these appeals of their leader, the senators, old and young, came down

in a body to the Forum when the proposal was being put to the vote. They dispersed among the tribes, and

each taking his fellowtribesmen by the hand, implored them with tears not to desert the fatherland, for

which they and their fathers had fought so bravely and so successfully. They pointed to the Capitol, the

temple of Vesta, and the other divine temples round them, and besought them not to drive the Roman people,

as homeless exiles, from their ancestral soil and their household gods into the city of their foes. They even

went so far as to say that it were better that Veii had never been taken than that Rome should be deserted. As

they were having recourse not to violence but to entreaties, and were interspersing their entreaties with

frequent mention of the gods, it became for the majority of voters a religious question and the measure was

defeated by a majority of one tribe. The senate were so delighted at their victory that on the following day a

resolution was passed, at the instance of the consuls, that seven jugera of the Veientine territory should be

allotted to each plebeian, and not to the heads of families only, account was taken of all the children in the

house, that men might be willing to bring up children in the hope that they would receive their share.

This bounty soothed the feelings of the plebs, and no opposition was offered to the election of consuls. The

two elected were L. Valerius Potitus and M. Manlius, who afterwards received the title of Capitolinus. They

celebrated the "Great Games" which M. Furius had vowed when Dictator in the Veientine war. In the same

year the temple of Queen Juno, which he had also vowed at the same time, was dedicated, and the tradition

runs that this dedication excited great interest amongst the matrons, who were present in large numbers. An

unimportant campaign was conducted against the Aequi on Algidus; the enemy were routed almost before

they came to close quarters. Valerius had shown greater energy in following up the fugitives; he was

accordingly decreed a triumph; Manlius an ovation. In the same year a new enemy appeared in the

Volsinians. Owing to famine and pestilence in the district round Rome, in consequence of excessive heat and

drought, it was impossible for an army to march. This emboldened the Volsinians in conjunction with the

Salpinates to make inroads upon Roman territory. Thereupon war was declared against the two States. C.

Julius, the censor, died, and M. Cornelius was appointed in his place. This proceeding was afterwards

regarded as an offence against religion because it was during that lustrum that Rome was taken, and no one

has ever since been appointed as censor in the room of one deceased. The consuls were attacked by the

epidemic, so it was decided that the auspices should be taken afresh by an interrex. The consuls accordingly

resigned office in compliance with a resolution of the senate, and M. Furius Camillus was appointed interrex.

He appointed P. Cornelius Scipio as his successor, and Scipio appointed L. Valerius Potitus. The last named

appointed six consular tribunes, so that if any of them became incapacitated through illness there might still

These were L. Lucretius, Servius Sulpicius, M. Aemilius, L. Furius Medullinus for the seventh

timeAgrippa Furius, and C. Aemiliusfor the second time. They entered upon office on the 1st of July. L.

Lucretius and C. Aemilius were charged with the campaign against the Volsinians; Agrippa Furius and

Servius Sulpicius with the one against the Salpinates. The first action took place with the Volsinians; an

immense number of the enemy were engaged, but the fighting was by no means severe. Their line was

scattered at the first shock; 8000 who were surrounded by the cavalry laid down their arms and surrendered.

On hearing of this battle the Salpinates would not trust themselves to a regular engagement in the field, but

sought the protection of their walls. The Romans carried off plunder in all directions from both the Salpinate

and Volsinian territories without meeting any resistance. At last the Volsinians, tired of the war, obtained a

truce for twenty years on condition that they paid an indemnity for their previous raid and supplied the year's

pay for the army. It was in this year that Marcus Caedicius, a member of the plebs, reported to the tribunes

that whilst he was in the Via Nova where the chapel now stands, above the temple of Vesta, he heard in the

silence of the night a voice more powerful than any human voice bidding the magistrates be told that the

Gauls were approaching. No notice was taken of this, partly owing to the humble rank of the informant, and

partly because the Gauls were a distant and therefore an unknown nation. It was not the monitions of the gods

only that were set at nought in face of the coming doom. The one human aid which they had against it, M.

Furius Camillus, was removed from the City. He was impeached by the plebeian tribune L. Apuleius for his

action with reference to the spoils of Veii, and at the time had just been bereaved of his son. He invited the

members of his tribe and his clients, who formed a considerable part of the plebs, to his house and sounded

their feelings towards him. They told him that they would pay whatever fine was imposed, but it was

impossible for them to acquit him. Thereupon he went into exile, after offering up a prayer to the immortal

gods that if he were suffering wrongfully as an innocent man, they would make his ungrateful citizens very

soon feel the need of him. He was condemned in his absence to pay a fine of 15,000 "ases."

After the expulsion of that citizen whose presence, if there is anything certain in human affairs, would have

made the capture of Rome impossible, the doom of the fated City swiftly approached. Ambassadors came

from Clusium begging for assistance against the Gauls. The tradition is that this nation, attracted by the report

of the delicious fruits and especially of the winea novel pleasure to themcrossed the Alps and occupied the

lands formerly cultivated by the Etruscans, and that Arruns of Clusium imported wine into Gaul in order to

allure them into Italy. His wife had been seduced by a Lucumo, to whom he was guardian, and from whom,

being a young man of considerable influence, it was impossible to get redress without getting help from

abroad. In revenge, Arruns led the Gauls across the Alps and prompted them to attack Clusium. I would not

deny that the Gauls were conducted to Clusium by Arruns or some one else living there, but it is quite clear

that those who attacked that city were not the first who crossed the Alps. As a matter of fact, Gauls crossed

into Italy two centuries before they attacked Clusium and took Rome. Nor were the Clusines the first

Etruscans with whom the Gaulish armies came into conflict; long before that they had fought many battles

with the Etruscans who dwelt between the Apennines and the Alps. Before the Roman supremacy, the power

of the Tuscans was widely extended both by sea and land. How far it extended over the two seas by which

Italy is surrounded like an island is proved by the names, for the nations of Italy call the one the "Tuscan

Sea," from the general designation of the people, and the other the "Atriatic," from Atria, a Tuscan colony.

The Greeks also call them the "Tyrrhene" and the "Adriatic." The districts stretching towards either sea were

inhabited by them. They first settled on this side the Apennines by the western sea in twelve cities, afterwards

they founded twelve colonies beyond the Apennines, corresponding to the number of the mother cities. These

colonies held the whole of the country beyond the Po as far as the Alps, with the exception of the corner

inhabited by the Veneti, who dwelt round an arm of the sea. The Alpine tribes are undoubtedly of the same

stock, especially the Raetii, who had through the nature of their country become so uncivilised that they

retained no trace of their original condition except their language, and even this was not free from corruption.

About the passage of the Gauls into Italy we have received the following account. Whilst Tarquinius Priscus

was king of Rome, the supreme power amongst the Celts, who formed a third part of the whole of Gaul, was

in the hands of the Bituriges; they used to furnish the king for the whole Celtic race. Ambigatus was king at

that time, a man eminent for his own personal courage and prosperity as much as for those of his dominions.

During his sway the harvests were so abundant and the population increased so rapidly in Gaul that the

government of such vast numbers seemed almost impossible. He was now an old man, and anxious to relieve

his realm from the burden of overpopulation. With this view he signified his intention of sending his sister's

sons Bellovesus and Segovesus, both enterprising young men, to settle in whatever locality the gods should

by augury assign to them. They were to invite as many as wished to accompany them, sufficient to prevent

any nation from repelling their approach. When the auspices were taken, the Hercynian forest was assigned to

Segovesus; to Bellovesus the gods gave the far pleasanter way into Italy. He invited the surplus population of

six tribesthe Bituriges, the Averni, the Senones, the Aedui, the Ambarri, the Carnutes, and the Aulerci.

Starting with an enormous force of horse and foot, he came to the Tricastini. Beyond stretched the barrier of

the Alps, and I am not at all surprised that they appeared insurmountable, for they had never yet been

surmounted by any route, as far at least as unbroken memory reaches, unless you choose to believe the fables

about Hercules. Whilst the mountain heights kept the Gauls fenced in as it were there, and they were looking

everywhere to see by what path they could cross the peaks which reached to heaven and so enter a new

world, they were also prevented from advancing by a sense of religious obligation, for news came that some

strangers in quest of territory were being attacked by the Salyi. These were Massilians who had sailed from

Phocaea. The Gauls, looking upon this as an omen of their own fortunes, went to their assistance and enabled

them to fortify the spot where they had first landed, without any interference from the Salyi. After crossing

the Alps by the passes of the Taurini and the valley of the Douro, they defeated the Tuscans in battle not far

from the Ticinus, and when they learnt that the country in which they had settled belonged to the Insubres, a

name also borne by a canton of the Haedui, they accepted the omen of the place and built a city which they

Subsequently another body, consisting of the Cenomani, under the leadership of Elitovius, followed the track

of the former and crossed the Alps by the same pass, with the goodwill of Bellovesus. They had their

settlements where the cities of Brixia and Verona now stand. The Libui came next and the Saluvii; they

settled near the ancient tribe of the Ligurian Laevi, who lived about the Ticinus. Then the Boii and Lingones

crossed the Pennine Alps, and as all the country between the Po and the Alps was occupied, they crossed the

Po on rafts and expelled not only the Etruscans but the Umbrians as well. They remained, however, north of

the Apennines. Then the Senones, the last to come, occupied the country from the Utis to the Aesis. It was

this last tribe, I find, that came to Clusium, and from there to Rome; but it is uncertain whether they came

alone or helped by contingents from all the Cisalpine peoples. The people of Clusium were appalled by this

strange war, when they saw the numbers, the extraordinary appearance of the men, and the kind of weapons

they used, and heard that the legions of Etruria had been often routed by them on both sides of the Po.

Although they had no claim on Rome, either on the ground of alliance or friendly relations, unless it was that

they had not defended their kinsmen at Veii against the Romans, they nevertheless sent ambassadors to ask

the senate for assistance. Active assistance they did not obtain. The three sons of M. Fabius Ambustus were

sent as ambassadors to negotiate with the Gauls and warn them not to attack those from whom they had

suffered no injury, who were allies and friends of Rome, and who, if circumstances compelled them, must be

defended by the armed force of Rome. They preferred that actual war should be avoided, and that they should

make acquaintance with the Gauls, who were strangers to them, in peace rather than in arms.

A peaceable enough mission, had it not contained envoys of a violent temper, more like Gauls than Romans.

After they had delivered their instructions in the council of the Gauls, the following reply was given:

"Although we are hearing the name of Romans for the first time, we believe nevertheless that you are brave

men, since the Clusines are imploring your assistance in their time of danger. Since you prefer to protect your

allies against us by negotiation rather than by armed force, we on our side do not reject the peace you offer,

on condition that the Clusines cede to us Gauls, who are in need of land, a portion of that territory which they

possess to a greater extent than they can cultivate. On any other conditions peace cannot be granted. We wish

to receive their reply in your presence, and if territory is refused us we shall fight, whilst you are still here,

that you may report to those at home how far the Gauls surpass all other men in courage." The Romans asked

them what right they had to demand, under threat of war, territory from those who were its owners, and what

business the Gauls had in Etruria. The haughty answer was returned that they carried their right in their

weapons, and that everything belonged to the brave. Passions were kindled on both sides; they flew to arms

and joined battle. Thereupon, contrary to the law of nations, the envoys seized their weapons, for the Fates

were already urging Rome to its ruin. The fact of three of the noblest and bravest Romans fighting in the front

line of the Etruscan army could not be concealed, so conspicuous was the valour of the strangers. And what

was more, Q. Fabius rode forward at a Gaulish chieftain, who was impetuously charging right at the Etruscan

standards, ran his spear through his side and slew him. Whilst he was in the act of despoiling the body the

Gauls recognised him, and the word was passed through the whole army that it was a Roman ambassador.

Forgetting their rage against the Clusines, and breathing threats against the Romans, they sounded the retreat.

Some were for an instant advance on Rome. The older men thought that ambassadors should first be sent to

Rome to make a formal complaint and demand the surrender of the Fabii as satisfaction for the violation of

the law of nations. After the ambassadors had stated their case, the senate, whilst disapproving of the conduct

of the Fabii, and recognising the justice of the demand which the barbarians made, were prevented by

political interests from placing their convictions on record in the form of a decree in the case of men of such

high rank. In order, therefore, that the blame for any defeat which might be incurred in a war with the Gauls

might not rest on them alone, they referred the consideration of the Gauls' demands to the people. Here

personal popularity and influence had so much more weight that the very men whose punishment was under

discussion were elected consular tribunes for the next year. The Gauls regarded this procedure as it deserved

to be regarded, namely, as an act of hostility, and after openly threatening war, returned to their people. The

other consular tribunes elected with the Fabii were Q. Sulpicius Longus, Q. Serviliusfor the fourth timeand

To such an extent does Fortune blind men's eyes when she will not have her threatened blows parried, that

though such a weight of disaster was hanging over the State, no special steps were taken to avert it. In the

wars against Fidenae and Veii and other neighbouring States, a Dictator had on many occasions been

nominated as a last resource. But now when an enemy, never seen or even heard of before, was rousing up

war from ocean and the furthest corners of the world, no recourse was had to a Dictator, no extraordinary

efforts were made. Those men through whose recklessness the war had been brought about were in supreme

commands as tribunes, and the levy they raised was not larger than had been usual in ordinary campaigns,

they even made light of the resorts as to the seriousness of the war. Meantime the Gauls learnt that their

embassy had been treated with contempt, and that honours had actually been conferred upon men who had

violated the law of nations. Burning with rageas a nation they cannot control their passionsthey seized

their standards and hurriedly set out on their march. At the sound of their tumult as they swept by, the

affrighted cities flew to arms and the country folk took to flight. Horses and men, spread far and wide,

covered an immense tract of country; wherever they went they made it understood by loud shouts that they

were going to Rome. But though they were preceded by rumours and by messages from Clusium, and then

from one town after another, it was the swiftness of their approach that created most alarm in Rome. An army

hastily raised by a levy en masse marched out to meet them. The two forces met hardly eleven miles from

Rome, at a spot where the Alia, flowing in a very deep channel from the Crustuminian mountains, joins the

river Tiber a little below the road to Crustumerium. The whole country in front and around was now

swarming with the enemy, who, being as a nation given to wild outbreaks, had by their hideous howls and

The consular tribunes had secured no position for their camp, had constructed no entrenchments behind

which to retire, and had shown as much disregard of the gods as of the enemy, for they formed their order of

battle without having obtained favourable auspices. They extended their line on either wing to prevent their

being outflanked, but even so they could not make their front equal to the enemy's, whilst by thus thinning

their line they weakened the centre so that it could hardly keep in touch. On their right was a small eminence

which they decided to hold with reserves, and this disposition, though it was the beginning of the panic and

flight, proved to be the only means of safety to the fugitives. For Bennus, the Gaulish chieftain, fearing some

ruse in the scanty numbers of the enemy, and thinking that the rising ground was occupied in order that the

reserves might attack the flank and rear of the Gauls while their front was engaged with the legions, directed

his attack upon the reserves, feeling quite certain that if he drove them from their position, his overwhelming

numbers would give him an easy victory on the level ground. So not only Fortune but tactics also were on the

side of the barbarians. In the other army there was nothing to remind one of Romans either amongst the

generals or the private soldiers. They were terrified, and all they thought about was flight, and so utterly had

they lost their heads that a far greater number fled to Veii, a hostile city, though the Tiber lay in their way,

than by the direct road to Rome, to their wives and children. For a short time the reserves were protected by

their position. In the rest of the army, no sooner was the battleshout heard on their flank by those nearest to

the reserves, and then by those at the other end of the line heard in their rear, than they fled, whole and

unhurt, almost before they had seen their untried foe, without any attempt to fight or even to give back the

battleshout. None were slain while actually fighting; they were cut down from behind whilst hindering one

another's flight in a confused, struggling mass. Along the bank of the Tiber, whither the whole of the left

wing had fled, after throwing away their arms, there was great slaughter. Many who were unable to swim or

were hampered by the weight of their cuirasses and other armour were sucked down by the current. The

greater number, however, reached Veii in safety, yet not only were no troops sent from there to defend the

City, but not even was a messenger despatched to report the defeat to Rome. All the men on the right wing,

which had been stationed some distance from the river, and nearer to the foot of the hill, made for Rome and

The Gauls for their part were almost dumb with astonishment at so sudden and extraordinary a victory. At

first they did not dare to move from the spot, as though puzzled by what had happened, then they began to

fear a surprise, at last they began to despoil the dead, and, as their custom is, to pile up the arms in heaps.

Finally, as no hostile movement was anywhere visible, they commenced their march and reached Rome

shortly before sunset. The cavalry, who had ridden on in front, reported that the gates were not shut, there

were no pickets on guard in front of them, no troops on the walls. This second surprise, as extraordinary as

the previous one, held them back, and fearing a nocturnal conflict in the streets of an unknown City, they

halted and bivouacked between Rome and the Anio. Reconnoitring parties were sent out to examine the

circuit of the walls and the other gates, and to ascertain what plans their enemies were forming in their

desperate plight. As for the Romans, since the greater number had fled from the field in the direction of Veii

instead of Rome, it was universally believed that the only survivors were those who had found refuge in

Rome, and the mourning for all who were lost, whether living or dead, filled the whole City with the cries of

lamentation. But the sounds of private grief were stifled by the general terror when it was announced that the

enemy were at hand. Presently the yells and wild warwhoops of the squadrons were heard as they rode

round the walls. All the time until the next day's dawn the citizens were in such a state of suspense that they

expected from moment to moment an attack on the City. They expected it first when the enemy approached

the walls, for they would have remained at the Alia had not this been their object; then just before sunset they

thought the enemy would attack because there was not much daylight left; and then when night was fallen

they imagined that the attack was delayed till then to create all the greater terror. Finally, the approach of the

next day deprived them of their senses; the entrance of the enemy's standards within the gates was the

But all through that night and the following day the citizens afforded an utter contrast to those who had fled

in such terror at the Alia. Realising the hopelessness of attempting any defence of the City with the small

numbers that were left, they decided that the men of military age and the ablebodied amongst the senators

should, with their wives and children, withdraw into the Citadel and the Capitol, and after getting in stores of

arms and provisions, should from that fortified position defend their gods, themselves, and the great name of

Rome. The Flamen and priestesses of Vesta were to carry the sacred things of the State far away from the

bloodshed and the fire, and their sacred cult should not be abandoned as long as a single person survived to

observe it. If only the Citadel and the Capitol, the abode of gods; if only the senate, the guiding mind of the

national policy; if only the men of military age survived the impending ruin of the City, then the loss of the

crowd of old men left behind in the City could be easily borne; in any case, they were certain to perish. To

reconcile the aged plebeians to their fate, the men who had been consuls and enjoyed triumphs gave out that

they would meet their fate side by side with them, and not burden the scanty force of fighting men with

Thus they sought to comfort one anotherthese aged men doomed to death. Then they turned with words of

encouragement to the younger men on their way to the Citadel and Capitol, and solemnly commended to their

strength and courage all that was left of the fortunes of a City which for 360 years had been victorious in all

its wars. As those who were carrying with them all hope and succour finally separated from those who had

resolved not to survive the fall of the City the misery of the scene was heightened by the distress of the

women. Their tears, their distracted running about as they followed first their husbands then their sons, their

imploring appeals to them not to leave them to their fate, made up a picture in which no element of human

misery was wanting. A great many of them actually followed their sons into the Capitol, none forbidding or

inviting them, for though to diminish the number of noncombatants would have helped the besieged, it was

too inhuman a step to take. Another crowd, mainly of plebeians, for whom there was not room on so small a

hill or food enough in the scanty store of corn, poured out of the City in one continuous line and made for the

Janiculum. From there they dispersed, some over the country, others towards the neighbouring cities, without

any leader or concerted action, each following his own aims, his own ideas. and all despairing of the public

safety. While all this was going on, the Flamen of Quirinus and the Vestal virgins, without giving a thought

to their own property, were deliberating as to which of the sacred things they ought to take with them, and

which to leave behind, since they had not strength enough to carry all, and also what place would be the

safest for their custody. They thought best to conceal what they could not take in earthen jars and bury them

under the chapel next to the Flamen's house, where spitting is now forbidden. The rest they divided amongst

them and carried off, taking the road which leads by the Pons Sublicius to the Janiculum. Whilst ascending

that hill they were seen by L. Albinius, a Roman plebeian who with the rest of the crowd who were unfit for

war was leaving the City. Even in that critical hour the distinction between sacred and profane was not

forgotten. He had his wife and children with him in a wagon, and it seemed to him an act of impiety for him

and his family to be seen in a vehicle whilst the national priests should be trudging along on foot, bearing the

sacred vessels of Rome. He ordered his wife and children to get down, put the virgins and their sacred burden

After all the arrangements that circumstances permitted had been made for the defence of the Capitol, the old

men returned to their respective homes and, fully prepared to die, awaited the coming of the enemy. Those

who had filled curule offices resolved to meet their fate wearing the insignia of their former rank and honour

and distinctions. They put on the splendid dress which they wore when conducting the chariots of the gods or

riding in triumph through the City, and thus arrayed, they seated themselves in their ivory chairs in front of

their houses. Some writers record that, led by M. Fabius, the Pontifex Maximus, they recited the solemn

formula in which they devoted themselves to death for their country and the Quirites. As the Gauls were

refreshed by a night's rest after a battle which had at no point been seriously contested, and as they were not

now taking the City by assault or storm, their entrance the next day was not marked by any signs of

excitement or anger. Passing the Colline gate, which was standing open, they came to the Forum and gazed

round at the temples and at the Citadel, which alone wore any appearance of war. They left there a small

body to guard against any attack from the Citadel or Capitol whilst they were scattered, and then they

dispersed in quest of plunder through streets in which they did not meet a soul. Some poured in a body into

all the houses near, others made for the most distant ones, expecting to find them untouched and full of

spoils. Appalled by the very desolation of the place and dreading lest some stratagem should surprise the

stragglers, they returned to the neighbourhood of the Forum in close order. The houses of the plebeians were

barricaded, the halls of the patricians stood open, but they felt greater hesitation about entering the open

houses than those which were closed. They gazed with feelings of real veneration upon the men who were

seated in the porticoes of their mansions, not only because of the superhuman magnificence of their apparel

and their whole bearing and demeanour, but also because of the majestic expression of their countenances,

wearing the very aspect of gods. So they stood, gazing at them as if they were statues, till, as it is asserted,

one of the patricians, M. Papirius, roused the passion of a Gaul, who began to stroke his beard which in

those days was universally worn longby smiting him on the head with his ivory staff. He was the first to be

killed, the others were butchered in their chairs. After this slaughter of the magnates, no living being was

Nowwhether it was that the Gauls were not all animated by a passion for the destruction of the City, or

whether their chiefs had decided on the one hand to present the spectacle of a few fires as a means of

intimidating the besieged into surrender from a desire to save their homes, and on the other, by abstaining

from a universal conflagration, hold what remained of the City as a pledge by which to weaken their enemies'

determinationcertain it is that the fires were far from being so indiscriminate or so extensive as might be

expected on the first day of a captured city. As the Romans beheld from the Citadel the City filled with the

enemy who were running about in all the streets, while some new disaster was constantly occurring, first in

one quarter then in another, they could no longer control their eyes and ears, let alone their thoughts and

feelings. In whatever direction their attention was drawn by the shouts of the enemy, the shrieks of the

women and boys, the roar of the flames, and the crash of houses falling in, thither they turned their eyes and

minds as though set by Fortune to be spectators of their country's fall, powerless to protect anything left of all

they possessed beyond their lives. Above all others who have ever stood a siege were they to be pitied, cut off

as they were from the land of their birth and seeing all that had been theirs in the possession of the enemy.

The day which had been spent in such misery was succeeded by a night not one whit more restful, this again

by a day of anguish, there was not a single hour free from the sight of some ever fresh calamity. And yet,

though, weighed down and overwhelmed with so many misfortunes, they had watched everything laid low in

flame and ruin, they did not for a moment relax their determination to defend by their courage the one spot

still left to freedom, the hill which they held, however small and poor it might be. At length, as this state of

things went on day by day, they became as it were hardened to misery, and turned their thoughts from the

circumstances round them to their arms and the sword in their right hand, which they gazed upon as the only

For some days the Gauls had been making useless war merely upon the houses of the City. Now that they saw

nothing surviving amidst the ashes and ruin of the captured City except an armed foe whom all these disasters

had failed to appal, and who would entertain no thought of surrender unless force were employed, they

determined as a last resort to make an assault on the Citadel. At daybreak the signal was given and the whole

of their number formed up in the Forum. Raising their battleshout and locking their shields together over

their heads, they advanced. The Romans awaited the attack without excitement or fear, the detachments were

strengthened to guard all the approaches, and in whatever direction they saw the enemy advancing, there they

posted a picked body of men and allowed the enemy to climb up, for the steeper the ground they got on to,

the easier they thought it would be to fling them down the slope. About midway up the hill the Gauls halted;

then from the higher ground, which of itself almost hurled them against the enemy, the Romans charged, and

routed the Gauls with such loss and overthrow that they never again attempted that mode of fighting either

with detachments or in full strength. All hope, therefore, of forcing a passage by direct assault being laid

aside, they made preparations for a blockade. Up to that time they had never thought of one; all the corn in

the City had been destroyed in the conflagrations, whilst that in the fields around had been hastily carried off

to Veii since the occupation of the City. So the Gauls decided to divide their forces; one division was to

invest the Citadel, the other to forage amongst the neighbouring States so that they could supply corn to those

who were keeping up the investment. It was Fortune herself who led the Gauls after they left the City to

Ardea, that they might have some experience of Roman courage. Camillus was living there as an exile,

grieving more over his country's fortunes than his own, eating his heart out in reproaches to gods and men,

asking in indignant wonder where the men were with whom he had taken Veii and Falerii; men whose valour

in all their wars was greater even than their success. Suddenly he heard that the Gaulish army was

approaching, and that the Ardeates were engaged in anxious deliberation about it. He had generally avoided

the council meetings, but now, seized with an inspiration nothing short of divine, he hastened to the

"Men of Ardea! friends of old, and now my fellowcitizensfor this your kindness has granted, this my

fortunes have compelledlet none of you imagine that I have come here in forgetfulness of my position. The

force of circumstances and the common danger constrain every man to contribute what help he can to meet

the crisis. When shall I ever be able to show my gratitude for all the obligations you have conferred if I fail in

my duty now? When shall I ever be of any use to you if not in war? It was by that that I held my position in

my native City as having never known defeat; in times of peace my ungrateful countrymen banished me.

Now the chance is offered to you, men of Ardea, of proving your gratitude for all the kindness that Rome has

shown youyou have not forgotten how great it is, nor need I bring it up against those who so well remember

itthe chance of winning for your city a vast reputation for war at the expense of our common foe. Those

who are coming here in loose and disorderly fashion are a race to whom nature has given bodies and minds

distinguished by bulk rather than by resolution and endurance. It is for this reason that they bring into every

battle a terrifying appearance rather than real force. Take the disaster of Rome as a proof. They captured the

City because it lay open to them; a small force repelled them from the Citadel and Capitol. Already the

irksomeness of an investment has proved too much for them, they are giving it up and wandering through the

fields in straggling parties. When they are gorged with food and the wine they drink so greedily, they throw

themselves down like wild beasts, on the approach of night, in all directions by the streams, without

entrenching themselves, or setting any outposts or pickets on guard. And now after their success they are

more careless than ever. If it is your intention to defend your walls and not to allow all this country to become

a second Gaul, seize your arms and muster in force by the first watch and follow me to what will be a

massacre, not a battle. If I do not deliver them, whilst enchained by sleep, into your hands to be slaughtered

like cattle, I am ready to accept the same fate in Ardea which I met with in Rome."

Friends and foes were alike persuaded that nowhere else was there at that time so great a master of war. After

the council broke up they refreshed themselves and waited eagerly for the signal to be given. When it was

given in the silence of the night they were at the gates ready for Camillus. After marching no great distance

from the city they came upon the camp of the Gauls, unprotected, as he had said, and carelessly open on

every side. They raised a tremendous shout and rushed in; there was no battle, it was everywhere sheer

massacre; the Gauls, defenceless and dissolved in sleep, were butchered as they lay. Those in the furthest part

of the camp, however, startled from their lairs, and not knowing whence or what the attack was, fled in terror,

and some actually rushed, unawares, amongst their assailants. A considerable number were carried into the

neighbourhood of Antium, where they were surrounded by the townsmen. A similar slaughter of Etruscans

took place in the district of Veii. So far were these people from feeling sympathy with a City which for

almost four centuries had been their neighbour, and was now crushed by an enemy never seen or heard of

before, that they chose that time for making forays into Roman territory, and after loading themselves with

plunder, intended to attack Veii, the bulwark and only surviving hope of the Roman name. The Roman

soldiers at Veii had seen them dispersed through the fields, and afterwards, with their forces collected,

driving their booty in front of them. Their first feelings were those of despair, then indignation and rage took

possession of them. "Are even the Etruscans," they exclaimed, "from whom we have diverted the arms of

Gaul on to ourselves, to find amusement in our disasters?" With difficulty they restrained themselves from

attacking them. Caedicius, a centurion whom they had placed in command, induced them to defer operations

till nightfall. The only thing lacking was a commander like Camillus, in all other respects the ordering of the

attack and the success achieved were the same as if he had been present. Not content with this, they made

some prisoners who had survived the night's massacre act as guides, and, led by them, surprised another body

of Tuscans at the salt works and inflicted a still greater loss upon them. Exultant at this double victory they

During these days there was little going on in Rome; the investment was maintained for the most part with

great slackness; both sides were keeping quiet, the Gauls being mainly intent on preventing any of the enemy

from slipping through their lines. Suddenly a Roman warrior drew upon himself the admiration of foes and

friends alike. The Fabian house had an annual sacrifice on the Quirinal, and C. Fabius Dorsuo, wearing his

toga in the "Gabine cincture," and bearing in his hands the sacred vessels, came down from the Capitol,

passed through the middle of the hostile pickets, unmoved by either challenge or threat, and reached the

Quirinal. There he duly performed all the solemn rites and returned with the same composed expression and

gait, feeling sure of the divine blessing, since not even the fear of death had made him neglect the worship of

the gods; finally he reentered the Capitol and rejoined his comrades. Either the Gauls were stupefied at his

extraordinary boldness, or else they were restrained by religious feelings, for as a nation they are by no means

inattentive to the claims of religion. At Veii there was a steady accession of strength as well as courage. Not

only were the Romans who had been dispersed by the defeat and the capture of the City gathering there, but

volunteers from Latium also flocked to the place that they might be in for a share of the booty. The time now

seemed ripe for the recovery of their native City out of the hands of the enemy. But though the body was

strong it lacked a head. The very place reminded men of Camillus, the majority of the soldiers had fought

successfully under his auspices and leadership, and Caedicius declared that he would give neither gods nor

men any pretext for terminating his command; he would rather himself, remembering his subordinate rank,

ask for a commanderinchief. It was decided by general consent that Camillus should be invited from

Ardea, but the senate was to be consulted first; to such an extent was everything regulated by reverence for

law; the proper distinctions of things were observed, even though the things themselves were almost lost.

Frightful risk would have to be incurred in passing through the enemies' outposts. Pontius Cominius, a fine

soldier, offered himself for the task. Supporting himself on a cork float, he was carried down the Tiber to the

City. Selecting the nearest way from the bank of the river, he scaled a precipitous rock which, owing to its

steepness, the enemy had left unguarded, and found his way into the Capitol. On being brought before the

supreme magistrates he delivered his instructions from the army. After receiving the decree of the senate,

which was to the effect that after being recalled from exile by the comitia curiata, Camillus should be

forthwith nominated Dictator by order of the people, and the soldiers should have the commander they

wanted, the messenger returned by the same route and made the best of his way to Veii. A deputation was

sent to Ardea to conduct Camillus to Veii. The law was passed in the comitia curiata annulling his

banishment and nominating him Dictator, and it is, I think, more likely that he did not start from Ardea until

he learnt that this law had been passed, because he could not change his domicile without the sanction of the

people, nor could he take the auspices in the name of the army until he had been duly nominated Dictator.

While these proceedings were taking place at Veii, the Citadel and Capitol of Rome were in imminent

danger. The Gauls had either noticed the footprints left by the messenger from Veii, or had themselves

discovered a comparatively easy ascent up the cliff to the temple of Carmentis. Choosing a night when there

was a faint glimmer of light, they sent an unarmed man in advance to try the road; then handing one another

their arms where the path was difficult, and supporting each other or dragging each other up as the ground

required, they finally reached the summit. So silent had their movements been that not only were they

unnoticed by the sentinels, but they did not even wake the dogs, an animal peculiarly sensitive to nocturnal

sounds. But they did not escape the notice of the geese, which were sacred to Juno and had been left

untouched in spite of the extremely scanty supply of food. This proved the safety of the garrison, for their

clamour and the noise of their wings aroused M. Manlius, the distinguished soldier, who had been consul

three years before. He snatched up his weapons and ran to call the rest to arms, and while the rest hung back

he struck with the boss of his shield a Gaul who had got a foothold on the summit and knocked him down. He

fell on those behind and upset them, and Manlius slew others who had laid aside their weapons and were

clinging to the rocks with their hands. By this time others had joined him, and they began to dislodge the

enemy with volleys of stones and javelins till the whole body fell helplessly down to the bottom. When the

uproar had died away, the remainder of the night was given to sleep, as far as was possible under such

disturbing circumstances, whilst their peril, though past, still made them anxious.

At daybreak the soldiers were summoned by sound of trumpet to a council in the presence of the tribunes,

when the due rewards for good conduct and for bad would be awarded. First, Manlius was commended for

his bravery, and rewarded not by the tribunes alone but by the soldiers as a body, for every man brought to

him at his quarters, which were in the Citadel, half a pound of meal and a quarter of a pint of wine. This does

not sound much, but the scarcity made it an overwhelming proof of the affection felt for him, since each

stinted himself of food and contributed in honour of that one man what had to be taken from his necessaries

of life. Next, the sentinels who had been on duty at the spot where the enemy had climbed up without their

noticing it were called forward. Q. Sulpicius, the consular tribune, declared that he should punish them all by

martial law. He was, however, deterred from this course by the shouts of the soldiers, who all agreed in

throwing the blame upon one man. As there was no doubt of his guilt, he was amidst general approval flung

from the top of the cliff. A stricter watch was now kept on both sides; by the Gauls because it had become

known that messengers were passing between Rome and Veii; by the Romans, who had not forgotten the

But the greatest of all the evils arising from the siege and the war was the famine which began to afflict both

armies, whilst the Gauls were also visited with pestilence. They had their camp on lowlying ground between

the hills, which had been scorched by the fires and was full of malaria, and the least breath of wind raised not

dust only but ashes. Accustomed as a nation to wet and cold, they could not stand this at all, and tortured as

they were by heat and suffocation, disease became rife among them, and they died off like sheep. They soon

grew weary of burying their dead singly, so they piled the bodies into heaps and burned them

indiscriminately, and made the locality notorious; it was afterwards known as the Busta Gallica.

Subsequently a truce was made with the Romans, and with the sanction of the commanders, the soldiers held

conversations with each other. The Gauls were continually bringing up the famine and calling upon them to

yield to necessity and surrender. To remove this impression it is said that bread was thrown in many places

from the Capitol into the enemies' pickets. But soon the famine could neither be concealed nor endured any

longer. So, at the very time that the Dictator was raising his own levy at Ardea, and ordering his Master of the

Horse, L. Valerius, to withdraw his army from Veii, and making preparations for a sufficient force with

which to attack the enemy on equal terms, the army of the Capitol, worn out with incessant duty, but still

superior to all human ills, had nature not made famine alone insuperable by them, were day by day eagerly

watching for signs of any help from the Dictator. At last not only food but hope failed them. Whenever the

sentinels went on duty, their feeble frames almost crushed by the weight of their armour, the army insisted

that they should either surrender or purchase their ransom on the best terms they could, for the Gauls were

throwing out unmistakable hints that they could be induced to abandon the siege for a moderate

consideration. A meeting of the senate was now held, and the consular tribunes were empowered to make

terms. A conference took place between Q. Sulpicius, the consular tribune, and Brennus, the Gaulish

chieftain, and an agreement was arrived at by which 1000 lbs. of gold was fixed as the ransom of a people

destined ere long to rule the world. This humiliation was great enough as it was, but it was aggravated by the

despicable meanness of the Gauls, who produced unjust weights, and when the tribune protested, the insolent

Gaul threw his sword into the scale, with an exclamation intolerable to Roman ears, "Woe to the

But gods and men alike prevented the Romans from living as a ransomed people. By a dispensation of

Fortune it came about that before the infamous ransom was completed and all the gold weighed out, whilst

the dispute was still going on, the Dictator appeared on the scene and ordered the gold to be carried away and

the Gauls to move off. As they declined to do so, and protested that a definite compact had been made, he

informed them that when he was once appointed Dictator no compact was valid which was made by an

inferior magistrate without his sanction. He then warned the Gauls to prepare for battle, and ordered his men

to pile their baggage into a heap, get their weapons ready, and win their country back by steel, not by gold.

They must keep before their eyes the temples of the gods, their wives and children, and their country's soil,

disfigured by the ravages of wareverything, in a word, which it was their duty to defend, to recover or to

avenge. He then drew up his men in the best formation that the nature of the ground, naturally uneven and

now half burnt, admitted, and made every provision that his military skill suggested for securing the

advantage of position and movement for his men. The Gauls, alarmed at the turn things had taken, seized

their weapons and rushed upon the Romans with more rage than method. Fortune had now turned, divine aid

and human skill were on the side of Rome. At the very first encounter the Gauls were routed as easily as they

had conquered at the Alia. In a second and more sustained battle at the eighth milestone on the road to Gabii,

where they had rallied from their flight, they were again defeated under the generalship and auspices of

Camillus. Here the carnage was complete; the camp was taken, and not a single man was left to carry tidings

of the disaster. After thus recovering his country from the enemy, the Dictator returned in triumph to the City,

and amongst the homely jests which soldiers are wont to bandy, he was called in no idle words of praise, "A

Romulus," "The Father of his country," "The Second Founder of the City." He had saved his country in war,

and now that peace was restored, he proved, beyond all doubt, to be its saviour again, when he prevented the

migration to Veii. The tribunes of the plebs were urging this course more strongly than ever now that the City

was burnt, and the plebs were themselves more in favour of it. This movement and the pressing appeal which

the senate made to him not to abandon the republic while the position of affairs was so doubtful, determined

As he was most scrupulous in discharging religious obligations, the very first measures he introduced into the

senate were those relating to the immortal gods. He got the senate to pass a resolution containing the

following provisions: All the temples, so far as they had been in possession of the enemy, were to be restored

and purified, and their boundaries marked out afresh; the ceremonies of purification were to be ascertained

from the sacred books by the duumvirs. Friendly relations as between State and State were to be established

with the people of Caere, because they had sheltered the sacred treasures of Rome and her priests, and by this

kindly act had prevented any interruption to the divine worship. Capitoline Games were to be instituted,

because Jupiter Optimus Maximus had protected his dwellingplace and the Citadel of Rome in the time of

danger, and the Dictator was to form a college of priests for that object from amongst those who were living

on the Capitol and in the Citadel. Mention was also made of offering propitiation for the neglect of the

nocturnal Voice which was heard announcing disaster before the war began, and orders were given for a

temple to be built in the Nova Via to AIUS LOCUTIUS. The gold which had been rescued from the Gauls

and that which during the confusion had been brought from the other temples, had been collected in the

temple of Jupiter. As no one remembered what proportion ought to be returned to the other temples, the

whole was declared sacred, and ordered to be deposited under the throne of Jupiter. The religious feeling of

the citizens had already been shown in the fact that when there was not sufficient gold in the treasury to make

up the sum agreed upon with the Gauls, they accepted the contribution of the matrons, to avoid touching that

which was sacred. The matrons received public thanks, and the distinction was conferred upon them of

having funeral orations pronounced over them as in the case of men. It was not till after those matters were

disposed of which concerned the gods, and which therefore were within the province of the senate, that

Camillus' attention was drawn to the tribunes, who were making incessant harangues to persuade the plebs to

leave the ruins and migrate to Veii, which was ready for them. At last he went up to the Assembly, followed

"So painful to me, Quirites, are controversies with the tribunes of the plebs, that all the time I lived at Ardea

my one consolation in my bitter exile was that I was far removed from these conflicts. As far as they are

concerned I would never have returned even if you recalled me by a thousand senatorial decrees and popular

votes. And now that I am returned, it was not change of mind on my part but change of fortune on yours that

compelled me. The question at stake was whether my country was to remain unshaken in her seat, not

whether I was to be in my country at any cost. Even now I would gladly remain quiet and hold my peace, if I

were not fighting another battle for my country. To be wanting to her, as long as life shall last, would be for

other men a disgrace, for Camillus a downright sin. Why did we win her back, why did we, when she was

beset by foes, deliver her from their hands, if, now that she is recovered, we desert her? Whilst the Gauls

were victorious and the whole of the City in their power, the gods and men of Rome still held, still dwelt in,

the Capitol and the Citadel. And now that the Romans are victorious and the City recovered, are the Citadel

and Capitol to be abandoned? Shall our good fortune inflict greater desolation on this City than our evil

fortune wrought? Even had there been no religious institutions established when the City was founded and

passed down from hand to hand, still, so clearly has Providence been working in the affairs of Rome at this

time, that I for one would suppose that all neglect of divine worship has been banished from human life. Look

at the alternations of prosperity and adversity during these late years; you will find that all went well with us

when we followed the divine guidance, and all was disastrous when we neglected it. Take first of all the war

with Veii. For what a number of years and with what immense exertions it was carried on! It did not come to

an end before the water was drawn off from the Alban Lake at the bidding of the gods. What, again, of this

unparalleled disaster to our City? Did it burst upon us before the Voice sent from heaven announcing the

approach of the Gauls was treated with contempt, before the law of nations had been outraged by our

ambassadors, before we had, in the same irreligious spirit, condoned that outrage when we ought to have

punished it? And so it was that, defeated, captured, ransomed, we received such punishment at the hands of

gods and men that we were a lesson to the whole world. Then, in our adversity, we bethought us of our

religious duties. We fled to the gods in the Capitol, to the seat of Jupiter Optimus Maximus; amidst the ruin

of all that we possessed we concealed some of the sacred treasures in the earth, the rest we carried out of the

enemies' sight to neighbouring cities; abandoned as we were by gods and men, we still did not intermit the

divine worship. It is because we acted thus that they have restored to us our native City, and victory and the

renown in war which we had lost; but against the enemy, who, blinded by avarice, broke treaty and troth in

"When you see such momentous consequences for human affairs flowing from the worship or the neglect of

the gods, do you not realise, Quirites, how great a sin we are meditating whilst hardly yet emerging from the

shipwreck caused by our former guilt and fall? We possess a City which was founded with the divine

approval as revealed in auguries and auspices; in it there is not a spot which is not full of religious

associations and the presence of a god; the regular sacrifices have their appointed places no less than they

have their appointed days. Are you, Quirites, going to desert all these godsthose whom the State honours,

those whom you worship, each at your own altars? How far does your action come up to that of the glorious

youth C. Fabius, during the siege, which was watched by the enemy with no less admiration than by you,

when he went down from the Citadel through the missiles of the Gauls and celebrated the appointed sacrifice

of his house on the Quirinal? Whilst the sacred rites of the patrician houses are not interrupted even in time of

war, are you content to see the State offices of religion and the gods of Rome abandoned in a time of peace?

Are the Pontiffs and Flamens to be more neglectful of their public functions than a private individual is of the

"Some one may possibly reply that we can either discharge these duties at Veii or send priests to discharge

them here. But neither of these things can be done if the rites are to be duly performed. Not to mention all the

ceremonies or all the deities individually, where else, I would ask, but in the Capitol can the couch of Jupiter

be prepared on the day of his festal banquet? What need is there for me to speak about the perpetual fire of

Vesta, and the Imagethe pledge of our dominion which is in the safe keeping of her temple? And you,

Mars Gradivus, and you, Father Quirinus, what need to speak of your sacred shields? Is it your wish that all

these holy things, coeval with the City, some of even greater antiquity, should be abandoned and left on

unhallowed soil? See, too, how great the difference between us and our ancestors. They left to us certain rites

and ceremonies which we can only duly perform on the Alban Mount or at Lavinium. If it was a matter of

religion that these rites should not be transferred from cities which belonged to an enemy to us at Rome, shall

we transfer them from here to the enemies' city, Veii, without offending heaven? Call to mind, I pray you,

how often ceremonies are repeated, because through negligence or accident some detail of the ancestral ritual

has been omitted. What remedy was there for the republic, when crippled by the war with Veii after the

portent of the Alban Lake, except the revival of sacred rites and the taking of fresh auspices? And more than

that, as though after all we reverenced the ancient faiths, we have transferred foreign deities to Rome, and

have established new ones. Queen Juno was lately carried from Veii and dedicated on the Aventine, and how

splendidly that day was celebrated through the grand enthusiasm of our matrons! We ordered a temple to be

built to Aius Locutius because of the divine Voice which was heard in the Via Nova. We have added to our

annual festivals the Capitoline Games, and on the authority of the senate we have founded a college of priests

to superintend them. What necessity was there for all these undertakings if we intended to leave the City of

Rome at the same time as the Gauls, if it was not of our own free will that we remained in the Capitol through

"We are speaking about the temples and the sacred rites and ceremonies. But what, pray, about the priests?

Do you not realise what a heinous sin will be committed? For the Vestals surely there is only that one abode,

from which nothing has ever removed them but the capture of the City. The Flamen of Jupiter is forbidden by

divine law to stay a single night outside the City. Are you going to make these functionaries priests of Veii

instead of priests of Rome? Will thy Vestals desert thee, Vesta ? Is the Flamen to bring fresh guilt upon

himself and the State for every night he sojourns abroad? Think of the other proceedings which, after the

auspices have been duly taken, we conduct almost entirely within the City boundariesto what oblivion, to

what neglect are we consigning them! The Assembly of the Curies, which confers the supreme command, the

Assembly of the Centuries, in which you elect the consuls and consular tribunes where can they be held and

the auspices taken except where they are wont to be held? Shall we transfer these to Veii, or are the people,

when an Assembly is to be held, to meet at vast inconvenience in this City after it has been deserted by gods

"But, you may say, it is obvious that the whole City is polluted, and no expiatory sacrifices can purify it;

circumstances themselves compel us to quit a City devastated by fire, and all in ruins, and migrate to Veii

where everything is untouched. We must not distress the povertystricken plebs by building here. I fancy,

however, Quirites, that it is evident to you, without my telling you, that this suggestion is a plausible excuse

rather than a true reason. You remember how this same question of migrating to Veii was mooted before the

Gauls came, whilst public and private buildings were still safe and the City stood secure. And mark you,

tribunes, how widely my view differs from yours. Even supposing it ought not to have been done then, you

think that at any rate it ought to be done now, whereasdo not express surprise at what I say before you have

grasped its purportI am of opinion that even had it been right to migrate then when the City was wholly

unhurt, we ought not to abandon these ruins now. For at that time the reason for our migrating to a captured

city would have been a victory glorious for us and for our posterity, but now this migration would be glorious

for the Gauls, but for us shame and bitterness. For we shall be thought not to have left our native City as

victors, but to have lost it because we were vanquished; it will look as though it was the flight at the Alia, the

capture of the City, the beleaguering of the Capitol, which had laid upon us the necessity of deserting our

household gods and dooming ourselves to banishment from a place which we were powerless to defend. Was

it possible for Gauls to overthrow Rome and shall it be deemed impossible for Romans to restore it?

"What more remains except for them to come again with fresh forceswe all know that their numbers surpass

beliefand elect to live in this City which they captured, and you abandoned, and for you to allow them to do

so? Why, if it were not Gauls who were doing this, but your old enemies, the Aequi and Volscians, who

migrated to Rome, would you wish them to be Romans and you Veientines? Or would you rather that this

were a desert of your own than the city of your foes? I do not see what could be more infamous. Are you

prepared to allow this crime and endure this disgrace because of the trouble of building? If no better or more

spacious dwelling could be put up in the whole City of Rome than that hut of our Founder, would it not be

better to live in huts after the manner of herdsmen and peasants, surrounded by our temples and our gods,

than to go forth as a nation of exiles? Our ancestors, shepherds and refugees, built a new City in a few years,

when there was nothing in these parts but forests and swamps; are we shirking the labour of rebuilding what

has been burnt, though the Citadel and Capitol are intact, and the temples of the gods still stand? What we

would each have done in our own case, had our houses caught fire, are we as a community refusing to do now

"Well now, suppose that either through crime or accident a fire broke out in Veii, and the flames, as is quite

possible, fanned by the wind, consumed a great part of the city, are we going to look out for Fidenae or Gabii,

or any other city you please, as a place to which to migrate? Has our native soil, this land we call our

motherland, so slight a hold upon us? Does our love for our country cling only to its buildings? Unpleasant as

it is to recall my sufferings, still more your injustice, I will nevertheless confess to you that whenever I

thought of my native City all these things came into my mindthe hills, the plains, the Tiber, this landscape

so familiar to me, this sky beneath which I was born and bredand I pray that they may now move you by the

affection they inspire to remain in your City, rather than that, after you have abandoned it, they should make

you pine with homesickness. Not without good reason did gods and men choose this spot as the site of a

City, with its bracing hills, its commodious river, by means of which the produce of inland countries may be

brought down and oversea supplies obtained; a sea near enough for all useful purposes, but not so near as to

be exposed to danger from foreign fleets; a district in the very centre of Italyin a word, a position singularly

adapted by nature for the expansion of a city. The mere size of so young a City is a proof of this. This is the

365th year of the City, Quirites, yet in all the wars you have for so long been carrying on amongst all those

ancient nationsnot to mention the separate citiesthe Volscians in conjunction with the Aequi and all their

strongly fortified towns, the whole of Etruria, so powerful by land and sea, and stretching across Italy from

sea to seanone have proved a match for you in war. This has hitherto been your Fortune; what sense can

there beperish the thought!in making trial of another Fortune? Even granting that your valour can pass

over to another spot, certainly the good Fortune of this place cannot be transferred. Here is the Capitol where

in the old days a human head was found, and this was declared to be an omen, for in that place would be

fixed the head and supreme sovereign power of the world. Here it was that whilst the Capitol was being

cleared with augural rites, Juventas and Terminus, to the great delight of your fathers, would not allow

themselves to be moved. Here is the Fire of Vesta; here are the Shields sent down from heaven; here are all

It is stated that this speech of Camillus made a profound impression, particularly that part of it which

appealed to the religious feelings. But whilst the issue was still uncertain, a sentence, opportunely uttered,

decided the matter. The senate, shortly afterwards, were discussing the question in the Curia Hostilia, and

some cohorts returning from guard happened to be marching through the Forum. They had just entered the

Comitium, when the centurion shouted, "Halt, standardbearer! Plant the standard; it will be best for us to

stop here." On hearing these words, the senators rushed out of the Senatehouse, exclaiming that they

welcomed the omen, and the people crowding round them gave an emphatic approval. The proposed measure

for migration was dropped, and they began to rebuild the City in a haphazard way. Tiling was provided at the

public expense; every one was given the right to cut stone and timber where he pleased, after giving security

that the building should be completed within the year. In their haste, they took no trouble to plan out straight

streets; as all distinctions of ownership in the soil were lost, they built on any ground that happened to be

vacant. That is the reason why the old sewers, which originally were carried under public ground, now run

everywhere under private houses, and why the conformation of the City resembles one casually built upon by